Deviant Behavior / Edition 11 available in Paperback
- ISBN-10:
- 1138191906
- ISBN-13:
- 9781138191907
- Pub. Date:
- 06/16/2016
- Publisher:
- Taylor & Francis
- ISBN-10:
- 1138191906
- ISBN-13:
- 9781138191907
- Pub. Date:
- 06/16/2016
- Publisher:
- Taylor & Francis
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Overview
Product Details
ISBN-13: | 9781138191907 |
---|---|
Publisher: | Taylor & Francis |
Publication date: | 06/16/2016 |
Edition description: | Revised |
Pages: | 424 |
Product dimensions: | 7.00(w) x 9.00(h) x (d) |
About the Author
Read an Excerpt
PREFACE:
PREFACE
I have made a substantial number of revisions in this edition of Deviant Behavior. Aside from the usual updating, I have added several entirely new chapters, compressed others, expanded still others, and deleted or added many sections. I agree with Adler and Adler (2000, p. 8): The subject matter of the field is the "ABCs" of deviance. What the concept of the sociology of deviance encompasses is Attitudes (or beliefs), Behavior, and Characteristics (or traits), including those that are strictly physical. I disagree with Polsky (1998, pp. 202-203), who argues that the study of behavior or conditions that are "not an individual's fault" is off-limits, that is, that we are confined to studying behavior that is regarded as immoral and more or less freely chosen, for which the person designated as deviant can be "blamed" for engaging in. As I show, the social consequences of possessing involuntarily acquired characteristics are often very similar to those that flow from "immoral" behavior.
Hence, in this edition, I have added a chapter on physical deviance, or what Goffman (1963, p. 4) referred to as "abominations of the bodythe various physical deformities," which includes violations of aesthetic norms and disability. In that chapter, I forcefully argue that we sociologists should regard non-normative physical characteristics as a form of deviance.
In addition (again, taking my cue from the Adlers' "ABCs of deviance"), I have added a chapter on deviant belief systems, including religious, political, and paranormal beliefs. While the line between beliefs and behavior is not alwaysconceptually or theoretically easy to draw, we sociologists should reserve a place for deviant beliefs in our thinking. It is possible that, in the history of the world, more people have been punished for unconventional beliefs than for deviant behavior.
I have also compressed what were the three chapters on crimeviolent crime, property crime, and white-collar crimein the previous edition into one chapter. I have taken seriously the argument of several recent critics (Bader, Becker, and Desmond, 1996; Kunkel, 1999) that courses on deviance spend too much time discussing issues and especially topics that are covered in a criminology course. Insofar as it is possible, I have avoided engaging in such repetition and have kept my discussion of criminal behavior to a minimum. Of course, where concepts and theories overlap, there is no avoiding duplication.
During the months prior to completing this revision, I sent out a request for a copy of a course syllabus on deviance to all the persons listed in the American Sociological Association's Biographical Directory of Members for 1997-1998 who designated themselves as having a specialty in Section 4, Crime, Law, and Deviance. Slightly over 1,000 persons were so listed, although not all, and very possibly a minority, regard deviance as their specialty and/or teach or have taught courses on deviance. I also sent the same request to all authors and editors of books designed to be used in deviance courses and to all instructors of deviance in the sociology department at Stony Brook. I did not expect a substantial response rate; in fact, I received only 100 usable syllabi. (Some responded, but did not encloseor even have in their possessionsyllabi.) I was surprised, however, that most editors and textbook authors did not reply to my request. In any case, clearly, the 100 replies do not represent or reflect the approach or content of all deviance courses taught in American universities. Still, in this edition I tally some of the results of this little inquiry. It gave me a clearer idea of the topics deviance instructors discuss.
I have added a discussion of the use of tobacco as a form of deviance in Chapter 8 on legal drugs. I have simplified the chapter on heterosexual deviances by regarding "sex work" as a conceptual category that encompasses prostitution, pornography, and other sex-for-pay enterprises. I have retained but simplified my distinction between constructionism and positivism, incorporating into Chapter 3 some concepts that are common to each approach. I have retained deviance accounts as a vivid pedagogical device for illuminating key ideas in each chapter. Most of the personal accounts that appear in this edition are new, and at least one account appears at the end of each chapter.
Each time I encounter or simply think about the argument that the sociological study of deviance is "dead," that it was necessary to write "an obituary" for the field (Sumner, 1994), 1 marvel at the sheer stultifying stupidity of the argument. No more alive field has ever existed, in sociology or any other discipline.
I would like to thank all the contributors of the personal accounts that appear at the end of each chapter; the instructors of deviance courses who sent me one or more copies of their syllabi; Gary Marker for helping me with the section on the Old Believers; Mary Ann Chaisson for commenting on the section on AIDS; Nachman Ben-Yehuda for his all-around help; and Gerald Davison, John Neale, Alphonse Sallett, Marvin Scott, William J. Goode, Barbara Weinstein, and Ron Weitzer. I would also like to thank the following reviewers: William R. Faulkner, Western Illinois University; Vickie Jensen, California State University-Northridge; Nick Larsen, Chapman University; and Victor N. Shaw, California State University-Northridge. Most of all, I'd like to thank the researchers who investigate and the authors who write about this lively and fascinating topic of deviance. Take my word for it: This field is not going to expire any time soon.
Erich Goode
Table of Contents
Preface xi
Introduction 1
Deviance in Everyday Life 3
So, What Is Deviance? 4
Societal and Situational Deviance 6
The ABCs of Deviance 7
Deviant Behavior 7
Deviant Attitudes and Beliefs 9
Physical Characteristics 10
Tribe, Race, Religion, and Nation 11
A Fourth Type of Deviance 11
What Deviance Is Not 12
Relativism 14
Summary 16
Personal Account: A Computer Pirate Tells His Story 18
Questions 21
Approaches to Deviance 22
Positivism: An Introduction 23
Constructionist Approaches to Deviance: An Introduction 27
Deviance and Social Control: An Introduction 31
Formal and Informal Social Control 33
Summary 34
Personal Account: A Stripper Mom Tells Her Story 36
Questions 41
Explaining Deviant Behavior: Positivist Theories 42
Free Will, Rational Calculation, and Routine Activities Theory 43
Social Disorganization and the Chicago School 45
Anomieor Strain Theory 47
Anomie Theory into the 1990s and Beyond 51
Differential Association and Learning Theory 53
Social Control Theory 54
A General Theory of Crime: Self-Control Theory 56
Summary 58
Personal Account: Clinical Depression 60
Questions 64
Constructionist Theories of Deviance 65
Functionalism 67
Labeling or Interactionist Theory 68
Conflict Theory 74
Feminism 77
Controlology or the New Sociology of Social Control 80
How Are Judgments of Deviance Made? 83
The Role of Religion in Judgments of Deviance 83
Religion and Politics 86
Red State, Blue State 89
Retro versus Metro 89
Summary 91
Personal Account: Cody, the Identity-Constructing Homosexual 94
Questions 99
Studying Deviance: Methods in Social Research 100
The Use of Official Data 101
Survey Research 104
Participant Observation 112
Narratives, Autobiographies, Life Histories, and Personal Accounts 116
Ethical Issues in the Study of Deviance: Tearoom Sex, a Case Study 118
Summary 120
Personal Account: Field Experiment: Public Reactions to Normative Violations 121
Field Experiment: Two Guys Holding Hands in Public, Steven M. Clayton 122
Questions 125
Criminal Behavior 126
Deviance and Crime: A Rough Division of Labor 127
Crime and Deviance: A Conceptual Distinction 130
Common Law and Statutory Law 131
What Is Our Mission? Constructionism versus Positivism 133
The Severity of Crime 134
The Uniform Crime Reports 137
Property Crime 138
Shoplifting and Employee Theft 141
Summary 143
Personal Account: Omar's Story 145
Questions 148
Criminal Violence 149
Violence: An Introduction 150
Murder 150
Forcible Rape 157
Robbery 164
Is Robbery a Crime of Passion? 168
Summary 169
Personal Account: Having a Deviant Father 170
Questions 172
Illicit Drug Use 174
Drug Use: The Social Construction of a Social Problem 176
What Is Drug Use? 179
A Classification of Drugs and Their Effects 180
The Extent of Drug Use in the United States 182
Marijuana Use in the United States, 1960-2004 187
Marijuana Use as Deviance and Crime 189
The War on Marijuana? The Great Transformation, 1990-2000s 192
Hallucinogenic Drugs 194
Cocaine and Crack 197
Heroin and the Narcotics 201
Methamphetamine 202
Summary 205
Personal Account: Barbiturate Abuse 207
Personal Account: Smoking Marijuana 209
Questions 211
Deviant Organizational Behavior 272
White-Collar and Corporate Crime 215
Corporate Crime: Correlative Features 217
Four Recent Examples of Corporate Deviance 221
Police Use of Excessive Force 223
The Sexual Abuse of Children by Roman Catholic Priests 228
Summary 234
Personal Account: Employee Pilferage 235
Questions 237
Sexual Deviance 238
What's Deviant About Sexual Behavior? 240
Essentialism versus Constructionism 241
Gendering Sexuality 244
Homosexuality 245
Sex Work 253
Extramarital Sex 257
Summary 259
Personal Account: Bondage and Discipline Sex 261
Questions 265
Personal Account: Being a Homosexual Priest 266
Questions 268
Cognitive Deviance: Holding Unconventional Beliefs 269
The Social Functions of Belief Systems 274
The Intersection of Religion and Deviance 277
Religious Sects and Cults 278
Creationism, Intelligent Design, and Evolution 281
Paranormal Beliefs as Deviant 286
Summary 289
Personal Account: The Belief That Extraterrestrials Are on Earth 291
Questions 293
Mental Disorder 294
What Is Mental Disorder? 295
Models of Mental Disorder 297
Essentialism Approaches Mental Disorder 298
Constructionism 301
Labeling Theory 303
The Modified Labeling Approach 305
Families of the Mentally Disordered: Labeling by Intimates 307
The Epidemiology of Mental Disorder 309
On Being Sane in Insane Places 310
Chemical Treatment of Mental Disorder 315
Deinstitutionalization 317
Deviance and Mental Disorder: An Overview 318
Summary 319
Personal Account: Interview with Anna-Maria, a Manic-Depressive 321
Questions 325
Physical Characteristics as Deviance 326
Abominations of the Body: An Introduction 330
Physical Disability 330
Conformity to and Violations of Esthetic Standards 332
Body Modification as Physical Deviance 335
Obesity 336
Intersexuality 340
Are the Overweight Universally Stigmatized? Black-White Differences 340
Agnes 341
The Two Debates: Essentialism-Constructionism/Nature-Nurture 342
From Bruce to Brenda to David (The Story of "John" and "Joan") 344
Freaks 345
Disability and Tertiary Deviance 346
Summary 347
Personal Account: Jan, the Transitioning Transsexual 349
Questions 353
References 354
Photo Credits 369
Name Index 370
Subject Index 374
Preface
PREFACE
I have made a substantial number of revisions in this edition of Deviant Behavior. Aside from the usual updating, I have added several entirely new chapters, compressed others, expanded still others, and deleted or added many sections. I agree with Adler and Adler (2000, p. 8): The subject matter of the field is the "ABCs" of deviance. What the concept of the sociology of deviance encompasses is Attitudes (or beliefs), Behavior, and Characteristics (or traits), including those that are strictly physical. I disagree with Polsky (1998, pp. 202-203), who argues that the study of behavior or conditions that are "not an individual's fault" is off-limits, that is, that we are confined to studying behavior that is regarded as immoral and more or less freely chosen, for which the person designated as deviant can be "blamed" for engaging in. As I show, the social consequences of possessing involuntarily acquired characteristics are often very similar to those that flow from "immoral" behavior.
Hence, in this edition, I have added a chapter on physical deviance, or what Goffman (1963, p. 4) referred to as "abominations of the bodythe various physical deformities," which includes violations of aesthetic norms and disability. In that chapter, I forcefully argue that we sociologists should regard non-normative physical characteristics as a form of deviance.
In addition (again, taking my cue from the Adlers' "ABCs of deviance"), I have added a chapter on deviant belief systems, including religious, political, and paranormal beliefs. While the line between beliefs and behavior is notalwaysconceptually or theoretically easy to draw, we sociologists should reserve a place for deviant beliefs in our thinking. It is possible that, in the history of the world, more people have been punished for unconventional beliefs than for deviant behavior.
I have also compressed what were the three chapters on crimeviolent crime, property crime, and white-collar crimein the previous edition into one chapter. I have taken seriously the argument of several recent critics (Bader, Becker, and Desmond, 1996; Kunkel, 1999) that courses on deviance spend too much time discussing issues and especially topics that are covered in a criminology course. Insofar as it is possible, I have avoided engaging in such repetition and have kept my discussion of criminal behavior to a minimum. Of course, where concepts and theories overlap, there is no avoiding duplication.
During the months prior to completing this revision, I sent out a request for a copy of a course syllabus on deviance to all the persons listed in the American Sociological Association's Biographical Directory of Members for 1997-1998 who designated themselves as having a specialty in Section 4, Crime, Law, and Deviance. Slightly over 1,000 persons were so listed, although not all, and very possibly a minority, regard deviance as their specialty and/or teach or have taught courses on deviance. I also sent the same request to all authors and editors of books designed to be used in deviance courses and to all instructors of deviance in the sociology department at Stony Brook. I did not expect a substantial response rate; in fact, I received only 100 usable syllabi. (Some responded, but did not encloseor even have in their possessionsyllabi.) I was surprised, however, that most editors and textbook authors did not reply to my request. In any case, clearly, the 100 replies do not represent or reflect the approach or content of all deviance courses taught in American universities. Still, in this edition I tally some of the results of this little inquiry. It gave me a clearer idea of the topics deviance instructors discuss.
I have added a discussion of the use of tobacco as a form of deviance in Chapter 8 on legal drugs. I have simplified the chapter on heterosexual deviances by regarding "sex work" as a conceptual category that encompasses prostitution, pornography, and other sex-for-pay enterprises. I have retained but simplified my distinction between constructionism and positivism, incorporating into Chapter 3 some concepts that are common to each approach. I have retained deviance accounts as a vivid pedagogical device for illuminating key ideas in each chapter. Most of the personal accounts that appear in this edition are new, and at least one account appears at the end of each chapter.
Each time I encounter or simply think about the argument that the sociological study of deviance is "dead," that it was necessary to write "an obituary" for the field (Sumner, 1994), 1 marvel at the sheer stultifying stupidity of the argument. No more alive field has ever existed, in sociology or any other discipline.
I would like to thank all the contributors of the personal accounts that appear at the end of each chapter; the instructors of deviance courses who sent me one or more copies of their syllabi; Gary Marker for helping me with the section on the Old Believers; Mary Ann Chaisson for commenting on the section on AIDS; Nachman Ben-Yehuda for his all-around help; and Gerald Davison, John Neale, Alphonse Sallett, Marvin Scott, William J. Goode, Barbara Weinstein, and Ron Weitzer. I would also like to thank the following reviewers: William R. Faulkner, Western Illinois University; Vickie Jensen, California State University-Northridge; Nick Larsen, Chapman University; and Victor N. Shaw, California State University-Northridge. Most of all, I'd like to thank the researchers who investigate and the authors who write about this lively and fascinating topic of deviance. Take my word for it: This field is not going to expire any time soon.
Erich Goode