- Shopping Bag ( 0 items )
From two of the country's arch-neoconservatives - a Bush speechwriter and the influential Chairman of the Defense Policy Board - comes a new book of policy on how to strengthen America. Frum and Perle allege that despite the American conquest of Iraq, Americans are not very safe in the world around them, and that the U.S. government remains unready to defend its people. They sound the alert about the present danger, and give a detailed, candid account of America's vulnerabilities: a military whose leaders resist ...
From two of the country's arch-neoconservatives - a Bush speechwriter and the influential Chairman of the Defense Policy Board - comes a new book of policy on how to strengthen America. Frum and Perle allege that despite the American conquest of Iraq, Americans are not very safe in the world around them, and that the U.S. government remains unready to defend its people. They sound the alert about the present danger, and give a detailed, candid account of America's vulnerabilities: a military whose leaders resist change, intelligence agencies mired in bureaucracy, and diplomats who put friendly relations with their foreign colleagues ahead of the nation's interests. They lay out a bold program to defend America - and to win the war on terror.
Making its points with all the subtlety of a pit bull on steroids, An End to Evil is smug, shrill and deliberately provocative. — Michiko Kakutani
From the Hardcover edition.
These are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph.
-THOMAS PAINE, The American Crisis, 1780
We too live in trying times-and thus far our fellow Americans have passed every test. They have shown themselves, as President Bush said in his speech in the National Cathedral on September 14, 2001, "generous and kind, resourceful and brave." They have fought and won two campaigns on the opposite side of the globe, saving millions of Afghans from famine and the nation of Iraq from tyranny. They have hunted down terrorists and killers, while respecting the rights of the innocent. And they have uncomplainingly accepted inconvenience and danger through tiresome years of lineups at airports, searches at public buildings, and exposure to further acts of terror.
Now comes the hardest test of all. The war on terror is not over. In many ways, it has barely begun. Al-Qaeda, Hezbollah, and Hamas still plot murder, and money still flows from donors worldwide to finance them. Mullahs preach jihad from the pulpits of mosques from Bengal to Brooklyn. Iran and North Korea are working frantically to develop nuclear weapons. While our enemies plot, our allies dither and carp, and much of our own government remains ominously unready for the fight. We have much to do and scant time in which to do it.
Yet at this dangerous moment many in the American political and media elite are losing their nerve for the fight. Perhaps it is the political cycle: For some Democrats, winning the war has become a less urgent priority than winning the next election. Perhaps it is the media, rediscovering its bias in favor of bad news and infecting the whole country with its own ingrown pessimism. Perhaps it is Congress, resenting the war's cost and coveting the money for its own domestic spending agendas.
Or perhaps it is just fatigue. President Bush warned Americans from the start that the war on terror would be long and difficult and expensive. But in 2001 those warnings were just words. Today they are realities. And while the American people have shouldered those realities magnificently, America's leaders too often seem to flinch from them. Every difficulty, every casualty, every reverse seems to throw Washington, D.C., into a panic-as if there had ever been a war without difficulties, without casualties, without reverses. In the war on terror, the United States has as yet suffered no defeats, except of course for 9/11 itself. But defeats may well occur, for they too are part of war, and we shudder to think how some of our leaders in their current mood will respond.
We can feel the will to win ebbing in Washington; we sense the reversion to the bad old habits of complacency and denial.
Throughout the 1990s, thousands of terrorists received training in the al-Qaeda camps of Afghanistan-and our government passively monitored the situation. Terrorists attacked and murdered Americans in East Africa, in Yemen, in Saudi Arabia-and America responded to these acts of war as if they were ordinary crimes. Iraq flagrantly violated the terms of its 1991 armistice-and our government from time to time fired a cruise missile into Baghdad but otherwise did little. Iran defied the Monroe Doctrine and sponsored murder in our own...
|2||End of the Beginning||11|
|3||The New Axis||41|
|4||The War at Home||61|
|5||The War Abroad||97|
|6||The War of Ideas||147|
|7||Organizing for Victory||193|
|8||Friends and Foes||235|
|9||A War for Liberty||275|