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CHAPTER 1

Introduction

A few minutes after seven o'clock on the bright morning of July 11, 1804, pistols flashed in America's most celebrated duel. The bullet of the challenged, Alexander Hamilton, knocked bark and twigs from a tree limb. That of the challenger, Aaron Burr, penetrated his opponent's right side, inflicting a mortal wound.

This duel, which destroyed the life of one principal and ruined that of the other, was but the climax of a long-standing rivalry. The rivalry manifested itself possibly in their military aspirations but certainly in the law, business, and politics. It was even scurrilous gossip that for a time the two men were suitors for the same mistress. Actually their enduring competition became a kind of minor theme in a more significant story, the power struggle between Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson. At the same time it had a dynamic of its own, which then gave it political importance and which continues to present it as a fascinating study in human relations.

The time of the first meeting of Hamilton and Burr is not known for sure. Both were in Elizabethtown, New Jersey, in 1773, when Hamilton, only recently arrived from the West Indies, was frantically trying to catch up on his education at Francis Barber's grammar school before entering college, and when Burr, having graduated from Princeton, was pursuing an independent course of readings, as well as the young ladies of the town, and considering the choice of a career. If they saw each other at all, which is only a possibility, it is unlikely they had much to do with each other in view of the disparity in their education.

Three years later, with the Revolutionary War on, they could scarcely have avoided at least a nodding acquaintance. Hamilton, after having studied at King's College in New York and having delivered speeches for the Patriot cause, obtained command of a provincial battery of artillery. He was now nineteen years old and a captain.

Burr too had moved rapidly. Following a year of theology in Bethlehem, Connecticut, with a friend of his grandfather Jonathan Edwards, he studied law at Litchfield under his brother-in-law, Tapping Reeve. With the outbreak of war, he presently enrolled as a gentleman volunteer in Arnold's expedition to Quebec — this over the opposition of his uncle, who had been his guardian since he was a child. Burr's gallantry at Quebec ultimately helped gain him a place on General Washington's staff, but, eager for action, he soon obtained a transfer to the staff of General Putnam, commander of the New York garrison. He was now twenty years old and a major.

The disastrous New York campaign of 1776 found Burr and Hamilton actively engaged. When General Howe landed on Staten Island in August, 1776, Washington resolved to hold New York regardless of overwhelming British land and sea power. Accordingly he divided his forces and fortified Brooklyn Heights. Among the troops sent over to the Heights were Hamilton and Burr. Both were critical of Washington's decision; and Howe's landing on Long Island and his defeat of the Americans vindicated their judgment. Only British caution and lethargy and a run of murky weather which permitted Washington to withdraw one night to Manhattan prevented a military catastrophe.

Although Hamilton and Burr may still have been unacquainted except by reputation, Hamilton soon had occasion to notice the other man. On September 15 Howe invaded Manhattan, routed the American army, and cut off a number of units in lower Manhattan. These last included troops under General Henry Knox; and with Knox was Hamilton. Knox was preparing to make a last-ditch stand when Burr galloped up and offered to lead the troops by a little-known road to Harlem Heights and safety. When Knox insisted that retreat was hopeless, Burr appealed to the troops themselves. Although the speech was grossly insubordinate, the men cheered him and followed him into the American lines. It was a close thing, however, and at one point Burr with two mounted companions had to chase away an enemy patrol with the British army less than a mile away. Some of the glitter passed from Knox's Boston reputation, while Hamilton's baggage and one of his guns fell into the hands of the British. Burr's performance received no official mention.

Hamilton soon had his taste of glory too. At the battle of White Plains his battery took an admirable if losing part in the defense of Chatterton Hill. Later, with the New York campaign utterly lost and Washington fleeing across New Jersey, Hamilton in the rear guard handled his guns with professional competence. During the Trenton-Princeton campaign of 1776–1777, when Washington's victories revived the martial spirit of the country, Hamilton played a lively role, particularly at Princeton. The winter finally brought recognition in his promotion to lieutenant colonel and appointment as aide-de-camp to Washington.

Since Putnam's command was charged with the defense of Philadelphia, Burr, to his deep regret, missed the winter campaign. He also resented the promotion over his head of officers junior to him in service. Even when he received an appointment as lieutenant colonel of Colonel William Malcolm's regiment in the summer of 1777, he continued resentful. But whereas Benedict Arnold, experiencing the same treatment, blamed his enemies in the army and Congress, Burr felt that in his case Washington himself was responsible.

If the subsequent war experience of Burr and Hamilton had flashes of glory, it had also a great deal of discouragement and disillusionment, particularly for Burr. At Valley Forge in the winter of 1777–1778 he supported Generals Horatio Gates and Charles Lee as possible successors to Washington. The following June, during the battle of Monmouth, when Washington tried to halt General Clinton's withdrawal from Philadelphia to New York, Burr, still only a lieutenant colonel, commanded a brigade. He did some extraordinarily effective fighting but at one juncture carried his initiative to the point of disobeying Washington's orders. He never again controlled in action a large body of troops or knew another promotion.

Like Lee, Burr felt victimized by Washington, for whose strategy or tactics he had little respect. The General's deficiencies in these matters Burr never ceased to deplore, while he was bitter over Washington's reluctance to commandeer supplies at Valley Forge until the last. Many of Burr's comments were to the point, but he never perceived Washington's solid virtues.

Although ill as a result of overexertion at Monmouth, Burr soon returned to duty. He served briefly at West Point and then, in the winter of 1779, took charge of the Westchester lines, where he did excellent work in restoring order. In March, however, ill health forced his retirement. He returned only momentarily to action in July, 1779, to lead a number of militia and Yale students against the British, who had invaded New Haven.

Hamilton's efforts were more notable. As one of Washington's amanuenses he contributed to making the commander in chief's correspondence remarkable for its lucidity and facility of expression. He also went on numerous missions. In battle he was ever the prompt, loyal aide, his work at Brandywine and Monmouth being outstanding. After the latter battle he was eager to fight a duel with the disobedient General Lee, but his friend John Laurens challenged first, and Hamilton served as Laurens' second. He also testified against Lee at the latter's court-martial.

By 1780 Hamilton was restless with his assignment and impatient with Washington's cold, precise manner, his "self-love," his lack of "delicacy" and "good temper," and his inflexibility in the case of Major John André. "Our dispositions," said Hamilton, "are the opposite of each other." A brief but sharp altercation occurred early in 1781, followed by an unsatisfactory reconciliation, and Hamilton left the service. He returned, however, in time to command a battalion of light infantry at Yorktown, where he brought off a handsome assault on Cornwallis' entrenchments. Within a month after the British surrender he was off to Albany and the home of General Philip Schuyler, whose daughter Elizabeth he had married the previous year.

Both Hamilton and Burr found wives in the course of the war. Hamilton married his Eliza, as he called her, the second of the three Schuyler daughters, in December, 1780. He had first met her three years earlier. She had a quiet charm, a mild temperament, and an enormous capacity for devotion — hardly a type designed to appeal to the intellectual, energetic Hamilton. Yet he loved her, and despite his subsequent straying he continued to esteem her highly. Nor did Eliza permit anything to interrupt the tide of her devotion. It is not unlikely, of course, that Hamilton also had in mind the political advantages of his marriage, for the Schuylers were a great power in New York State and influential in the Continental Congress. On the other hand, Schuyler liked the young man, was greatly impressed with his ideas on politics and public finance, and welcomed the match with enthusiasm.

If the marriage of the illegitimate, impecunious Hamilton with a member of the patrician Schuyler family was extraordinary, that of Aaron Burr with Theodosia Prevost was almost incredible. In 1777, when Burr first met her at Paramus, New Jersey, Theodosia was the wife of a British colonel on duty in the West Indies. She was also ten years older than Burr and the mother of five children! Although no beauty by any calculation, she was a woman of refinement and grace, and she possessed a love of reading and ideas. To her home, which she shared with her mother and sister, came many American officers for an evening of serious discussion, chaff, and song. She grew to know and to be well liked by officers such as Washington and Lee, James Monroe and Hamilton. And, of course, there was Burr, whose reading in the great French and English writers of the day she tried to guide with discretion. While she was pleased to observe his admiration for Voltaire, it troubled her to see him prefer a scoffer like Chesterfield to Rousseau. Gradually she drew him out of his disillusionment and cynicism. When Burr finally recognized that the nature of his feeling for her was becoming far different from that of a son for a mother or a brother for an older sister, he remained away from her for months until he learned of the death of Colonel Prevost. Even afterward he was so circumspect that friends thought his visits were to see Theodosia's unmarried sister.

But Burr, whose patrimony had been pretty thoroughly exhausted by his war expenses, needed to make a living. Accordingly he started again the study of law. Regulations required three years of preparation before a candidate for the bar could take his examinations. Burr could not wait. He studied six months under competent tutors, then raced to Albany to obtain a time waiver. A bill passed by the New York Legislature disbarring Tory lawyers opened up such promising possibilities that Burr persuaded influential friends to intercede for him. Eventually the Albany bar dispensed with the three-year rule in the case of veterans but insisted on his taking the examination. This obstacle he hurdled with ease and, licensed in January, 1782, began in April to practice in Albany. Less than three months later he married Theodosia Prevost, thus becoming the stepfather of five children at the age of twenty-six.

Hamilton, a veteran too, also passed the bar examination after an equally furious and brief preparation, in the very month that Burr married. He too had his eye on New York City and eagerly awaited the British evacuation. In the meantime he helped Robert Morris by serving briefly as collector of Continental revenues in New York. His chief concern as he looked over the national scene was for a sound public financial policy and a strong central government, and he wrote articles of this purport for public and private distribution. He was also elected to the Continental Congress. While in Congress, he vigorously advocated his dual concern. The experience he acquired in Philadelphia accentuated his aversion to a government in which the real power rested not in Congress but in the states. Eventually, however, bread-and-butter necessity impelled him to resign and avail himself of the lucrative legal opportunities in New York City.

With the British evacuation in November, 1783, Hamilton and Burr, along with a corps of brilliant contemporaries, had all the legal business they could take care of. Hamilton won many substantial clients by reason of his political philosophy and his celebrated if only partially successful defense of a merchant sued under the Trespass Act of New York, by which citizens could receive damages for property occupied and misused by Tories during the war. Hamilton's line of reasoning was that the Trespass Act was contrary to the peace treaty and thereby jeopardized the supremacy of the Articles of Confederation. His belief in a sound financial policy led him to draw up the constitution and charter for the Bank of New York, which was supported by merchants and city property owners. He became a director in this bank. At the same time he successfully opposed the establishment of a land bank in which the great landowner Robert R. Livingston was interested. Respected — and feared — for his political and financial views, eagerly sought after by wealthy clients, and adored by his wife, who eventually bore him eight children, Hamilton was creating a great reputation.

If Hamilton was making money and a name, so was Burr — and so were Robert Troup, Henry Brockholst Livingston, and other brilliant young lawyers. Although the leadership of the bar fell to Hamilton, Burr was generally considered the best courtroom lawyer of the lot. Conversational in manner and voice, not given to long harangues, occasionally employing dramatic tricks of exposure, he was in great demand. Whereas Hamilton, rising "to the loftiest heights of professional eminence," was strong on the principle of the law, solid in organization and detailed evidence, and oratorical in delivery though feeble of voice, Burr was an astute legal tactician, ever — as James Kent said — "acute, quick, terse, polished, sententious, and sometimes sarcastic in his forensic discussions. He seemed to disdain illustration and expansion, and confined himself with stringency to the point in debate." Not infrequently the two men collaborated on a case and formed an unbeatable combination. When opposed to one another, as they sometimes were, Burr, with an almost prescient sense of the weak points in Hamilton's logic, would demolish the effect of the other's extended, careful presentation in a few minutes. An able contemporary, General Erastus Root, also a lawyer, said of the legal abilities of these two luminaries, who were friendly but hardly intimate, "They were much the greatest men in this State, and perhaps the greatest men in the United States."

Meanwhile Burr remained devoted to his wife, carefully directed the studies of his stepchildren, and became passionately attached to his own daughter, who was born in 1783 and whom he insisted on naming after his wife.

However busily occupied with his legal work, Hamilton found his attention turning increasingly to the national crisis occasioned in good part by the deficiencies of the Articles of Confederation as an instrument of national government. His activity in the Annapolis Convention and as one of the representatives in the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia is a familiar story. Likewise familiar is his role in joining with Madison and Jay to write the Federalist papers, that magnificent polemic designed to convince all men, but particularly the voters of New York State, of the virtues of the Constitution.

Burr engaged in no activity of comparable significance. He held himself independent of both the Federalists and the anti-Federalists. Although he favored the Constitution, he thought it would not last fifty years. For that matter, Hamilton himself thought none too highly of the Constitution; it was too filled with compromises for his taste. His distrust of the people led him to favor giving more power to the rich and well-born. With his eye on the British constitution and social structure, he wanted two checks in order to balance an assembly chosen by the people: a senate of large-propertied men to serve for life and an executive, also to serve for life, who should have veto power over the national and state legislatures. While he regretted that his own plan was unacceptable to the other Founders, he preferred the Constitution as drafted to the weak central government existing under the Articles of Confederation.

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Excerpted from "Interview In Weehawken"
by .
Copyright © 1988 Wesleyan University.
Excerpted by permission of Wesleyan University Press.
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