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All the Truth Is Out: The Week Politics Went Tabloid [NOOK Book]

Overview


Yahoo's national political columnist and the former chief political correspondent for The New York Times Magazine brilliantly revisits the Gary Hart affair and looks at how it changed forever the intersection of American media and politics.

In 1987, Gary Hart-articulate, dashing, refreshingly progressive-seemed a shoo-in for the Democratic nomination for president and led George H. W. Bush ...
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All the Truth Is Out: The Week Politics Went Tabloid

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Overview


Yahoo's national political columnist and the former chief political correspondent for The New York Times Magazine brilliantly revisits the Gary Hart affair and looks at how it changed forever the intersection of American media and politics.

In 1987, Gary Hart-articulate, dashing, refreshingly progressive-seemed a shoo-in for the Democratic nomination for president and led George H. W. Bush comfortably in the polls. And then: rumors of marital infidelity, an indelible photo of Hart and a model snapped near a fatefully named yacht (Monkey Business), and it all came crashing down in a blaze of flashbulbs, the birth of 24-hour news cycles, tabloid speculation, and late-night farce. Matt Bai shows how the Hart affair marked a crucial turning point in the ethos of political media-and, by extension, politics itself-when candidates' "character" began to draw more fixation than their political experience. Bai offers a poignant, highly original, and news-making reappraisal of Hart's fall from grace (and overlooked political legacy) as he makes the compelling case that this was the moment when the paradigm shifted-private lives became public, news became entertainment, and politics became the stuff of Page Six.


From the Hardcover edition.
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Editorial Reviews

Library Journal
★ 10/01/2014
On May 6, 1987, journalist Paul Taylor jarred Gary Hart, the leading Democratic presidential contender, with the question "Have you ever committed adultery?" Bai (national political columnist, Yahoo! News; The Argument) claims that this question changed the political landscape, and his account makes this case forcefully and with insight. Bai spent 20 hours interviewing Hart about his life and politics and his alleged tryst with model Donna Rice to offer this sometimes funny but more often unhappy narrative of Hart's political demise—and more important, the morphing of responsible political journalism into the paparazzi hordes that American celebrity culture demands. He argues that Hart's fall was, in no small part, owing to his arrogance and the development of new technologies such as fax machines and CNN, which spread truth and lies 24/7. VERDICT The author takes inspiration from Richard Ben Cramer, whose What It Takes (1992) is often considered the best book about any presidential campaign. Here Bai shows he is Cramer's worthy successor—his important cautionary tale will resonate with journalists and members of the media as well as with political players and readers of current history. [See Prepub Alert, 5/4/14.]—Karl Helicher, Upper Merion Twp. Lib., King of Prussia, PA
The New York Times Book Review - Jack Shafer
Bai…concedes that Hart did himself no favors in his handling of the press, but he expresses his deepest disdain for the reporters who carried "political journalism into dark and unexplored waters." To his credit, even though Bai admires Hart and thinks he got a raw deal, he doesn't stack the deck, allowing readers to consider the evidence and acquit or convict as they see fit…Returning to the story with fresh eyes, Bai has produced a miniclassic of political history that will restart the debate of 1987. But that debate will forever leave Gary Hart writhing in its grip.
The New York Times - Michiko Kakutani
…Bai…isn't interested here in simply reconstructing the story of what happened to Mr. Hart. He wants to examine how the media feeding frenzy, which led to Mr. Hart's fall, became a pivot point in American politics, forever altering the relationship between politicians and the press…Bai…writes in buoyant, vivid prose, and All the Truth Is Out…gives the reader a visceral appreciation of how our political discourse has changed in the last two and a half decades, and how those changes reflect broader cultural and social shifts.
Publishers Weekly
★ 07/28/2014
Political columnist Bai (The Argument) makes a persuasive case for reexamining the career of presidential candidate Gary Hart, whose downfall in the wake of speculation about an extramarital affair, he argues, marks a turning point in the deterioration of American political journalism and democracy. Bai analyzes the forces coalescing around the scandal that brought down the Democratic frontrunner in May 1987, and captures those frenzied days in a masterfully written account. The possibility that a candidate might be lying about his sex life was not usually relevant, given the close relationship between major news outlets and politicians, but much had changed, especially given Watergate’s influence on a generation of reporters. By the time allegations of adultery met Hart’s campaign in New Hampshire, two previously separate streams, the tabloid press and political journalism, joined forces. The result has been “an unbridgeable divide... between our candidates and our media” and an accompanying lack of substance and transparency in the political process. Based on extensive interviews with reporters and campaign insiders, including Hart and Donna Rice (the then 29-year-old model photographed sitting on his lap), Bai appraises Hart the politician, political visionary, and high-minded yet obstinately private man, and asks what the country might have lost with his foreshortened career. This first-rate work of political journalism will fan embers long thought to have gone out. Photos. Agent: Sarah Chalfant, Wylie Agency. (Oct.)
From the Publisher
“In buoyant, vivid prose...All the Truth Is Out gives the reader a visceral appreciation of how our political discourse has changed in the last two and a half decades, and how those changes reflect broader cultural and social shifts….Mr. Bai adroitly shows us how an array of forces was converging to change the dynamics of political coverage.”
—Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times

All the Truth Is Out offers a terrific portrait of how news gets made…It’s riveting, a slow-motion car crash…[with] shrewd observations on the miserable state of contemporary political journalism (and politicians)….The media, as Hart experienced, pick and choose raw material from an individual life and fashion an image that often bears only a slim resemblance to the human being behind it. What matters is not who someone really is or what he has done. What matters is the symbolic need he meets.”
Salon

“A miniclassic of political journalism that will restart the debate of 1987.”
Jack Shafer, The New York Times Book Review

“If you like political thrillers, if you like dramatic novels about the world of power and personality, you’re going to love the new book All the Truth Is Out.”
The Michael Medved Show
           
“Bai doesn’t just make an argument: He tells the juicy Hart story all over again, right down to the oil-stained alley in which reporters cornered the candidate and interrogated him about the blonde in his apartment.…Bai’s important call for perspective is a reminder to all of us in the press and the electorate to recognize the complexity of the human condition, whether we’re casting aside candidates because they wear a funny helmet in a tank or because they once committed adultery.”
Slate
 
“Gary Hart. Remember him: the presidential contender who rode a boat named Monkey Business into a media whirlpool? You should, as [this] book…makes clear. And the reason isn’t so much the scandal that swallowed him or his particular exit from the campaign arena. It’s the warning that his story sounded—about a new brutality on the campaign trail, about uncharted waters of media invasiveness and about the way both would wind up culling the herd, not in favor of the strongest candidates but in favor of those so driven or vacuous that the caress of the spotlight redeems the indignities of the process.”
—Frank Bruni, The New York Times

“Fast-moving [and] vivid….This book will tell you a lot about what politics asks of and takes out of people, and about the highly imperfect ways in which we now assess ‘character’ and ‘substance’ when choosing our leaders.”
The Atlantic

“Matt Bai is right to see the story of Gary Hart’s downfall as a singular moment in American politics.”
The Washington Post

“You think you know it all: Donna Rice, Monkey Business, Hart taunting the press. You don’t. The combustible mix of new technology and politics was birthed in [the 1987] presidential campaign, and there was no turning back.”
NPR

“Bai…tells [Hart’s] story with details that only great reporting can provide.”
L. A. Times
 
“An introspective book that is set in another era but offers insights into ours…Bai says what is obvious—that the Donna Rice furor irreparably hurt Hart—but he also says what is less obvious, and very wise: that it hurt us all.”
The Boston Globe
 
“This book isn’t just for politicos. It is a must read for anyone interested in contemporary politics and media.”
The Christian Science Monitor

“If you think you know what happened to Gary Hart, read this book….A volume of insight and wisdom, an uncommon page-turner about the turning points we don’t recognize until we’re too far beyond them to turn back.”
Star Tribune
 
"A masterfully written account...this first-rate work of political journalism will fan embers long thought to have gone out."
Publishers Weekly, starred review

“Bai shows that he is [Richard Ben] Cramer’s worthy successor—his important cautionary tale will resonate with journalists and members of the media as well as with political players and readers of current history.”
Library Journal, starred review
 
“Vivid, suspenseful, instructive…There are so many good stories in All the Truth Is Out, it’s hard not to keep telling them.”
The Citizen-Times

“Bai’s title embodies the wry humor and empathy that makes All the Truth Is Out such a compelling read...The truth Bai is after is something larger and more substantial. Bai argues that Hart’s fall unleashed what President Bill Clinton would later call the ‘politics of personal destruction,’ and that the fixation of the media on the ill-defined ‘character issue’ constituted a tragedy for the entire country.”
Columbia Journalism Review

“Perhaps you’re one of the many millions who believe something has gone sadly wrong in national politics….If so, All the Truth Is Out is for you.”
The Dallas Morning News

“A new look at a scandal that changed American politics…[a] probing narrative.”
Kirkus

“Digging deep into a long-ago, mis-remembered scandal, Matt Bai has written an acutely intelligent and surprisingly moving page-turner about Gary Hart, journalistic blindness, and the trivialization of American politics.”
—George Packer, author of The Unwinding: An Inner History of the New America

“In the tradition of his friend Richard Ben Cramer, Matt Bai astonishes us by delving deeply into a story and thus overturning our views about how the press should cover politics. This fascinating and deeply significant tale shows how the rules of American politics and journalism were upended for the worse by the frenzied coverage of Gary Hart’s personal life. The soot still darkens our political process.”
—Walter Isaacson, author of Steve Jobs

“A finely written, strikingly mature and thoughtful revisitation of the tawdry episode that destroyed Gary Hart’s promising political career. It would have been enough for Matt Bai just to tell that story, or to assess what it cost those directly involved, including the journalists sucked into it, but he goes much further, weighing its profound cost to us all. All the Truth Is Out is in the impressive tradition of Nixon Agonistes, only with a dramatic personal narrative at its core. I could not admire it more.”
—Mark Bowden, author of Black Hawk Down

“What a tally of loss is to be found in this passionate and unsparing book about a turning point in modern America—an insider’s account, brilliantly told by one of America’s finest political journalists.”
—Lawrence Wright, author of The Looming Tower

“As an account of an emblematic scandal—what we knew, thought we knew, and never knew till now—Matt Bai’s All the Truth Is Out is funny, sad, and riveting. As a work of cultural history and criticism, it is splendid—a clear-eyed but wholehearted exploration of the forces that have given us our (often disastrous) contemporary notions of campaign coverage, leadership, ‘character,’ privacy, and redemption.” 
—Margaret Talbot, author of The Entertainer

“The kerfuffle about alleged sexual impropriety that torpedoed Gary Hart’s presidential bid in 1987 drove an uncommonly promising leader from public life. It also helped to spawn the ‘gotcha’ journalism that has ever since sacrificed propriety and substance on the altars of prurience and sleaze. Fueled by a keen reverence for the finest traditions of his craft, Matt Bai revisits the sorry tale of Hart’s humiliation to measure the depths of journalism’s debasement today, and the harm it continues to inflict on American democracy.”
—David M. Kennedy, author of The American Pageant

 “What makes All the Truth Is Out such an extraordinary achievement is that the reader is spellbound by every unfolding detail, in the manner of a crime novel—even while, as Matt Bai makes all too clear, the true crime of the Gary Hart saga is how politics and journalism descended hand in hand into a ‘gotcha’ netherworld from whence it’s unlikely to return.”
—Robert Draper, author of When the Tea Party Came to Town

“With extraordinary care and rare insight, Matt Bai leads us from the unraveling of Gary Hart’s presidential campaign in 1987 to the present day—a trail that has brought American politics to a truly sad state.” 
—Robert B. Reich, author of Aftershock 

“Important and compassionate.”
—Ted Koppel

Kirkus Reviews
2014-06-23
A new look at a scandal that changed American politics.In 2002, formerNew York Times Magazinechief political correspondent Bai (The Argument: Billionaires, Bloggers, and the Battle to Remake Democratic Politics, 2007) wrote an article about Gary Hart’s 1987 presidential bid, a campaign that ended with the media’s splashy coverage of Hart’s apparent adultery. The author arrived “at the same psychoanalytical conclusion on which a lot of Hart’s contemporaries had settled back then—that Hart had to have harbored some self-destructive impulse to begin with,” risking his reputation by getting involved with “some model.” Now, more than a decade later, Bai takes a far different view of the episode: “It was the story that changed all the rules” for journalists covering politicians; “the moment when the worlds of public service and tabloid entertainment…finally collided.” The author argues that the Watergate scandal “left the entire country feeling duped and betrayed”; political reporters wondered how Nixon, “a man whose corruption and pettiness were so self-evident,” could have won two presidential elections. Suspicion came to focus on candidate Hart because of his widely known womanizing and his aloof and detached manner. For this book, Bai interviewed Hart, as well as reporters and editors involved in publicizing the alleged affair. TheWashington Postreporter who aggressively pursued the story told Bai that he had felt “relieved, then triumphant” when Hart withdrew from the presidential race. The way he saw it, writes the author, “he and his colleagues had managed to protect the nation from another rogue and liar.” As Bai sees it, however, the nation lost “one of the great political minds of his time.” Hart’s attempt at another run failed, and until recently, he was marginalized from politics.Hart once said that obsessive scrutiny of sex as an indicator of character would give America the politicians it deserved. In this probing narrative, Bai comes to another dismal conclusion: It would give America the news coverage it deserved—entertainment-driven, dominated by shallow pundits, and bereft of intellect and ideas.
The Barnes & Noble Review

There was a time when one did not have to be completely crazy to want to run for president of the United States, and when national electoral politics did not resemble an intricate modern form of human sacrifice, with journalists enacting their quadrennial roles as ritual slaughterers of candidates' private lives. That time ended in 1987. The first victim, in May of that year, was Colorado senator Gary Hart. He is a tragic figure in Matt Bai's excellent All the Truth Is Out: The Week Politics Went Tabloid, in part because — perhaps unlike every sex scandal–plagued politician since — he ascended the sacrificial pyramid not knowing that the stone slab at the top was there for his own public evisceration.

The details of Hart's downfall are familiar to anyone who lived through the media brouhaha that it inspired. A still youngish, cerebral Democrat, Hart rose up to challenge the congenitally boring vice president, Walter Mondale, for the presidential nomination. Hart had the support and advice (perhaps this was a sign) of Warren Beatty, among other wealthy backers. In reply to a tactfully phrased inquiry into his marital fidelity, Hart told a reporter to "follow me around." Reporters staked out his Washington townhouse and saw a golden-haired twenty-nine-year-old coming and going with Hart. Donna Rice, it turned out, was a Miss South Carolina who had previous dated the Eagles' Don Henley and Prince Albert of Monaco. Her relationship with the married Hart seemed questionable, given that she was a pharmaceutical rep and he a likely future president of the United States.

Bai reconstructs these events, and he argues that the breathless reporters who hounded Hart thought they were enjoying their own Woodward-and-Bernstein moment. They seemed insensitive to the difference in importance between a candidate having a fling and a president subverting constitutional order. And voters weren't any better at a sense of proportion in all this. Nearly everyone forgets that reporters had already begun tailing Hart by the time his "follow me" quote became famous. The desire to see Hart publicly humiliated extends, it seems, to our memories' confabulating an especially ironic order of events.

Bai, a longtime New York Times Magazine writer who recently decamped for Yahoo! News, is not the first journalist to recognize that something odd happened in the 1988 campaign cycle. He refers repeatedly to Richard Ben Cramer's What It Takes, an epic chronicle of that election and perhaps the best work of American political journalism since William Allen White's Masks in a Pageant. And the shifts Bai detects would appear to be almost entirely negative. Hart's status as a policy wonk has so thoroughly receded from view that even Bai, a Hart admirer, spends almost no time in his book explaining his proposals or their merit. Instead, the standard mode of coverage became a full-court press on candidates' personal lives and moral failings, irrespective of their relevance to the offices they sought.

Hart, Rice, and everyone around them became instant prey for a press corps that seemed to have decided, collectively, that this candidate's sex life deserved an audit, even though flagrant horndogs like Lyndon Johnson and the Kennedys philandered without mention, let alone criticism, by the press. Hart, by contrast, suffered a public shaming that ended his campaign and, remarkably, his career in retail politics. A perverse secondary consequence of l'affaire Hart is that it became self- justifying, in perpetuity: even if a candidate's sexual perversity didn't matter, once the media treated it as an issue, it became one, since only a perilously self-destructive candidate (think John Edwards or Anthony Weiner) would carry on indiscretions while aware of the consequences. This vicious cycle is the media environment in which we now live, and Hart's parting curse for American democracy was that we would, through this diseased process, "get the kind of leaders we deserve."

In fact, Hart endorsed two of the four presidents who have held office since his ignominy. Betty Friedan's comment about Hart — "this is the last time a candidate will be able to treat women as bimbos" — is certainly one of the most foolish that emerged from the scandal; politicians have not become any less promiscuous, just more media-shy. Bai says John Kerry granted him interviews only through gritted teeth, and Mitt Romney never let him within twenty feet. The result is a long-term pathology in American political life, and one in which the media have been complicit.

Bai admires Hart, and at the very least one must agree that Hart has been wronged by history — judged by a standard that hasn't been applied to other politicians before or since. He didn't know anyone would care about a brief consensual dalliance — in fact, he had ample evidence that the press wouldn't look into the matter — and had little reason to think he was acting irresponsibly at all. A few years later, Bill Clinton won office despite accusations of far more sordid, non- consensual activity.

The final irony to beset this politician is one Bai mentions early and lets simmer for the rest of the book. A former aide confides to Bai that he suspects Hart and Rice didn't even have sex — that Hart was, in effect, convicted of lust in his heart and sentenced to a lifetime of public humiliation. Bai seems to think that's implausible. But after reading this convincing rehabilitation of the man's image, it seems that dark clouds followed Hart with unusual persistence. The misfortune not even to be able to enjoy the consummation of the indiscretion that ruins one's career is consistent with the rest of the picture we get of the cursed life of Gary Hart. But the curse on our politics, now privileging a pageant of superficial marital happiness, as well as robotic, contentless rhetoric worthy of a Miss South Carolina competition, is likely to last even longer.

Graeme Wood is a staff editor at The Atlantic. His articles and reviews have appeared in many publications, including The New Yorker, Good magazine, and The American.

Reviewer: Graeme Wood

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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780385353120
  • Publisher: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group
  • Publication date: 9/30/2014
  • Sold by: Random House
  • Format: eBook
  • Pages: 288
  • Sales rank: 57,275
  • File size: 3 MB

Meet the Author

Matt Bai

Matt Bai is the national political columnist for Yahoo News. For more than a decade he was a political correspondent for The New York Times Magazine, where he covered three presidential campaigns. He is the author of The Argument: Billionaires, Bloggers, and the Battle to Remake Democratic Politics, named a notable book of 2007 by The New York Times. He lives in Bethesda, Maryland.
 
www.mattbai.com

@mattbai

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Read an Excerpt

Candidates for president—and for most other significant offices, really—don’t try to explain their ideas or their theories of the moment anymore. It’s hard to know if they really have any. Technology had a lot to do with this, of course. Kerry’s controversial quote overwhelmed his campaign, at least for a few days, because of the twenty-four-hour cable news cycle that hadn’t even existed when Hart ran back in 1987—a senselessly competitive environment where inexperienced producers fixate on whatever minutiae seems new, to the exclusion of all else, and where reporters and pundits rush into TV studios armed with little more than vague impressions. (It struck me, watching some of the coverage of the Kerry “nuisance” controversy, how few of the commentators seemed to have actually read the piece they were talking about.) But the reverberation of that one comment would have been exponentially louder just four years later, with the sudden popularity of blogs and sites like YouTube and Facebook, and it would have been downright deafening four years after that, after Twitter had taken over the world.
 
By now, every candidate knows that a single misspoken line, a single emotional or ill-advisedly candid moment, can become a full-blown, existential crisis by the time the bus pulls up at the next rally. And if there’s not much room for nuance in a cable TV report, there’s none in 140 characters, which means that even a well- articulated argument can (and almost certainly will) be reduced and distorted by the time it reaches the vast majority of voters who will pay attention. Rarely is any candidate willing to risk sudden implosion by actually thinking through the complex issues out loud, as the most talented politicians of Hart’s day were accustomed to doing; it’s safer to traffic in poll-tested, blandly comforting gibberish about “middle-class jobs” and “ending business as usual,” which disturbs no one and does no harm. It’s safer to tell yourself, as Joe Lockhart did, that you really don’t need to cater to reporters anymore, because you can talk to your own email list directly instead. Candidates routinely complain that reporters never talk to them about the actual substance of governing, but the truth is that with few exceptions, when you ask them to do exactly that, their reflexive response is no.
 
At the heart of this changed dynamic, though, isn’t merely a technological shift in the nation’s media, but a cultural one. There was a time when politicians and the journalists who covered them, however adversarial their relationship might become at times, shared a basic sense of common purpose. The candidate’s job was to win an argument about the direction of the country, and the media’s job was to explain that argument and the tactics with which it was disseminated. Neither could succeed without the basic, if sometimes grudging, cooperation of the other, and often, as in the case of Hart and some of his older colleagues in the media, there existed a genuine trust and camaraderie. Modern media critics might deride these kinds of relationships as coziness or corruption, but there was a very real benefit to it for the voters, which was context. Reporters who really knew a politician could tell the difference between, say, a candidate who had misspoken from exhaustion and one who didn’t know his facts. They could be expected to discern between a rank hypocrite, on one hand, and a candidate who had actually thought something through and adjusted his views, on the other.
 
In his engaging book The Eighteen-Day Running Mate, about Tom Eagleton’s disastrous foray into national politics, Joshua Glasser describes how a bevy of reporters actually camped out in Eagleton’s hotel suite so they could be there if McGovern called to offer him the number two spot on the ticket. (He did, and they were.) Later, when Eagleton’s candidacy was in peril, a few reporters went down to the tennis courts at the lodge where they and McGovern were staying, because the nominee was playing a match and they wanted to ask him a few questions. McGovern invited them to ride back to the lodge with him so they could talk.
 
Glasser relays these scenes as if they were commonplace, and yet they jolted me when I read them; to someone who has covered multiple presidential campaigns in the modern era, it couldn’t have sounded any more bizarre if he had reported that McGovern had personally murdered a reporter and disposed of the body. In today’s political climate, even if I could somehow manage to find out where the candidate was spending his downtime, I wouldn’t get within a hundred yards of that tennis court without being turned away, probably with a stern lecture. Today, even a phone call from someone like me requesting a routine interview mobilizes a phalanx of highly paid consultants whose job it is to deflect my questions and then, if they see any merit in having the candidate cooperate, to orchestrate and rehearse his responses.
 
“You didn’t prep for a candidate’s meeting with Jack Germond,” Joe Trippi told me when we talked. “What you’d want is for a candidate to just have a beer with Germond and answer his questions, you know? And back then, frankly, most of them could.” Now, Trippi told me bluntly, “No one would walk into an interview with you unprepped. I wouldn’t let it happen.”
 
That’s largely because, beginning with Watergate and culminating in Gary Hart’s unraveling, the cardinal objective of all political journalism had shifted, from a focus on agendas to a focus on narrow notions of character, from illuminating worldviews to exposing falsehoods. Whatever sense of commonality between candidates and reporters that existed in McGovern’s day had, by the time my generation arrived on the scene, been replaced by a kind of entrenched cold war. We aspired chiefly to show politicians for the impossibly flawed human beings they were—a single-minded pursuit that reduced complex careers to isolated transgressions. As the former senator Bob Kerrey, who had been accused of war crimes in Vietnam after a distinguished career in public service, told me once: “We’re not the worst thing we’ve ever done in our lives, and there’s a tendency to think that we are.” That quote, I thought, should have been posted on the wall of every newsroom in the country, just to remind us that it was true.
 
Predictably, politicians responded to all this with a determination to give us nothing that might aid in the hunt to expose them, even if it meant obscuring the convictions and contradictions that made them actual human beings. Both sides retreated to our respective camps, where we strategized about how to outwit and outflank the other, occasionally to our own benefit but rarely to the voters’.
 
Maybe this made our media a sharper guardian of the public interest against frauds and hypocrites. But it also made it hard for any thoughtful politician to offer arguments that might be considered nuanced or controversial. And, just as consequential, the post-Hart climate made it much easier for candidates who weren’t especially thoughtful—who didn’t have any complex understanding of governance, or even much affinity for it—to gain national prominence. When a politician could duck any real intellectual scrutiny simply by deriding the evident triviality of the media, when the status quo was to never say anything that required more than ten words’ worth of explanation, then pretty much anyone could rail against the system and glide through the process without having to establish more than a passing familiarity with the issues. As long as you weren’t delinquent on your taxes or having an affair with a stripper or engaged in some other form of rank duplicity, you could run as a “Tea Partier” or a “populist” without ever having to elaborate on what you actually believed or what you would do for the country.
 
All of which probably has some bearing on why, more than a quarter century after Hart disappeared from political life, both our elected leaders and our political media have fallen so far in the esteem of voters who judge both to be smaller than the country deserves. At the outset of Barack Obama’s second term in office, only a quarter of Americans said they trusted government to do the right thing all or even most of the time, according to Pew Research polling. (That number later dropped after a series of self-manufactured budget crises in Congress.) Meanwhile, between 1997 and 2013, trust in the mass media fell almost ten points. Four decades after the legend of Woodward and Bernstein came into being, only 28 percent of Americans were willing to say that journalists contributed a lot to society’s well-being—a showing that lagged behind almost every other professional group.
 
Thank heaven for lawyers.

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  • Posted November 21, 2014

    Brilliant

    Best political book I've read in some time.

    1 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Posted November 20, 2014

    Perhaps second only to George Packer's THE UNWINDING, this is re

    Perhaps second only to George Packer's THE UNWINDING, this is really in line for the political history book that helps define the generation that came of age in the 1970s and began participating in the political process in the 1980s. Forget JFK's assassination: it was Gary Hart getting booted from the election, and paving the way for H.W. Bush, that has made a huge difference in the direction of our country. This book lays out that clearly, and even better analyzes the move toward sordid, personal journalism that we've all cringed away from ever since. Read this book. Then do something about it.

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