A Renewable World: Policies, Practices & Technologies

A Renewable World: Policies, Practices & Technologies

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by Herbert Girardet, Miguel Mendonca

We have turned our home planet into a disposable world, using resources as though there were no tomorrow. It is time to make it a renewable world instead.

We must urgently reconcile two things: our common desire to achieve certain living standards, and our requirement to do so sustainably. And we must do this in the face of the quadruple crisis facing us -

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We have turned our home planet into a disposable world, using resources as though there were no tomorrow. It is time to make it a renewable world instead.

We must urgently reconcile two things: our common desire to achieve certain living standards, and our requirement to do so sustainably. And we must do this in the face of the quadruple crisis facing us - climate, energy, finance and poverty.

This timely book explores proven and emerging solutions for building a global green energy economy as a basis for a prosperous and yet sustainable world. Only a world based on continuous renewal can sustain life and livelihoods. This book shares many examples and proposals for:

  • accelerating the renewable energy revolution,
  • renewing the world's ecosystems and soils,
  • renewing cities and local economies, and
  • invigorating international cooperation

It is a book full of ideas whose time has come.

Editorial Reviews

From the Publisher

"A Renewable Worldis based on the renewable gifts of sun, soil and seed. This is how sustainable societies of the South, especially the women, have kept society fed and clothed over millennia. This important book highlights the solutions that allow us to regenerate our renewable natural capital and reduce our ecological footprint, while increasing human welfare."--Vandana Shiva, scientist and activist

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UIT Cambridge
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A Renewable World Energy, Ecology, Equality

A Report for the World Future Council

By Herbert Girardet, Miguel Mendonça

Green Books Ltd

Copyright © 2010 World Future Council
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-900322-49-2


Energy Change, Climate Change

"Modern man does not experience himself as a part of nature but as an outside force destined to dominate and conquer it. He even talks of a battle with nature, forgetting that, if he won the battle, he would find himself on the losing side."

E.F. Schumacher

"Sea levels are rising twice as fast as predicted only two years ago by the United Nations." This was the startling message from a scientific conference in Copenhagen in March 2009, an overture to the global summit on climate change to be held in Copenhagen in December. "Rapidly melting ice sheets in Greenland and Antarctica are likely to raise sea levels by a metre or more by 2100, inundating coastal cities and obliterating the living space of 600 million people who live in deltas, low-lying areas and small island states. ... Without significant, urgent and sustained emissions reductions, we will cross a threshold which will lead to continuing sea level rise of metres."

This assessment is the consensus view of Professor Konrad Steffen from the University of Colorado, Dr. John Church of the Centre for Australian Weather and Climate Research in Tasmania, Dr. Eric Rignot of NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena, and Professor Stefan Rahmstorf from the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research, who are all experts in sea-level rise. Their views now represent the mainstream opinion of researchers in this field, taking account of the most recent data available.

How did we get to where we are today? This first chapter is a concise overview of the processes that led to the massive increase in fossil-fuel combustion that emerged from the industrial revolution. Climate discussions often lack a historical perspective, and by exploring the qualitative and quantitative changes that occurred over the last 300 years we may get a better sense of the actions that are needed to create a sustainable world in the 21st century. The first half of this chapter deals mainly with the economic and ecological impacts of the industrial revolution, and the second half with policy responses to these impacts.

The fierce logic of the industrial revolution

Our current way of life had its origins in events which took place exactly 300 years ago. In 1709 the British entrepreneur Abraham Darby built the first blast furnace in Coalbrookdale, Shropshire, which could use coke, derived from coal, rather than charcoal, derived from wood, for smelting iron ore. His new coke-smelted iron proved to be superior as well as cheaper than iron smelted with charcoal. Crucially, Darby's inexpensive cast iron helped to trigger the start of the industrial revolution, a self- accelerating chain reaction of industrial and urban growth based on ever- greater refinements in fossil-fuel-based technologies. Only a few voices at the time challenged the wisdom of the ever-greater use of coal by pointing out its potentially catastrophic environmental consequences.

In 1711 the first steam engines, made with cast iron, started to pump water out of British mines that were up to 50 metres deep. These pumping engines, with the muscle power equivalent of some 500 horses, enabled miners to dig ever deeper to extract minerals from the earth's crust. Sixty years later, the firm of Boulton &Watt introduced the next generation of steam engines, and by 1800 over 500 were in use, first in mines and then to drive machinery in factories. In 1830 steam locomotives were used to pull passenger trains for the first time, and in 1845 the first steam-powered ship, the SS Great Britain, triggered a revolution in the mass transportation of goods and people across the oceans.

Until the early 18th century, muscles, firewood and charcoal were our main sources of energy, augmented by the limited use of water and windmills, with human lifestyles dependent on living within nature's productive capacity. As the industrial revolution unfolded, the dramatic increase in the use of coal, and then oil and gas, not only massively increased human productive power and mobility but was also a major contributor to the ten-fold growth in human numbers, from some 700 million in 1709 to nearly 7 billion today. Decayed and compressed plant and animal matter which had been transformed into fossil fuels, accumulated in the earth's crust over a period of some 300 million years. At the start of the 21st century we are burning one to two million years' worth of these fossil-fuel deposits every year. This routine use of stored hydrocarbons has truly changed the world.

Made in Britain

Britain enjoyed many advantages that helped it take the lead in the Industrial Revolution. It had plentiful iron and coal resources and a well developed canal-based transportation system. As a leading commercial and colonial power, it also had the capital to invest in new enterprises which turned out to be highly profitable.

Another reason why the industrial revolution started in Britain was that land available for fuel wood, charcoal and to feed horses had become scarce by the 18th century, and competed increasingly with the land needed to feed people. Small amounts of 'sea coal' had been used for centuries, mainly for heating buildings in cities like London, but from the early 18th century onwards its most significant use was for smelting metal ores and for powering steam engines. An astonishing transformation got underway: in 1700 coal had supplied fuel equivalent to a forest area covering about eight percent of Britain's land surface. By 1840 this had grown to the equivalent of a forest covering the whole of the UK, and today the use of fossil fuels is equivalent to a land surface ten times the size of the country. From 1800 to 1850 coal production in Britain increased sixfold, from 10 to 60 million tonnes.

The industrial revolution transformed the human presence on earth. It gave humanity unprecedented powers to exploit the riches of nature – cutting down forests, clearing new farmland, expanding the world's fisheries, accelerating industrial production, extending transport systems, and building new cities or enlarging existing ones. But after three centuries of urban-industrial growth on a finite planet there are clear indications that we are reaching the limits of the earth's capacity to cater for our wants and to absorb the ever-increasing amount of the waste gases that we discharge.

Technology and people

In addition to the technological changes of the industrial revolution, major social changes also occurred. Capitalist entrepreneurs, many funded with Quaker money, built new factories in Britain's cities. Legions of industrial workers, many of them displaced from farms and villages, manned the new production centres, often located near coalfields. They supplied the spinning machines, power looms and other factory machinery with endless repetitive labour. The vast range of new manufactured products brought unprecedented riches for a few, new prosperity for many, and great misery for many more.

Steam technology was not static but continuously improved upon, sharply decreasing the consumption of fuel relative to the 'horsepower' produced. From 1700 to 1800 there was a 14-fold improvement in the energy efficiency of steam engines, and the increasing sophistication of the technology allowed an ever-wider range of applications. But if the efficiency of steam engines increased 14-fold, the numbers of steam engines used increased 1,000-fold, spreading from Britain across the world.

Terrestrial transport, in particular, changed beyond recognition. The first 'serious' passenger railway, the Liverpool and Manchester Line, opened in 1830. The Stephenson brothers who built the line and the locomotives were subsequently commissioned to engineer many other new railway lines. The railways challenged the canal network that had connected the towns of Britain and which had provided a steady but slow means of bulk transport, including the movement of coal. The speed and profitability of rail transport made its victory inevitable. Every town wanted a rail connection to increase its prosperity by increasing markets for its products and to allow its people to travel greater distances. As the demand grew inexorably, the length of rail tracks in Britain went up from 30 miles in 1830 to nearly 14,000 miles in 1870.

An important change that was closely linked to the development of railways in Britain was the emergence of the concept of the limited liability company, which allowed investors to restrict the financial liability to their investment in a given company rather than to the total extent of their wealth. The resulting limited legal and financial liability of investors greatly encouraged risk-taking and led to a tremendous increase in profitable lending to new enterprises. It also reduced the potential responsibility of companies for environmental externalities caused by activities such as fossil-fuel burning, which is one of the major factors in the climate problems we are experiencing today.

The rise of the modern city

The growth of industry and the easy availability of fossil fuels also contributed to unprecedented urbanization. For instance, Manchester grew 33-fold in 90 years, from 12,000 people in 1760 to 400,000 people in 1850; and Birmingham, Liverpool and Newcastle grew at a similar pace on the back of factory production and trade. The downside of this astonishing growth was appalling air and water pollution, and housing conditions that are familiar today from Third World cities. In Bradford, another boom town, only 30 percent of children born to textile workers reached the age of fifteen, and the average life expectancy, at just over eighteen years, was the lowest in Britain.

The growth of Sheffield, another industrial centre, was largely due to Henry Bessemer, who patented his Bessemer Converter in the 1850s, a technology for turning molten pig-iron into steel by blasting air through it. His innovation dramatically reduced the cost of making steel, and was perfectly suited for bridges, steel girders and also for cannons. By 1879 Sheffield was producing 10,000 tons of Bessemer steel weekly, a quarter of Britain's total output. Bessemer's cheap and highly profitable steel also stimulated the construction of iron steamships for commerce and warfare, and the expansion of the railway network, which by 1885 extended to some 18,000 miles.

London, Britain's economic and political powerhouse, was a great beneficiary of the industrial revolution. In 1800 London had a population of one million people. By 1850 it had reached four million, and had become the world's largest city. By 1939 it had grown to 8.6 million, with a suburban region accommodating a further four million. Of course, London's growth was not only driven by new technologies, but also because of its role as the centre of a global trading and financial empire. As steamships rendered distances increasingly irrelevant, London came to rule over a global hinterland 'on which the sun never set'.

In today's language, London could be described as both a magnificent city and a great pioneer in unsustainable development. Many of the processes of mega-urbanization that started in London subsequently spread across the world and are still unfolding today.

The farming revolution

The industrial revolution was closely linked to a revolution in farming methods. It provided an ever-increasing range of new agricultural machines which increased food production whilst reducing reliance on farm labour. In the 1730s the first iron ploughs came into use; in the 1780s the first threshing machines were introduced; and in the 1860s stationary steam engines were used for ploughing fields and for digging drainage channels for the first time. Redundant farm workers, first from the UK and the rest of Europe, swelled the numbers of migrants seeking a better life in the New World. The abolition of the corn laws in Britain in 1846 marked a significant step towards free trade in food. In the US and Canada ever more forests were cleared, prairies were ploughed up and soon steamships transported grain back to Europe. When refrigerated cargo ships became available in 1877, it became possible to import meat long-distance for the first time, from places such as Australia, New Zealand and Argentina.

A key aspect of modern farming is the way in which it decoupled itself from the use of local organic fertilizer as the main source of fertility supply. From the mid-18th century onwards the German chemist Justus von Liebig pioneered the science of plant nutrition, arguing for the importance of ammonia, phosphate and potash for increased food production. It took some time to turn the theory into practice – assuring that the new 'artificial fertilizers' could be properly absorbed by food crops. In England, Sir John Bennet Lawes developed new methods for producing superphosphate from phosphate rock in 1842. In Germany, Carl Bosch and Fritz Haber developed a new process by which nitrogen, extracted from the atmosphere, could to be cheaply synthesized into ammonia for subsequent oxidation into nitrates and nitrites. From 1913 onwards a cheap supply of the new fertilizers became available, but it was and is dependent on massive use of fossil fuels. Today the Haber/Bosch process produces 100 million tons of nitrogen fertilizer per year. Up to 5 percent of world natural gas production, and as much as 2 percent of the world's annual energy supply, is consumed in the production of farm fertilizers.

The industrial revolution spreads

After the 1850s the Industrial Revolution entered a new phase as Belgium, France and Germany started to industrialize. In Germany, the Ruhr region, where rich coal seams were discovered in the mid-19th century, went through a transformation similar to that Britain's Black Country. From 1852 to 1925 the region, centred around Essen, was transformed from a landscape of small farms, villages, towns and forests into an industrial landscape of mines, steelworks, slag heaps, tenement buildings and railway lines, increasing its population tenfold, to 3.8 million people. The industrial revolution in the Ruhr in turn contributed greatly to Germany's economic development and, ultimately, to the growth of Berlin, which became its capital city in 1871. From 1755 to 1933 its population grew tenfold, to 4.3 million people.

The many technologies pioneered during the industrial revolution were eagerly adopted in the USA. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in particular, had all the right ingredients for rapid industrial growth: it was located in a region rich in coal, had abundant forests, and its rivers provided good access to the Great Lakes and to new manufacturing centres such as Detroit. The industrialist Andrew Carnegie made a fortune licensing Bessemer's steel-making technology. Pittsburgh soon turned into the 'steel capital of the world'. It was also less excitingly known as 'Smoky City', or 'hell with the lid taken off '. Often the air was so sooty that streetlights had to be lit during the day and office workers had to change their shirts at noon.

New York City originated as an Indian settlement conveniently located at the mouth of the Hudson River. In the late 16th century it was becoming a centre for European immigration; then in the 19th century, with the increasing mechanization of European farms, a trickle of migrants turned into a flood, with waves of immigration from all over the world. From 1800 to 1950 New York's population grew 100-fold to 7.9 million.

By the 1890s, the United States had overtaken Great Britain as the world's leading industrial nation. Industrial revolution technologies profoundly influenced the country's urban development patterns. In 1870 Thomas Edison used a steam-fired power station to light up New York's streets with arc lights for the first time. Other landmark developments followed: the 1,600 feet Brooklyn suspension bridge became the longest; and its electricity-powered subway system, started in 1904, became the most extensive in the world, extending to 368 km, enabling New Yorkers to commute from newly developed suburbs. At the turn of the 20th century, New York no longer just grew outwards – it started growing upwards as well. Using steel girders and lift cables made in Pittsburgh, its first tall buildings had 'made-in-America' stamped all over them. In 1913 the revolutionary 241-metre Woolworth Building was hailed as a 'Cathedral of Commerce'. In 1930 the 320-metre Chrysler Building, with 77 floors, was briefly the world's tallest. But in 1931 the 443-metre Empire State building, with 102 floors, became the tallest of them all. The important point here is not just the size of these buildings but the fact that they rely on a permanent, uninterrupted supply of electricity.

London and New York are only symbols of the fossil-fuel powered urbanization that has been spreading across the world ever since. From 1900 to 2000, whilst the global human population increased fourfold, from 1.5 to 6.2 billion, the global urban population grew 13-fold, from 225 million to 2.9 billion, or to about 47 percent of the world's population. In 2000 the more developed nations were about 76 percent urbanized, while the figure for developing countries was about 40 percent. By 2007 urban dwellers outnumbered rural dwellers for the first time. By 2030, 60 percent of the world population, or 4.9 billion people, are expected to live in urban areas, more than three times more than the world's entire population in 1900. In the coming decades, virtually all the world's population growth will occur in cities, and about 90 percent of this will take place in developing countries.


Excerpted from A Renewable World Energy, Ecology, Equality by Herbert Girardet, Miguel Mendonça. Copyright © 2010 World Future Council. Excerpted by permission of Green Books Ltd.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

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Meet the Author

Herbert Girardet is an author, filmmaker, and consultant focusing on sustainable development. He is director of programs of the World Future Council, and a former chairman of the Schumacher Society in the U.K. He is a recipient of a U.N. Global500 Award for outstanding environmental achievements. His previous books include The Gaia Atlas of Cities, 1992 and 1996; Cities, People, Planet: Urban Development and Climate Change, 2004 and 2008; and Surviving the Century: Facing Climate Change and Other Global Challenges, 2007. Miguel Mendonça is research manager for the World Future Council. He works in both research and advocacy, focusing on renewable energy policy. He has worked on four continents, campaigning, coalition building, and speaking, and is a member of the steering committee of the Alliance for Renewable Energy.

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A Renewable World: Policies, Practices & Technologies 5 out of 5 based on 0 ratings. 1 reviews.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
I have read many books on climate change but there are only few that are as good as this one. Every chapter goes into fine detail of the topics (energy, climate, finance, poverty) and the history that lead up to it, analysing the problems without getting side-tracked. The first chapter on 'Energy Climate, Climate Change' reports on the economic and ecological impacts of the industrial revolution as well as the policy responses to it. We all know how the industrial revolution has changed our lives: mines, steelworks, cars, an increase in oil extraction and many other factors that resulted in air pollution and a long history of global warming. The book uses real examples, pictures and graphs to show what has happened in the past; how some major decisions have had such a great impact on our lives today - and therefore pointing out that whatever we decide to do will also have an affect on the future. We can't change what has been done but we can change what is ahead of us. "A Renewable World" ensures that the reader understands this and sees a lot of opportunities for personal as well as political steps in the right direction.