Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women's Liberation in the Syrian Kurdistan

Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women's Liberation in the Syrian Kurdistan

Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women's Liberation in the Syrian Kurdistan

Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women's Liberation in the Syrian Kurdistan

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Overview

"Their first-hand experiences and active participation in the anti-capitalist society being built in the region make this the first detailed account of the popular revolution....The definitive book so far on Rojava."― Morning Star

Revolution in Rojava tells the story of Rojava's groundbreaking experiment in what they call democratic confederalism, a communally organized democracy that is fiercely anti-capitalist and committed to female equality, while rejecting reactionary nationalist ideologies.

Rooted in the ideas of imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan, the system is built on effective gender quotas, bottom-up democratic structures, far-sighted ecological policies, and a powerful militancy that has allowed the region to keep ISIS at bay.

Given the widespread violence and suffering in Syria, it's not unreasonable that outsiders look at the situation as unrelentingly awful. And while the reality of the devastation is undeniable, there is reason for hope in at least one small pocket of the nation: the cantons of Rojava in Syrian Kurdistan, where in the wake of war people are quietly building one of the most progressive societies in the world today. Chapters here include:

*Rojava's Diverse Cultures
*Democratic Confederalism
*The Liberation
*A Women's Revolution
*Democratic Autonomy in Rojava
*Civil Society Associations
*The Theory of the Rose: Defense
*The New Justice System
*Democratization of Education
*Health Care
*The Social Economy
*Ecological Challenges

This first full-length study of democratic developments in Rojava tells an extraordinary and powerfully hopeful story of a little-known battle for true freedom in dark times. With excellent first-hand background information about this important, but little understood struggle, Revolution in Rojava will educate and inspire the reader to learn more about Rojava, Syria, and the fight for change in one of the world's most dangerous regions.

Product Details

ISBN-13: 9780745336596
Publisher: Pluto Press
Publication date: 11/15/2016
Edition description: New Edition
Pages: 272
Product dimensions: 5.30(w) x 8.40(h) x 0.40(d)

About the Author

Michael Knapp is a historian of radical democracy, Ercan Ayboğa is an environmental engineer and activist, and Anja Flach is an enthologist and member of the Rojbîn women's council in Hamburg. Janet Biehl is a writer, editor, and translator. She was Murray Bookchin's copyeditor for the last two decades of Bookchin's professional life, and has published several books, including Ecology or Catastrophe: The Life of Murray Bookchin.

Read an Excerpt

CHAPTER 1

Background

The name Kurdistan ("Land of the Kurds") first appeared in Arabic historical writing in the twelfth century, referring to the region where the eastern foothills of the Taurus Mountains meet the northern Zagros range. Estimates of the number of Kurds in the world vary considerably, but the most realistic range from 35–40 million; of that number, about 19 million live in Turkey, 10–18 million in Iran, 5.6 million in Iraq, 3 million in Syria, 0.5 million in the former Soviet Union, and about 1 million in Europe.

The Kurds are the third largest ethnic group in the Middle East, after Arabs and Turks. Today, the area of Kurdish settlement, while relatively compact, straddles Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria. The region is of strategic importance due, among other things, to its wealth in water. The Tigris and Euphrates rivers, which supply water for Syria and Iraq, flow through the Turkish part of Kurdistan (Bakûr).

Linguists agree that the Kurdish language belongs to the Iranian branch of the Indo-European family, although Kurdish differs significantly from Persian. There is no common, standard Kurdish language, nor even a standard alphabet or script, owing in part to the division of Kurdistan and to the bans on Kurdish language in the various states. Kurdish can be divided into five main dialects or dialect groups: Kurmancî, the southern dialects (Soranî, Silemanî, Mukrî), the southeastern dialects (Sinei, Kimansah, Lekî), Zaza (sometimes considered a separate language), and Guranî. These dialects are so different that speakers can't readily understand each other.

As to the Kurdish people, we have no certain knowledge of their origin. Researchers, nationalists (both Kurdish and Turkish), and even the PKK have all offered theories, depending on ideological orientation. Kemalism, the official state ideology of Turkey, upholds the "indivisible unity of the State with its country and its nation." According to Kemalism, all citizens of Turkey are Turks, and any aspiration to recognition of a non-Turkish identity is persecuted as separatism. Turks insist that the Kurds descended from the Turkic peoples.

Many Kurds, for their part, consider the ancient Medes their forebears. The PKK's first program, issued in 1978, states, "Our people first attempted to reside on our land in the first millennium BCE, when the Medes, progenitors of our nation, stepped onto the stage of history." When Kurds try to legitimize their rights as a nation to live in Kurdistan, their arguments tend to rest on territorial settlement rather than consanguineous ancestry. But assumptions about continuous Kurdish settlement and descent from the Medes entered the collective understanding long ago.

1.1 Geography of Rojava

During the Ottoman Empire (1299–1922), nomadic Arabs entered the area that is now northern Syria, where they encountered the local Kurds. A central trade route connected Aleppo with Mosul and today's southern Iraq. Between the two world wars, Kurds and Christians fleeing persecution in Turkey settled here. Together with the region's nomads, they make up the bulk of Rojava's population today.

In 1923, the victors in World War I created the 511-mile (822-kilometer) border dividing Syria and Turkey. This arbitrary line was drawn between Jarabulus and Nisebin (in Turkish, Nusaybin) along the route of the Berlin-Baghdad Railway.

Three islands of mostly Kurdish settlement lie just south of that border. The easternmost is Cizîrê, which also abuts Iraq for a short stretch of the Tigris; the middle island is Kobani, and the westernmost is Afrin. Due south of Cizîrê, in Iraq, lie the Sengal mountains (also called Sinjar), which are inhabited by Kurdish Ezidis.

In July 2012, during the Syrian war, the Kurdish movement was able to liberate these three majority-Kurdish regions from the Ba'ath regime. In January 2014, these three regions declared themselves cantons and embarked on the task of establishing a Democratic Autonomous Administration. Each canton is currently under the administration of a transitional government. In March 2016, the Federal System of Rojava/ Northern Syria was declared [see 6.9], encompassing the three cantons and some ethnically mixed areas that had recently been liberated from IS.

Afrin Canton

Afrin (in Arabic, Afrin), the westernmost canton, is bounded by the Turkish provinces to the north (Kilis) and west (Hatay). Covering about 800 square miles (2,070 square kilometers), it includes eight towns — Afrin city in the center, then Serawa, Cindirês, Mabata, Reco, Bilbilê, Siyê, and Sera — and 366 villages. Afrîn canton also encompasses the highland known as Kurd Dagh ("Mountain of the Kurds"; in Kurdish, Ciyayê Kurd or Kurmanc; in Arabic, Jabal al-Akrad), which rises westward to the Turkish border and southward and eastward to the Afrîn River, extending slightly beyond. Kurd Dagh is 4,163 feet (1,269 meters) high.

Afrîn city was founded at a junction of nineteenth-century trade routes. In 1929, its population numbered approximately 800, but by 1968 it had risen to about 7,000 and in 2003 to 36,562. At the onset of the Syrian civil war in 2011, the canton's population was estimated at 400,000, but once the attacks began, many refugees from Aleppo immigrated to Afrîn, boosting the population to 1.2 million.

Most of the inhabitants are Sunni Muslim Kurds. Additionally, about 8,000 Alevi Kurds live in Afrîn, mostly in the northern town of Mabata, where a small number of Turkmens also live. A number of Ezidi Kurd villages contain between 7,500 and 10,000 inhabitants, which are called here Zawastrî. According to the canton's foreign relations board president, Sileman Ceefer, about 10 percent of the population is Arab. In contrast to the other cantons, asîret (tribes) no longer play a significant role here.

Afrîn's terrain is mostly upland, having been settled continuously since antiquity and unthreatened by nomads. It differs in this respect from the two other cantons, which came under the plow in the period between the world wars. The climate is Mediterranean with average annual rainfall of 15–20 inches. In the lowlands, Afrîn's deep, red soils are cultivated intensively, using groundwater pumps powered by diesel. Wheat, cotton, citrus fruits, pomegranates, melons, grapes, and figs are harvested, but the main crop is olives; by some estimates, the canton has more than 13 million olive trees. Beyond the region, the olives are renowned for their high quality.

Afrîn, under the Syrian administrative system, is part of the Aleppo Governorate. It declared Democratic Autonomy on January 29, 2014. The assembly elected Hevi Ibrahim Mustafa board chair, who in turn appointed Remzi Sexmus and Ebdil Hemid Mistefa her deputies.

Kobani Canton

Some 61 miles (98 kilometers) east of Afrîn lies Kobani (in Arabic, Ayn Al-Arab). Situated at about 1,710 feet (520 meters) above sea level, it is economically significant for grain cultivation. The Euphrates, which provides most of Syria's water, marks the canton's western boundary; its waters reach their highest levels in April and May, after the North Kurdistan snowmelt. Due to its border location and its rich freshwater resources, Kobani canton is of great strategic importance.

Its capital, Kobani city, was founded in 1892 as a company town during the construction of the Berlin-Baghdad Railway. The name Kobanî is thought to be a corruption of the German word Kompanie (company). The artificial Syrian-Turkish border, drawn in 1923, divided the city: the Turkish border town Mürsitpinar (in Kurdish, Etmenek), north of the railroad, was formerly a suburb of Syrian Kobani. Northeast of Mürsitpinar, the nearest town is Suruc (Kurdish Pirsus), in Urfa province. While Kobani was under Syrian occupation, it had an Arabic name, Ayn Al-Arab, which means "spring" or "eye of the Arabs."

Kurdish asîret long lived in the Kobani region. Many of them were nomadic. During the twentieth century, Kurdish refugees fleeing persecution in Turkey made Kobani their home. Turkmens also live in Kobanî, and Armenian refugees settled here as well, fleeing persecution by the Ottoman Empire, but most left in the 1960s for Aleppo or Armenia. At the time of the 2011 Syrian uprising, an estimated 200,000 people lived in Kobanî region. During the Syrian civil war, the massive migrations within Syria expanded the population to around 400,000. As for Kobanî city, before 2011, it had 54,681 inhabitants, mostly Kurds, but it now has more than 100,000.

On July 19, 2012, Kobanî city was the first in Rojava to expel the Ba'ath regime. Kobanî canton declared autonomy on January 27, 2014. The head of Kobanî's executive council is Enver Muslîm, who appointed Bêrîvan Hesen and Xalid Birgil his deputies. Like Afrîn canton, Kobanî canton, under Syrian administration, is part of the Aleppo Governorate.

In late 2013, IS attempted to capture the canton and the city, but the YPG and YPJ [see 8.1 and 8.2] repeatedly repulsed its attack. In mid-September 2014, the Islamist militias commenced another major offensive on the city. Isolated from Afrîn and Cizîrê, Kobanî was surrounded by enemies. Most of the population fled, leaving only fighters to mount a defense. The resistance drew much global attention and was supported significantly by people of North Kurdistan and also by the US-led international coalition with air strikes. In January 2015, the YPG/YPJ liberated Kobanî and drove IS from the area.

By the beginning of 2016, even though 80 percent of Kobanî city and villages had been destroyed, two-thirds of the population had returned. Before the war, tribal membership had great meaning for many in Kobanî, but wounded fighters from Rojava, brought to Germany for treatment, reported in November 2015 that since the war, tribal membership had become meaningless, while a close bond with the new political structures of the revolution and the YPG/YPJ has grown.

At the time of our May 2014 visit, the 61 miles (98 kilometers) separating Afrîn and Kobanî were partly controlled by the Free Syrian Army (FSA) [see 14.1] and by Jabhat Al-Akrad (associated with the YPG), but since end of 2014, IS terror militias controlled most of the area. The Turkish Army wanted to establish a "buffer zone" between the two cantons, to prevent the YPG/YPJ from also controlling this stretch, which includes Jarabulus, an important supply route for IS.

In June 2015 the YPG/YPJ and Burkan Al-Firat (an FSA group) liberated Gire Spî (in Arabic, Til Abyad), which lay between Cizîrê and Kobanî cantons. A mixed Kurdish, Arab, and Turkmen self-administration was established there. The liberated area was annexed to Kobanî canton, thus closing the gap between Cizîrê and Kobanî cantons.

Cizîrê Canton

Cizîrê (in Arabic, Jazirat Ibn 'Umar, and in Aramaic, Canton Gozarto), situated about 30 miles (48 kilometers) east of Kobanî canton, is the largest of the three cantons, stretching 174 miles (280 kilometers) along the Turkish border. It encompasses 8,880 square miles (23,000 square kilometers).

The landscape is dominated by wheatfields interspersed with numerous tells, after which many towns are named: Til Kocer, Til Brak (in Arabic, Tall Brak), Til Temir (in Arabic, Tall Tamir). The only elevation in the canton is Karacox, between Dêrîka Hemko (in Arabic, Al Malikiyah, and in Syriac, Dayrik) and Rimelan (in Arabic, Rmelan), but at 2,460 feet (750 meters) above sea level, it is not very high. Southwest of Hesekê (in Arabic, Al-Hasakah) stand the Kezwan (in Arabic, Abd al-Aziz) mountains, about 920 meters high, and east of Hesekê is the Kewkeb, a volcanic cone of about 300 meters. Driving west through Cizîrê, one can see the Cûdî and Bagok mountains, off to the right on Turkish territory, and to the left (that is, to the south), the Sengal range.

Cizîrê is home to 1.377 million inhabitants, averaging 60 people per square kilometer. While most residents of Afrîn and Kobanî cantons are Kurds, Cizîrê's population is ethnically diverse, comprising Kurds, Syriacs, Arabs, and Armenians. Today, in the wake of the revolution, Cizîrê has three official languages: Kurdish (Kurmancî), Aramaic, and Arabic. Many Arab villages have been liberated, and many people from Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa (in Arabic, Ar-Raqqa) have fled to Cizîrê canton, while many Kurds and Christians have emigrated to Europe.

Cizîrê is dotted with 1,717 villages, of which 1,161 are predominantly Arab — the Ba'ath regime settled Arabs here during the 1960s [see 2.2], and Arabs now make up 54 percent of the population. Kurds make up 42 percent of the population, and 453 villages are predominantly Kurdish. Fifty villages are mainly populated by Syriacs, who are 2.9 percent of Cizîrê's population. Forty-eight villages are inhabited equally by Arabs and Kurds, while three have equal populations of Arabs and Syriacs, and two, Syriacs and Kurds.

Most cities have three names: a city in the far northeast is called in Arabic, Al-Malikiya; in Aramaic, Dêrîk; and in Kurdish, Dêrîka Hemko. Qamislo is its administrative center, but since parts of that city are still under control of the Ba'ath regime, aspects of the administration have been shifted to the city of Amude. Under the Syrian administration, Cizîrê canton belongs technically to the Al-Hasakah Governorate.

All four ethnic communities (Kurds, Arabs, Armenians, and Syriacs) are represented in Cizîrê's 101-seat Legislative Assembly. The canton's current board president is Ekram Hesso, a Kurd; the deputy board presidents are Hussein Taza Al Azam (an Arab) and Elisabeth Gawriye (a Syriac).

Cizîrê comprises several districts: Dêrîk, Qamislo, Serêkaniyê, and Hesekê.

Dêrîka Hemko

Dêrîk (the name is often used also by Kurds) is a city of 75,000 in the northeast, near the borders with Turkey and Iraq. In 2004, about 189,634 people were living there. The majority of Dêrîk's inhabitants are Kurds, followed by Syriacs, Armenians, and a few Arabs. The northern part of the city is inhabited by Kurds, the south by Syriacs. Under the Assad regime, numerous Alawites lived in the region, working as government officials, but most have since left Rojava. Other cities in the Dêrîk district are Girkê Lege, Cil Axa, and Til Kocer.

Social organization through asîrets is still important, especially among some parts of the Arab population. Crops grown in the region include wheat, barley, lentils, and cotton. Much of Syria's oil comes from Dêrîk.

Qamislo

The Qamislo district includes the city of Qamislo and the towns of Til Hemîs (in Arabic, Tall Hemîs), Amûdê (in Arabic, Amuda), and Tirbespî. The French Army established Qamislo city in 1926 to serve as an administrative center and military garrison; it also served as a home for Christian refugees from Turkey, and many Syriacs still live there today. The Syrian-Turkish border divides the city — the part located on the Turkish side is called Nisêbîn.

In 2004, Qamislo city had 184,231 inhabitants; together with its 557 surrounding villages, Qamislo district had 423,368 inhabitants. Due to the many refugees, these numbers are larger now — in April 2013, some 800,000 people lived in the city and its surroundings.

Serêkaniyê

The city of Serêkaniyê (Kurdish for "At the Source"; in Arabic, Ra's al-'Ain; in Syriac, Res Ayna) was established in 2000 BCE, it is said, under the Mitanni empire. It too is divided by the border: the northern part (today Ceylanpinar) is occupied by Turkey.

The Serêkaniyê district is home to Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs, and Chechens. In 2010, its population was estimated at 55,000; the current population is unknown. Kurds and Arabs are approximately equal in number. The district's 279 villages are mostly Arabic, and a smaller number are Kurdish; there are also Syriac and some Ezidi villages. From January until July 2013, Islamists of Jabhat Al-Nusra as well as FSA units occupied Serêkaniyê [see 8.4].

(Continues…)



Excerpted from "Revolution in Rojava"
by .
Copyright © 2016 Michael Knapp, Anja Flach and Ercan Ayboga.
Excerpted by permission of Pluto Press.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

Table of Contents

List of Figures ix

Translators Note xi

Foreword David Graeber xii

Introduction xxiii

Prologue: On the Road to Til Koçer xxviii

1 Background 1

1.1 Geography of Rojava 2

1.2 Historical Overview 9

2 Rojava's Diverse Cultures 18

2.1 Kurds 18

2.2 Arabs 22

2.3 Armenians and Syriacs 26

2.4 Smaller Population Groups 32

3 Democratic Confederalism 36

3.1 The PKK and Its Paradigm Shift 36

3.2 Democratic Confederalism 39

3.3 Council Democracy 41

3.4 Democratic Concepts 43

4 The Liberation 47

4.1 Organizing Begins 47

4.2 The Arab Spring in Syria 49

4.3 Illegal Councils 51

4.4 The Hewlêr Agreement 53

4.5 The Revolution Begins in Kobanî 54

4.6 The Liberation of Dêrîk and Afrîn 55

4.7 After the Liberation 57

5 A Women's Revolution 61

5.1 Rojava Women 62

5.2 Women in the Revolution 63

5.3 Kongreya Star 64

5.4 Women in the Three Cantons 67

5.5 Dual Leadership and the 40 Percent Quota 69

5.6 Women's Organizations 70

5.7 Gender Equality Is Also a Men's Issue 76

5.8 Radical Islam Versus Women's Emancipation 77

5.9 Outlook 79

6 Democratic Autonomy in Rojava 84

6.1 The Democratic Union Party (PYD) 84

6.2 The People's Council of West Kurdistan (MGRK) 85

6.3 The MGRK System 87

6.4 The Commune of Aleppo 95

6.5 The Supreme Kurdish Council (SKC) 103

6.6 The Municipal Administrations 104

6.7 The Social Contract 109

6.8 The Democratic-Autonomous Administrations (DAAs) 114

6.9 The Federal System in Rojava/Northern Syria (FRNS) 116

6.10 The MGRK and the DAAs 118

7 Civil Society Associations 122

7.1 Union of Civil Society Associations 124

7.2 Culture and Art 126

7.3 The Revolutionary Youth Movement 126

7.4 Association of Families of Martyrs 128

7.5 Human Rights Commission 129

7.6 Civil Society Organizing 130

8 Defense: The Theory of the Rose 133

8.1 People's Protection Units (YPG) 133

8.2 Women's Protection Units (YPJ) 135

8.3 Legitimate Self-defense 139

8.4 The Liberation of Serêkaniyê 140

8.5 The Liberation of Til Koçer 146

8.6 Training and Induction 148

8.7 Equipment, Units, and Tactics 152

8.8 Serêkaniyê Today 153

8.9 The Liberation of Girê Spî and Sengal 154

8.10 The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) 156

8.11 The Significance of the YPG and YPI 158

9 The New Justice System 164

9.1 Structure 165

9.2 Peace Committees 168

9.3 Procedures 168

9.4 Justice Platforms 170

9.4 Asayîs 171

10 The Democratization of Education 175

10.1 Before and After the Revolution 176

10.2 Reconstruction and Pedagogy 178

10.3 The Academy for Kurdish Language, History, and Literature (AZDW) 179

10.4 Academies 181

10.4 Outlook 183

11 Health Care 185

11.1 Before and After the Liberation 185

11.2 Health Assemblies 186

11.3 Challenges 188

11.2 Health Assemblies and the DAAs 189

12 The Social Economy 192

12.1 Under Ba'ath Colonization 192

12.2 Effects of the Liberation 194

12.3 The Embargo 195

12.4 The Social Economy 197

12.5 Cooperatives 199

12.6 Control of Production 204

12.7 Expanding the Cooperatives 205

12.8 The Challenges Ahead 207

13 Ecological Challenges 211

13.1 The Destruction of Biodiversity 212

13.2 Water Crisis 214

13.3 Waste Disposal 217

13.4 Air Pollution 219

13.5 Petroleum Production 219

13.6 Outlook 220

14 Neighbors 222

14.1 The Islamization of the Syrian Opposition 222

14.2 Islamic State (IS) 227

14.3 The Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) 231

14.4 Turkey Under the AKP 234

14.5 Democratic Autonomy in North Kurdistan 238

14.6 Turkmen MiHtias 241

14.7 The SDF and the Jihadists 243

15 Prospects 250

15.1 Rojava and Hegemonic Powers 250

15.2 Solutions Within Syria 254

15.3 International Solidarity 256

15.4 Communalism or Barbarism 259

Afterword: The Philosophy of Democratic Autonomy Asya Abdullah 262

Glossary 268

About the Authors 272

Index 273

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