Building Suburbia: Green Fields and Urban Growth, 1820-2000

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Overview

A lively history of the contested landscapes where the majority of Americans now live, Building Suburbia chronicles two centuries in the birth and development of America’s metropolitan regions.

From rustic cottages reached by steamboat to big box stores at the exit ramps of eight-lane highways, Dolores Hayden defines seven eras of suburban development since 1820. An urban historian and architect, she portrays housewives and politicians as well as designers and builders making the decisions that have generated America’s diverse suburbs. Residents have sought home, nature, and community in suburbia. Developers have cherished different dreams, seeking profit from economies of scale and increased suburban densities, while lobbying local and federal government to reduce the risk of real estate speculation. Encompassing environmental controversies as well as the complexities of race, gender, and class, Hayden’s fascinating account will forever alter how we think about the communities we build and inhabit.

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Editorial Reviews

From the Publisher
Building Suburbia will become the standard work on the suburban landscape in the United States.” –Ann Forsyth, author of Constructing Suburbs

“Provocative. . . . Well worth reading.” –Detroit Free Press

“Important. . . . More than a necessary read. . . . Inviting and lucid. . . . Often surprising. . . . [Hayden] shows us that it was not inevitable that our space turned out quite this way.” –Adrian Nicole LeBlanc, Newsweek.com

“Hayden tours us through the familiar landscape of American suburbia and, with great verve, makes it more foreign–much more diverse, complex, and important.” –Lizabeth Cohen, author of A Consumers’ Republic

“A lively and informative overview of the American mania for suburban living. . . . Fascinating.” –Audubon Naturalist News

“Compelling and beautifully written. . . . It reads like a novel and at the same time offers an insightful social and political history of the rise of the suburbs in the United States. Hayden redefines the American Dream and critiques the rise of segregated housing and the isolated communities characteristic of the suburban landscape. There is no other book quite like this one because of its accessibility and breadth of scholarship.” –Setha M. Low, author of Behind the Gates: Life, Security, and the Pursuit of Happiness in Fortress America

“Readable and revealing. . . . Insightful reading.” –Cape Cod Times

“Wonderful–a great combination of human reaction and scholarly insight.” –Virginia McAlester, author of A Field Guide to American Houses

“A rich and rewarding book with new and original material and surprising insights. . . . Beautiful and accessible writing . . . fascinating historical narratives. . . . Unlike most commentators, Hayden goes beyond analysis to propose solutions. . . . A welcome and significant addition.” –Constructs

“Dolores Hayden shows us, for the first time, the remarkable diversity of suburban environments that Americans have produced over two centuries. Lucid, original, and abundantly illustrated, Building Suburbia is that delightful rarity: a scholarly book with a critical perspective and wide appeal.” –Richard Harris, author of Unplanned Suburbs: Toronto’s American Tragedy, 1900—1950

“A fascinating book, as well as an important one.” –Tulsa World

“Dolores Hayden is a unique urban pathfinder. She hunts down the relationships among popular aspirations, big urban players, and the everyday experience of domestic life. In this book she traces the history of our suburban metropolises, guiding the reader through seven easily recognized on-the-street patterns. The end of the history is now, when the government and private corporations anxiously push to maintain our cities of consumption. And yes, she has found a way leading from this dead end.” –Sam Bass Warner, Jr., author of Streetcar Suburbs

“An erudite and entertaining exploration of how the idea and ideal of suburbia arose in the 19th century and came to dominate the 20th.” –Courier-Post (New Jersey)

Building Suburbia embraces the human desires that underlie two centuries of American suburban landscapes, even as it explains the myriad problems that ensued. It is only with this complex understanding that we, like Hayden herself, can imagine better patterns of suburban development, more equitable, sustainable, congenial, and beautiful.” –Gwendolyn Wright, author of Building the Dream: A Social History of Housing in America

Library Journal
The number of suburbia studies by scholars and critics has increased dramatically since the appearance of Kenneth T. Jackson's seminal Crabgrass Frontier in 1985, and the trend shows no sign of slowing. Unlike most commentators, Hayden (architecture & American studies, Yale) effectively demonstrates that the 'burbs are not just a post-World War II phenomenon by tracing their origins back to the early 19th century. The story of the postwar growth of suburbia has been told elsewhere but seldom as lucidly as here. Throughout, Hayden emphasizes the role that the federal government played in directly subsidizing suburbia by massively funding highways, providing generous tax benefits to homeowners, and (from 1954) allowing the accelerated depreciation of commercial real estate-the significance of the last point in particular is often not recognized. Hayden is not happy with the built environment and social climate created by suburbia, but she generally keeps her animosity restrained. However, she is not as sanguine as some urbanists, arguing that recent attempts to combat the excesses of suburbia are not ikely to achieve much unless we first address their fundamental underpinnings. This clearly written book will appeal to specialists and nonpecialists alike. Highly recommended.-David A. Timko, U.S. Census Bureau Lib., Washington, DC Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780375727214
  • Publisher: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group
  • Publication date: 11/9/2004
  • Series: Vintage Series
  • Edition description: Reprint
  • Pages: 336
  • Sales rank: 738,965
  • Product dimensions: 5.15 (w) x 7.97 (h) x 0.69 (d)

Meet the Author

Dolores Hayden, an urban historian and architect, writes about American landscapes and the politics of design. She is a professor of architecture and American studies at Yale University. In addition to Building Suburbia, her books include A Field Guide to Sprawl and The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History. Hayden is also a poet whose work has appeared in The Yale Review, Southwest Review, The Kenyon Review, Verse Daily, and Michigan Quarterly Review. Her collection, American Yard, was published in 2004.
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Read an Excerpt

Chapter One

THE SHAPES OF SUBURBIA

We're in the American Dream business.

-advertisement for Fannie Mae

Flying across the United States, airline passengers look down on dazzling, varied topography, yet from Connecticut to California, monotonous tracts of single-family houses stretch for miles outside the downtowns of major cities. Subdivisions interrupt farms and forests. They crowd up against the granite coast of Maine and push into the foothills of the Rocky Mountains. Next to residential areas lie highways, shopping malls, and office parks. They overwhelm small town centers. More Americans reside in suburban landscapes than in inner cities and rural areas combined, yet few can decode the shapes of these landscapes or define where they begin and end.

Demographers still describe suburbs as "the non-central city parts of metropolitan areas," a negative definition, but suburbia has become the dominant American cultural landscape, the place where most households live and vote. Describing suburbia as a residential landscape would be wrong, however, because suburbs also contain millions of square feet of commercial and industrial space, and their economic growth outstrips that of older downtowns. Most confusing of all, suburbia is the site of promises, dreams, and fantasies. It is a landscape of the imagination where Americans situate ambitions for upward mobility and economic security, ideals about freedom and private property, and longings for social harmony and spiritual uplift.

For almost two hundred years, Americans of all classes have idealized life in single-family houses with generous yards, while deploring the sprawling metropolitan regions that result from unregulated residential and commercial growth. With no national land use policy in the United States, single-family housing has often driven suburban planning by default. Between 1994 and 2002, real estate developers completed about 1.5 million new units of housing every year, most of them suburban single-family houses. The production of millions of houses-involving massive mortgage subsidies by the federal government, huge expense to individual families, and extraordinary profits for private real estate developers-has largely configured Americans' material wealth and indebtedness, as well as shaped American landscapes. The metropolitan building process holds the key to many aspects of American culture, yet few know its social and spatial history.

This book is an account of suburbanization since 1820, exploring how entrepreneurs and residents have transformed fields, meadows, and woods into habitable space. The speed and spatial scale of land development have increased with each decade. In the earliest years of mercantile capitalism, a few suburban entrepreneurs launched isolated experiments in subdividing property and building new communities with the help of family and friends. Some real estate developers and boosters began to work together, forming political alliances called "growth machines." Between 1870 and 1920, at the height of industrial capitalism, developers extended their reach and promoted urban peripheries systematically, often working in partnership with transit owners, utilities, and local government. After the rise of a powerful real estate and construction lobby in the 1920s, the federal government took a major role-largely through tax, banking, and insurance systems-in subsidizing private development of residential and commercial property on a national basis. By the mid-1950s, federal tax supports for commercial developers and direct federal support for highways provided incentives for unchecked growth on a scale that earlier entrepreneurs could never have imagined. By the 1980s, state and local governments also frequently supported private commercial development with direct subsidies.

The history of suburban construction can be understood as the evolution of seven vernacular patterns. Building in borderlands began about 1820. Picturesque enclaves started around 1850 and streetcar buildouts around 1870. Mail-order and self-built suburbs arrived in 1900. Mass-produced, urban-scale "sitcom" suburbs appeared around 1940. Edge nodes coalesced around 1960. Rural fringes intensified around 1980. All of these patterns survive in the metropolitan areas of 2003. Many continue to be constructed.

Each pattern is defined by characteristic development practices, building technologies, marketing strategies, architectural preferences, and environmental attitudes. Despite some mid-twentieth-century claims that suburbia is a classless place, in each era of suburban life, economic class has affected residents' employment options, commuting choices, lot sizes, and house sizes, as well as favored shapes for houses, porches, and yards. There are working-class, middle-class, and upper-class configurations intertwined with the seven suburban patterns.

Most previous accounts of suburban history have been organized around improvements in transportation technology, and explicitly or implicitly the authors suggest that transportation technology made residential growth inevitable. Categorizing places by commuters' choices-railroad suburb, streetcar suburb, automobile suburb-also leads to a focus on middle-class and upper-class male breadwinners and their housing. In contrast, this book highlights the complex relationships between real estate entrepreneurs and a wide range of suburban residents and workers. It explores the interplay of natural and built environments, considers women's and children's lives as well as men's, discusses working-class houses and yards as well as affluent ones, and explains why suburbia has been of great interest to political lobbyists.

Many different kinds of visual source materials reveal the precise shapes of suburbs, including maps, plans for towns, designs for houses, and photographs of households. The built places themselves provide material evidence used throughout the book, documented in both architectural and aerial photography. Low-level, oblique-angle aerial photography is especially useful for capturing the scale of recent developments in relation to older patterns.

The Triple Dream and The Growth Machines

The "American Dream" is embedded in these seven evolving patterns of suburban development. Unlike every other affluent civilization, Americans have idealized the house and yard rather than the model neighborhood or the ideal town. From the beginning, the dream conflated piety and gender-stereotyped "family values." The ideology of female domesticity, developed in the United States during the same era when suburban borderlands were first attracting settlers, elevated the religious significance of woman's work, defined as bearing and rearing children in the strong moral atmosphere of a Protestant home set in a natural landscape. The single-family house was invested with churchlike symbols as a sacred space where women's work would win a reward in heaven. Catholic and Jewish immigrants also tied domesticity to religion.

The ideology of female domesticity, popular since the 1840s, was wedded to a cult of male home ownership, extended to include working-class men around the 1870s. Over the years, developers embellished the religious imagery. In 1921 an editorial writer for the National Real Estate Journal told readers that the Garden of Eden was the first subdivision. While Eden also took the fancy of the editors of American Architect and Building News who claimed that Adam and Eve built their home in Short Hills, New Jersey, a perfect town, many more developers have sited their new houses in heaven. An angel with a sword of justice delivered developer Samuel Gross's "home at $10 a month" to a Chicago workman. A New Yorker cover showed a new house floating on pink clouds, above a husband, wife, and child ascending into the sky in 1946, holding their blueprints. (The artist, Constantin Alajálov, included one sharp detail: outside the back door of this upper-middle-class house, an African-American cook chats with a Fuller Brush salesman.) More recently, heavenly notes were sung by architects Andrés Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk when they announced "The Second Coming of the American Small Town" at Seaside, Florida. A memoir by D. J. Waldie evoked Lakewood, California, as Holy Land.

Occasionally, developers have relocated the sales pitch for heaven in the secular landscape of happiness. William F. Chatlos built one thousand "Happiness Homes" in Williston Park, Nassau County, Long Island, in the 1920s. His three-bedroom Tudor and Dutch Colonial houses occupied an alphabetical grid of streets named for prominent colleges and universities, including Amherst, Brown, and Cornell. In the 1940s, advertising copywriters for General Electric promoted purchasing a home as "an adventure in happiness." Listing many electrical appliances, GE told veterans, "It's a promise!" Most Americans want to believe in a "Happiness Home." In the 1990s many flocked to buy houses in "Celebration," a real estate development by The Walt Disney Company, previously known for building theme parks advertised as "the happiest place on earth."

But for women, especially, the single-family suburban house implies isolation, lacking physical and social context. For women, the dream is house plus neighborhood sociability. Others have proposed a different double dream, a house set in unspoiled nature. The result is a triple dream, house plus land plus community, the kind of neighborhood space represented in Phyllis McGinley's charming poem about Larchmont, New York, "I Know a Village," "where all the streets are named for trees / and people visit on their porches." This triple dream encompasses both the private and public pleasures of peaceful, small-scale residential neighborhoods.

For the most part, the physical realization of this dream has been in the hands of developers trying to turn a profit through suburban growth. Conflict has characterized every era of development, as green fields have attracted residents to the peaceful outskirts of cities but also drawn promoters. In addition to those directly involved in the building process, the boosters of growth have included lawyers, owners of suburban transportation companies (including ferries, railroads, and streetcars), owners of utilities, and owners of local newspapers, supermarkets, and big-box stores. They have handled house purchases, punched commutation tickets, generated electricity, increased total circulation, marketed cornflakes, and sold screwdrivers. Once a suburban area is established, growth promoters usually seek greater and greater levels of density. The residents' hope of unspoiled nature fails because open land vanishes with increased development. Their hope of community is betrayed when tracts of houses, hyped as ideal "communities," lack social and economic centers, parks, schools and necessary infrastructure. Contestation-between residents who wish to enjoy suburbia and developers who seek to profit from it-lies at the heart of suburban history.

Chapter Two

THE SUBURBAN CITY

It is the city trying to escape the consequences of

being a city while still remaining a city. It is urban

society trying to eat its cake and keep it, too.

-harlan douglas, The Suburban Trend, 1925

When kenneth t. jackson published his prize-winning history of suburbs, Crabgrass Frontier, in 1985, he concluded, optimistically, that the United States was turning away from suburbia. He suggested that "the long process of suburbanization . . . will slow over the next two decades." He predicted that rising energy and land costs would lead people back to urban centers. Instead, in the last two decades, Americans have settled on the distant fringes of metropolitan regions faster than ever before, while older downtowns have lost population, jobs, and economic vitality. Downtowns with offices, stores, museums, and entertainment drew Americans from the 1870s to the 1950s, but a suburban trend in the mid-1920s became a suburban tide in the 1950s. By 1970, more Americans lived in suburbs than in either central cities or rural areas. By 2000, more Americans lived in suburbs than in central cities and rural areas combined. The United States had become a predominantly suburban nation. Although inner cities still housed certain institutions important to metropolitan regions, many key economic and cultural centers such as corporate headquarters and regional theaters had relocated to suburbs.

After almost two centuries of steady growth, suburbs have overwhelmed the centers of cities, creating metropolitan regions largely formed of suburban parts. In the suburban city of 2003, all seven historic suburban landscape patterns continue to exist. Most political entities include the fragments, overlays, collisions, and erasures of more than one pattern, because suburban growth has been constant across the political boundaries of states, counties, cities, towns, and villages. Metropolitan regions reveal what critics call suburban sprawl, the lack of land use controls or environmental planning. They also reflect a culture of easy obsolescence, where yesterday's picturesque enclave may be sliced by today's new highway leading to tomorrow's edge node.

There have been many efforts to rename the spread-out suburban city. "Galactic metropolis" taps a word from outer space. "Regional city" combines spread and center. So does "sprawl city." "When Suburbs Are the City," the title of a paper by historian Sam Bass Warner, Jr., captures the problem in words that everyone understands.

In the spaces of the suburban city lie metropolitan complexities. American suburbia has always been physically and socially diverse. The outskirts of mid-nineteenth-century cities housed noxious industries like slaughterhouses and glue factories, social reform establishments such as poorhouses, orphanages, contagious disease hospitals, and prisons, plus temporary sites for camp meetings and traveling circuses. There were suburban temperance communities, as well as squatters on marginal land. Although the history of the suburbs includes countless examples of exclusion implemented through developers' deed restrictions, bankers' red-lining, realtors' steering, government lending policies, and other discriminatory practices not all nineteenth-century suburban residential areas were white, Protestant, and elite. From about 1870 on, many working-class and lower-middle-class families were attracted to the periphery of the city, where land was cheap and houses might be constructed with sweat equity. While nineteenth-century immigrants often spent time in inner-city tenements before moving out to streetcar suburbs, today some new immigrants to the United States head straight to the suburbs to live where jobs are easier to find.

Some affluent suburban communities remain almost entirely white and Protestant, but there are also Irish-American suburbs, African-American suburbs, Polish-American suburbs, and Chinese-American suburbs, as well as older streetcar suburbs like Boyle Heights in Los Angeles, a place that has welcomed successive waves of new immigrants from Mexico, Russia, and Japan.

Sometimes the impact of ethnic diversity can be seen and heard in the suburban landscape. New Haven's Italian-American neighborhoods reveal gardens of basil, tomatoes, and oregano, as well as yard shrines honoring the Virgin. Latino families in East Los Angeles decorate their front yards with traditional nacimientos. Sikhs have renamed a street in Fremont, California, for their Gurdwara Temple. Polish-Americans have established talk radio in Polish from suburban Pomona, New York; Chinese-Americans offer news and entertainment in Chinese out of Freeport, Long Island; and Indian immigrants broadcast from a radio station in Metuchen, New Jersey.

The diversity of suburbia is evidence of assimilation and a source of conflict. Suburban residents from different ethnic backgrounds have purchased older single-family houses and yards only to use them in new ways. In Silver Spring, Maryland, planners are reexamining the term "household" to deal with perceived overcrowding by extended families from Latino backgrounds. In Fairfax County, Virginia, Vietnamese, Indians, Arabs, Pakistanis, West Africans, and East Africans have joined Latin Americans looking for affordable shelter near their suburban jobs. Many households are large, multigenerational groups, with aunts, uncles, brothers, sisters, cousins, and grandparents helping to pay the rent or make the mortgage. Their cars crowd small driveways. Dozens of these immigrant families have paved over their front lawns to make it easier to park, offending their neighbors. In June 2002, Fairfax County passed a controversial regulation forbidding homeowners to pave their front yards.

From the Hardcover edition.

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Table of Contents

Preface and Acknowledgments

Part One THE AMERICAN METROPOLITAN LANDSCAPE

One: The Shapes of Suburbia
Two: The Suburban City

Part Two HISTORIC PATTERNS IN THE LANDSCAPE

Three: Borderlands
Four: Picturesque Enclaves
Five: Streetcar Buildouts
Six: Mail-Order and Self-Built Suburbs
Seven: Sitcom Suburbs
Eight: Edge Nodes
Nine: Rural Fringes

Part Three THE NEXT SUBURBS

Ten: Nostalgia and Futurism
Eleven: The Importance of Older Suburbs

Notes
Selected Bibliography
Index

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First Chapter

Chapter One

THE SHAPES OF SUBURBIA

We're in the American Dream business.

-advertisement for Fannie Mae

Flying across the United States, airline passengers look down on dazzling, varied topography, yet from Connecticut to California, monotonous tracts of single-family houses stretch for miles outside the downtowns of major cities. Subdivisions interrupt farms and forests. They crowd up against the granite coast of Maine and push into the foothills of the Rocky Mountains. Next to residential areas lie highways, shopping malls, and office parks. They overwhelm small town centers. More Americans reside in suburban landscapes than in inner cities and rural areas combined, yet few can decode the shapes of these landscapes or define where they begin and end.

Demographers still describe suburbs as "the non-central city parts of metropolitan areas," a negative definition, but suburbia has become the dominant American cultural landscape, the place where most households live and vote. Describing suburbia as a residential landscape would be wrong, however, because suburbs also contain millions of square feet of commercial and industrial space, and their economic growth outstrips that of older downtowns. Most confusing of all, suburbia is the site of promises, dreams, and fantasies. It is a landscape of the imagination where Americans situate ambitions for upward mobility and economic security, ideals about freedom and private property, and longings for social harmony and spiritual uplift.

For almost two hundred years, Americans of all classes have idealized life in single-family houses with generous yards, while deploring the sprawling metropolitanregions that result from unregulated residential and commercial growth. With no national land use policy in the United States, single-family housing has often driven suburban planning by default. Between 1994 and 2002, real estate developers completed about 1.5 million new units of housing every year, most of them suburban single-family houses. The production of millions of houses-involving massive mortgage subsidies by the federal government, huge expense to individual families, and extraordinary profits for private real estate developers-has largely configured Americans' material wealth and indebtedness, as well as shaped American landscapes. The metropolitan building process holds the key to many aspects of American culture, yet few know its social and spatial history.

This book is an account of suburbanization since 1820, exploring how entrepreneurs and residents have transformed fields, meadows, and woods into habitable space. The speed and spatial scale of land development have increased with each decade. In the earliest years of mercantile capitalism, a few suburban entrepreneurs launched isolated experiments in subdividing property and building new communities with the help of family and friends. Some real estate developers and boosters began to work together, forming political alliances called "growth machines." Between 1870 and 1920, at the height of industrial capitalism, developers extended their reach and promoted urban peripheries systematically, often working in partnership with transit owners, utilities, and local government. After the rise of a powerful real estate and construction lobby in the 1920s, the federal government took a major role-largely through tax, banking, and insurance systems-in subsidizing private development of residential and commercial property on a national basis. By the mid-1950s, federal tax supports for commercial developers and direct federal support for highways provided incentives for unchecked growth on a scale that earlier entrepreneurs could never have imagined. By the 1980s, state and local governments also frequently supported private commercial development with direct subsidies.

The history of suburban construction can be understood as the evolution of seven vernacular patterns. Building in borderlands began about 1820. Picturesque enclaves started around 1850 and streetcar buildouts around 1870. Mail-order and self-built suburbs arrived in 1900. Mass-produced, urban-scale "sitcom" suburbs appeared around 1940. Edge nodes coalesced around 1960. Rural fringes intensified around 1980. All of these patterns survive in the metropolitan areas of 2003. Many continue to be constructed.

Each pattern is defined by characteristic development practices, building technologies, marketing strategies, architectural preferences, and environmental attitudes. Despite some mid-twentieth-century claims that suburbia is a classless place, in each era of suburban life, economic class has affected residents' employment options, commuting choices, lot sizes, and house sizes, as well as favored shapes for houses, porches, and yards. There are working-class, middle-class, and upper-class configurations intertwined with the seven suburban patterns.

Most previous accounts of suburban history have been organized around improvements in transportation technology, and explicitly or implicitly the authors suggest that transportation technology made residential growth inevitable. Categorizing places by commuters' choices-railroad suburb, streetcar suburb, automobile suburb-also leads to a focus on middle-class and upper-class male breadwinners and their housing. In contrast, this book highlights the complex relationships between real estate entrepreneurs and a wide range of suburban residents and workers. It explores the interplay of natural and built environments, considers women's and children's lives as well as men's, discusses working-class houses and yards as well as affluent ones, and explains why suburbia has been of great interest to political lobbyists.

Many different kinds of visual source materials reveal the precise shapes of suburbs, including maps, plans for towns, designs for houses, and photographs of households. The built places themselves provide material evidence used throughout the book, documented in both architectural and aerial photography. Low-level, oblique-angle aerial photography is especially useful for capturing the scale of recent developments in relation to older patterns.

The Triple Dream and The Growth Machines

The "American Dream" is embedded in these seven evolving patterns of suburban development. Unlike every other affluent civilization, Americans have idealized the house and yard rather than the model neighborhood or the ideal town. From the beginning, the dream conflated piety and gender-stereotyped "family values." The ideology of female domesticity, developed in the United States during the same era when suburban borderlands were first attracting settlers, elevated the religious significance of woman's work, defined as bearing and rearing children in the strong moral atmosphere of a Protestant home set in a natural landscape. The single-family house was invested with churchlike symbols as a sacred space where women's work would win a reward in heaven. Catholic and Jewish immigrants also tied domesticity to religion.

The ideology of female domesticity, popular since the 1840s, was wedded to a cult of male home ownership, extended to include working-class men around the 1870s. Over the years, developers embellished the religious imagery. In 1921 an editorial writer for the National Real Estate Journal told readers that the Garden of Eden was the first subdivision. While Eden also took the fancy of the editors of American Architect and Building News who claimed that Adam and Eve built their home in Short Hills, New Jersey, a perfect town, many more developers have sited their new houses in heaven. An angel with a sword of justice delivered developer Samuel Gross's "home at $10 a month" to a Chicago workman. A New Yorker cover showed a new house floating on pink clouds, above a husband, wife, and child ascending into the sky in 1946, holding their blueprints. (The artist, Constantin Alajálov, included one sharp detail: outside the back door of this upper-middle-class house, an African-American cook chats with a Fuller Brush salesman.) More recently, heavenly notes were sung by architects Andrés Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk when they announced "The Second Coming of the American Small Town" at Seaside, Florida. A memoir by D. J. Waldie evoked Lakewood, California, as Holy Land.

Occasionally, developers have relocated the sales pitch for heaven in the secular landscape of happiness. William F. Chatlos built one thousand "Happiness Homes" in Williston Park, Nassau County, Long Island, in the 1920s. His three-bedroom Tudor and Dutch Colonial houses occupied an alphabetical grid of streets named for prominent colleges and universities, including Amherst, Brown, and Cornell. In the 1940s, advertising copywriters for General Electric promoted purchasing a home as "an adventure in happiness." Listing many electrical appliances, GE told veterans, "It's a promise!" Most Americans want to believe in a "Happiness Home." In the 1990s many flocked to buy houses in "Celebration," a real estate development by The Walt Disney Company, previously known for building theme parks advertised as "the happiest place on earth."

But for women, especially, the single-family suburban house implies isolation, lacking physical and social context. For women, the dream is house plus neighborhood sociability. Others have proposed a different double dream, a house set in unspoiled nature. The result is a triple dream, house plus land plus community, the kind of neighborhood space represented in Phyllis McGinley's charming poem about Larchmont, New York, "I Know a Village," "where all the streets are named for trees / and people visit on their porches." This triple dream encompasses both the private and public pleasures of peaceful, small-scale residential neighborhoods.

For the most part, the physical realization of this dream has been in the hands of developers trying to turn a profit through suburban growth. Conflict has characterized every era of development, as green fields have attracted residents to the peaceful outskirts of cities but also drawn promoters. In addition to those directly involved in the building process, the boosters of growth have included lawyers, owners of suburban transportation companies (including ferries, railroads, and streetcars), owners of utilities, and owners of local newspapers, supermarkets, and big-box stores. They have handled house purchases, punched commutation tickets, generated electricity, increased total circulation, marketed cornflakes, and sold screwdrivers. Once a suburban area is established, growth promoters usually seek greater and greater levels of density. The residents' hope of unspoiled nature fails because open land vanishes with increased development. Their hope of community is betrayed when tracts of houses, hyped as ideal "communities," lack social and economic centers, parks, schools and necessary infrastructure. Contestation-between residents who wish to enjoy suburbia and developers who seek to profit from it-lies at the heart of suburban history.

Chapter Two

THE SUBURBAN CITY

It is the city trying to escape the consequences of

being a city while still remaining a city. It is urban

society trying to eat its cake and keep it, too.

-harlan douglas, The Suburban Trend, 1925

When kenneth t. jackson published his prize-winning history of suburbs, Crabgrass Frontier, in 1985, he concluded, optimistically, that the United States was turning away from suburbia. He suggested that "the long process of suburbanization . . . will slow over the next two decades." He predicted that rising energy and land costs would lead people back to urban centers. Instead, in the last two decades, Americans have settled on the distant fringes of metropolitan regions faster than ever before, while older downtowns have lost population, jobs, and economic vitality. Downtowns with offices, stores, museums, and entertainment drew Americans from the 1870s to the 1950s, but a suburban trend in the mid-1920s became a suburban tide in the 1950s. By 1970, more Americans lived in suburbs than in either central cities or rural areas. By 2000, more Americans lived in suburbs than in central cities and rural areas combined. The United States had become a predominantly suburban nation. Although inner cities still housed certain institutions important to metropolitan regions, many key economic and cultural centers such as corporate headquarters and regional theaters had relocated to suburbs.

After almost two centuries of steady growth, suburbs have overwhelmed the centers of cities, creating metropolitan regions largely formed of suburban parts. In the suburban city of 2003, all seven historic suburban landscape patterns continue to exist. Most political entities include the fragments, overlays, collisions, and erasures of more than one pattern, because suburban growth has been constant across the political boundaries of states, counties, cities, towns, and villages. Metropolitan regions reveal what critics call suburban sprawl, the lack of land use controls or environmental planning. They also reflect a culture of easy obsolescence, where yesterday's picturesque enclave may be sliced by today's new highway leading to tomorrow's edge node.

There have been many efforts to rename the spread-out suburban city. "Galactic metropolis" taps a word from outer space. "Regional city" combines spread and center. So does "sprawl city." "When Suburbs Are the City," the title of a paper by historian Sam Bass Warner, Jr., captures the problem in words that everyone understands.

In the spaces of the suburban city lie metropolitan complexities. American suburbia has always been physically and socially diverse. The outskirts of mid-nineteenth-century cities housed noxious industries like slaughterhouses and glue factories, social reform establishments such as poorhouses, orphanages, contagious disease hospitals, and prisons, plus temporary sites for camp meetings and traveling circuses. There were suburban temperance communities, as well as squatters on marginal land. Although the history of the suburbs includes countless examples of exclusion implemented through developers' deed restrictions, bankers' red-lining, realtors' steering, government lending policies, and other discriminatory practices not all nineteenth-century suburban residential areas were white, Protestant, and elite. From about 1870 on, many working-class and lower-middle-class families were attracted to the periphery of the city, where land was cheap and houses might be constructed with sweat equity. While nineteenth-century immigrants often spent time in inner-city tenements before moving out to streetcar suburbs, today some new immigrants to the United States head straight to the suburbs to live where jobs are easier to find.

Some affluent suburban communities remain almost entirely white and Protestant, but there are also Irish-American suburbs, African-American suburbs, Polish-American suburbs, and Chinese-American suburbs, as well as older streetcar suburbs like Boyle Heights in Los Angeles, a place that has welcomed successive waves of new immigrants from Mexico, Russia, and Japan.

Sometimes the impact of ethnic diversity can be seen and heard in the suburban landscape. New Haven's Italian-American neighborhoods reveal gardens of basil, tomatoes, and oregano, as well as yard shrines honoring the Virgin. Latino families in East Los Angeles decorate their front yards with traditional nacimientos. Sikhs have renamed a street in Fremont, California, for their Gurdwara Temple. Polish-Americans have established talk radio in Polish from suburban Pomona, New York; Chinese-Americans offer news and entertainment in Chinese out of Freeport, Long Island; and Indian immigrants broadcast from a radio station in Metuchen, New Jersey.

The diversity of suburbia is evidence of assimilation and a source of conflict. Suburban residents from different ethnic backgrounds have purchased older single-family houses and yards only to use them in new ways. In Silver Spring, Maryland, planners are reexamining the term "household" to deal with perceived overcrowding by extended families from Latino backgrounds. In Fairfax County, Virginia, Vietnamese, Indians, Arabs, Pakistanis, West Africans, and East Africans have joined Latin Americans looking for affordable shelter near their suburban jobs. Many households are large, multigenerational groups, with aunts, uncles, brothers, sisters, cousins, and grandparents helping to pay the rent or make the mortgage. Their cars crowd small driveways. Dozens of these immigrant families have paved over their front lawns to make it easier to park, offending their neighbors. In June 2002, Fairfax County passed a controversial regulation forbidding homeowners to pave their front yards.
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  • Anonymous

    Posted October 28, 2012

    Bluefires life. Chapter three

    A cold wind blew into the medcats den. Bluepaw opened her eyes slowly. The firs thing she noticed was Hawktalon and Dawnfur staring worridly at her. " thank goodness your alright! For a little while i thoight you wouldnt make it." Dawnfur said. Hawktalon smiled then sighed. " sure know how to pick your fight. Of all the cats you had to pick on Greyclaw." Bluepaw tryed to sit up but gave up quickly after she felt a pain in her side. " you got beat up pretty bad. You really need to rest or you'll be all crooked tge rest of your life!" Dawnfur said. " Ive already informed Rainstar about the water. Hes thinking we should warn Fireclan since its mostly on our side of the lake. But Sandfur decided to go snooping and noticed the water looked the same on the otherside. Which she shouldnt have done. But she did." Hawktalon said. Bluepaw replyed. "What if Fireclan doesnt notice the water. I know some apprentice are pretty careless." Gawktalon said. " Thats why Rainstar thinks it cant wait till the next gathering. He wants to send you. Since Dawnfur said you'd most likely be able to get back to your apprentice dutys by sun-high tomartow." Dawnfur put in. " I said might." Bluepaw replyed. " Why would he want to send me?"" Because he figured since your an apprentice and your not fully trained they wouldnt see you as a threat. Also because you have —" Dawnfur, knowing what Hawktalon was about to say and knew Bluepaw wasnt ready to know the secret of her past put in quickky. " injurys! You have some other minor injurys so id doubt tgey would hurt you any more. But you never know. So i might cone with you unseen to insure your safety." Dawnfur gave a warning look at Hawktalon who looked away. "So we're going to the firclan camp?" Bluepaw asked. " well it depends if a patrol with tigerfoot on it they probly wont. But if not you'll most likely get there safely." Hawktalon replyed. " Yes, but you need to rest as much as possible. You passed out as the battle was almost over. Which was good. Just try not to move that shoulder too much. Well really dont move at all." Dawnfur was going to continue but she heard a cat coming thrue the tunnel. Angelpaw, Dawnfurs new apprentice ppaded in with herbs in her mouth. She dropped them in a messt pile over by the other herbs. " its so hot out today if it wasnt for the wind id be burning. Oh yeah, Hawktalon Rainstar says you've been in here too long and you forgot to orginize a Dawn patrol. Ands its alomost sun-high!" Angelpaw said. "Why dont you get Bluepaw some fresh kill. Im sure shes very hungry" Dawnfur said. Hawktalon without a word dipped his head respectfully towards Dawnfur then paded out. Angelpaw followed him out to get Bluepaw some fresh kill. That night Bluepaw couldnt fall asleep. She kept eondering what Hawktalon was going to say before Dawnfur cut him off. She knew he wasnt going to say what Dawnfur had said. Eventully she drifted off to sleep.

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    Posted August 4, 2012

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