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This is the provocative question posed by Frank Browning in a A Queer Geography. In this contemporary classic of gay literature, now with a revised first chapter, Browning shows us that gay culture is more a fabrication of American identity politics than of actual sexual desire. He explores the gay psyche as he travels from the streets of Brooklyn to the hill of Kentucky, from France to the Bay of Naples. As he does so, he argues that roots of gay identity by showing how the Puritan compact led to the backroom ...
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This is the provocative question posed by Frank Browning in a A Queer Geography. In this contemporary classic of gay literature, now with a revised first chapter, Browning shows us that gay culture is more a fabrication of American identity politics than of actual sexual desire. He explores the gay psyche as he travels from the streets of Brooklyn to the hill of Kentucky, from France to the Bay of Naples. As he does so, he argues that roots of gay identity by showing how the Puritan compact led to the backroom bawdy house, how being "born again" is reenacted as "coming out," and how gay men's search for their own identity profoundly echoes American's relentless quest for a national identity of its own. In the end, he demonstrates that while homosexuality may be universal, "gay identity" is a twentieth-century creation already being challenged.
In his first book, Browning writes here, he asked "a single question: Had gay men succeeded in the radical, utopian dream of constructing their own social world based on the exigencies of desires?" Now, he argues, we"re moving beyond the desire to define ourselves at all. His new question, says Browning, is "Do gay people [as we once defined gay] exist?" That a "gay community" has evolved, no one denies. Exactly what that community's components may be is wide open to question.
— The Advocate
National Public Radio reporter Browning (The Culture of Desire, 1993, etc.) theorizes that in America the "search for place is at the heart of the gay faith of coming out and being reborn into our own queer culture." While his discussion of how this process mirrors the Puritans' original impulse in settling America is occasionally provocative, he confuses the point by noting that many gay men flout the idea of, and the need for, a queer culture. In anecdotes drawn from his own life and many contacts, professional and romantic, Browning finds that the perspectives of men who desire men are so divergent that, especially across generations, they often don't share anything like the same "interior geography." Browning discusses an obscure New Guinea tribe whose boys perform fellatio on their elders for a time, then become heterosexual; he holds up this provisional brand of sexuality, which is ritually bound up with communal identity, as a contrast to Americans' insistence on sexuality as a matter of individual identity. A chapter on transvestite prostitutes in Naples reinforces the unoriginal point that other cultures take for granted ambiguities most Americans have trouble confronting. Browning questions whether the process of coming out doesn't so much liberate the individual as commit him to an unnecessarily formulaic category, and explains that Michel Foucault didn't publicly avow his homosexuality for this reason; the argument is clever but barren. And like many of Foucault's less brilliant disciples, Browning constantly lards his prose with specious analytical language; for instance, explaining his "open relationship" and how gay men acquire extended networks of friends through sex, he says such a social system "values a dynamic ethics of human interaction over an inherited rule of domestic exclusivity."
Yes, plus, you get all that sex.