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Eagle Rules? Foreign Policy and American Primacy in the Twenty-First Century / Edition 1

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Overview

This important and original volume assesses what we now know about world politics and American foreign policy after more than a decade of the post-Cold War era, and the wider implications of this experience both for the U.S role in the 21st Century and for international relations more broadly. The chapter authors are leading authorities in their fields, and their contributions integrate both foreign and domestic setting for foreign policy. Part I looks at public opinion, debates about humanitarian intervention, the use of force in foreign conflicts, and congressional-executive relations in the making of foreign policy. Part II deals with the key regional issues confronting the United States, including the Middle East, Europe, Russia, China and East Asia, Latin America and Africa. Part III addresses major functional topics, including international economics and trade, defense policy, proliferation, “rogue” states, the environment, and America's relationship to the United Nations. For individuals interested in the United State's degree of international primacy—the impact of domestic politics on its world role, and the longer-term implications of foreign policy.

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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780130909879
  • Publisher: Pearson
  • Publication date: 8/28/2001
  • Edition description: New Edition
  • Edition number: 1
  • Pages: 352
  • Product dimensions: 5.90 (w) x 8.89 (h) x 0.94 (d)

Meet the Author

Robert J. Lieber is Professor of Government and Foreign Service at Georgetown University, where he served as Chair of the Government Department from 1990 to 1996 and as Interim Chair of Psychology from 1997 to 1999. He is an expert on American foreign policy and on U.S. relations with Europe and the Middle East. Lieber was born and raised in Chicago, and received his undergraduate education at the University of Wisconsin and his Ph.D. at Harvard. He has held fellowships from the Guggenheim, Rockefeller, and Ford Foundations, the Council on Foreign Relations, and the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. He also taught at Harvard, Oxford, and the University of California, Davis, and has been Visiting Fellow at St. Antony's College Oxford, the Harvard Center for International Affairs, the Atlantic Institute in Paris, the Brookings Institution and the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, and Fudan University in Shanghai.

Dr. Lieber is author or editor of twelve other books on international relations and U.S. foreign policy. His authored works include No Common Power: Understanding International Relations, Fourth Edition (Prentice-Hall, 2001), The Oil Decade (1986), Oil and the Middle East War: Europe in the Energy Crisis (1976), Contemporary Politics: Europe (coauthor, 1976), Theory and World Politics (1972), and British Politics and European Unity (1970). In addition, he is editor and contributing author of Eagle Adrift: American Foreign Policy at the End of the Century (1997). And with Kenneth Oye and Donald Rothchild, he is coeditor and contributing author of four previous volumes on American foreign policy: Eagle in a New World: American Grand Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era (1992); Eagle Resurgent? The Reagan Era in American Foreign Policy (1987); Eagle Defiant: U.S. Foreign Policy in the 1980s (1983); and Eagle Entangled: U.S. Foreign Policy in a Complex World (1979).

Dr. Lieber also has been a foreign policy advisor in several presidential campaigns, a frequent contributor to both scholarly journals and newspapers, and a participant in foreign affairs analysis on television and radio. Among his other credits are "killer" tennis and a walk-on part in the Alfred Hitchcock film classic North by Northwest.

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Read an Excerpt

Eagle Rules? embodies a double meaning. The words suggest both that the United States enjoys a remarkable degree of international primacy and that it possesses a unique ability to shape the terms by which international relations take place. Rarely has any country held such a position. Yet the question mark in the title of this book should not be overlooked, for it reflects a recognition that the exercise of this power can be inconsistent and cumbersome, and that power itself does not always translate into effective influence. How, then, can we account for American primacy? Is it likely to persist? How do domestic politics impact on America's world role? And what are the longer-term implications for foreign policy?

Eagle Rules? is an entirely new work that follows in the footsteps of five previous Eagle books, for which I have been the editor or coeditor. This book assesses what we now know about world politics and American foreign policy after more than a decade of the post-Cold War era and the wider implications of this experience both for the U.S. role in the twenty-first century and for international relations more broadly. In contrast to predictions of decline that were common less than fifteen years ago, America's international primacy has become remarkably robust. Other powerful states have yet to challenge its preeminence, and international institutions have for the most part failed to take on more decisive roles in "global governance." Although we differ to some extent among ourselves over, for example, specific regional problems, defense policy, and the balance between unilateral and multilateral strategies, we share a common purpose in making sense of the changed international landscape, the indispensability of America's role, and the problems in its exercise. The authors who have joined together for this inquiry thus approach their subjects in light of three broad tendencies. Though there are countervailing tendencies, each of these can be stated as a proposition. First, America's remarkable international primacy is likely to continue for some time. Second, American leadership remains the necessary catalyst for action on the most pressing international problems. Third, the absence of foreign threats on the scale of World War Two or the Cold War complicates the task of policy-makers in gaining international agreement as well as domestic support for key policies and collective action. As a result, a disparity between power and influence often emerges. That is, despite the extraordinary primacy that America now enjoys, this power by no means translates automatically into the kind of influence or outcomes that policy-makers seek.

Previous Eagle books have been widely cited in both policy and scholarly debates about American foreign policy. The contributors to this volume are once again leading authorities in their fields, and half of them have policy-making experience as well. Our inquiry is thus positioned at the intersection between the world of affairs and the world of ideas. We seek to assess the most important lessons from recent experience, consider the effects of American predominance, weigh the influence of domestic politics on foreign policy, and then set out the implications for the role of the United States in the twenty-first century.

The introductory chapter develops the framework for Eagle Rules, advances the theme of primacy, and elaborates upon the three propositions noted before. I find that although there is evidence of international resentment at America's power and wealth, the greater long-term peril is less likely to be America's over extension or of its galvanizing an international coalition against itself than of the consequences were the United States to opt for withdrawal and abdication. Though improbable, the latter course would be more likely to prove harmful not only to the development of a more benign international political and economic environment but also to the national interests of the United States.

The authors in Part I focus upon the domestic setting for foreign policy. Ole R. Holsti (Duke University), in his chapter on public opinion and foreign policy, provides compelling evidence that the American public continues to support an internationalist and even multilateralist foreign policy, even though its attention has become focused primarily on domestic issues. Andrew Bennett (Georgetown University), assesses the balance of foreign policy powers between the presidency and the congress since the end of the Cold War. In doing so, he analyzes the impact that these tensions have had on foreign trade, on confirmation of foreign policy officials, and on the use of force and treaty ratification, and he concludes with specific recommendations for the Bush administration so that this struggle between these branches of government does not derail American foreign policy.

Part II of Eagle Rules turns to the most important regional problems. No H. Daalder (Brookings) argues that a partnership of genuine equality between the United States and Europe is ultimately both desirable and feasible. He provides a detailed case for why, over the longer term, this will be preferable to the unbalanced relationship that has continued to exist, as well as to a Europe divorced from the United States. Gail W. Lapidus (Stanford), reviews three competing arguments in an emerging "Who Lost Russia" debate and provides a reexamination of assumptions underlying American policy. She finds that most of these critiques exaggerate the impact of American policy and finds this trend to be a sobering illustration of the limits on America's ability to translate its political primacy and power into influence over the character and behavior of this former superpower.

Robert A. Pastor (Emory University) finds that U.S. primacy vis-a-vis Latin America does not by itself provide an answer in translating goals of democracy and freer trade into policies and agreements. The continuing problem for Washington revolves around whether these goals should be pursued unilaterally or collectively. The Latin American countries remain similarly ambivalent on seeking greater autonomy or more interdependence.

Harvey Sicherman (Foreign Policy Research Institute) weighs America's Middle East role as the single preponderant power in the region. He finds that this domination is not, however, sufficient to achieve Washington's objectives. Although the U.S. role remains unique, sole superpowerdom there does not convey omnipotence, and the problems that the Bush administration inherits from the Clinton administration present compelling long-term problems.

Robert S. Litwak (Woodrow Wilson International Center) focuses on the evolution of U.S. strategy from dual to differentiated containment in regard to Iraq and Iran. He argues that the key issues in dealing with Iran are those of dialogue and limited engagement. By contrast, there is a continuing need for containing and isolating Iraq.

Edward Friedman (University of Wisconsin, Madison) addresses both the uncertainties and potential confrontation with a rising China. He fords it crucial that the United States deter war in the medium term, avoid strictly unilateral responses, and act in concert with regional allies in East Asia, while remaining vigilant. The objective is to provide time for the rise of pragmatic and less antagonistic forces within China.

Donald Rothchild (University of California, Davis) examines the distance that exists in American relations with Africa. He identifies the gap between the executive branch, on the one hand, and Congress and the American public with its weak support for Africa's needs and aspirations, and he concludes that drift and detachment continue to mark U.S. policy toward the region.

In Part III of Eagle Rules, the contributors deal with compelling security issues that cut across regional boundaries.

Cindy Williams (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) believes that America's armed forces, though preponderant globally, have yet to be adapted for the post-Cold War world. She suggests innovative strategies for adjusting both priorities and force structures that would trim conventional forces and their costs while maintaining a strong and capable military.

Bruce W. Jentleson (Duke University) examines the crucial and controversial question of when, where, and how the United States uses force abroad. In doing so, he weighs normative and policy dilemmas and concludes that a more robust ethnic conflict deterrence posture and more effective humanitarian intervention strategy may be the worst alternative of the United States-except for all the others.

Michael Nacht (University of California, Berkeley) argues that weapons proliferation now requires new thinking and difficult policy choices. His approach echoes the theme of this volume: namely, that American power has never been greater, yet without U.S. leadership, international efforts against proliferation cannot be effective. Moreover, the supremacy of American military power does not readily translate into U.S. influence in shaping international policies. He concludes with an ominous warning about the future use of chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons.

Part IV of this book focuses on globalization and its discontents. Benjamin J. Cohen (University of California, Santa Barbara) examines what the American government can do to contain the threatened backlash against globalization. His fundamental premise is that in order for the world economy's strengths to be preserved, it will require determined leadership from the United States, but that this approach requires that the legitimate concerns of globalization's critics be directly addressed.

Robert Paarlberg (Wellesley College) writes that the United States can take little comfort from knowing that it is an "essential" country. This status is anything but a guarantee of policy success. Domestic politics have often proved difficult, and being the essential nation abroad does not help to solve political problems at home. In reviewing the Convention on Biodiversity and a subsequent Biosafety Protocol, he demonstrates that U.S. disengagement can ultimately result in real damage to practical U.S. interests.

In the concluding chapter of this volume, Stanley Hoffmann (Harvard University) writes of the perpetual tug of war between the United States, as a hegemonic power with a desire to push its vision of world order through the intricate mechanisms of regional and international organizations, and the impulse to act unilaterally whenever these institutions are deemed to be hindrances. He observes that between a government sure of America's power but unsure about the best uses of it, and international organizations that are increasingly important as sources of legitimacy and stability but that are often mismanaged and devoid of adequate means, there can be no easy fit.

The contributors to this book deserve thanks not only for the quality of their chapters, but for their engagement in the entire endeavor, thus making Eagle Rules? far more than the sum of its parts. The authors have contributed valuable insights about each other's essays as well as to the overall conception of this volume, and their esprit and sense of craft have made the writing and editing a particular pleasure. Though this work is now the sixth in the Eagle lineage, I again wish to acknowledge the admirable role of my former colleagues, Kenneth Oye and Donald Rothchild, in co-editing and conceptualizing our original Eagle volume and three of its successors. Colleagues in the Government Department and School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University have provided a stimulating environment in which I presented initial ideas for this book, and at various stages of this project I have also benefited from, the insights and/or critiques of Fouad Ajami, Louise Branson, Dieter Dettke, Dusko Doder, George Downs, Robert Hathaway, Robert Hunter, Aharon Klieman, Keir Lieber, Charles Lipson, Sir Michael Quinlan, Yossi Shain, Ruth Weisberg, and William Wohlforth, as well as the research assistance of Jeff Pietka, Mira Sucharov and William Josiger.

Finally, it is an enormous pleasure to acknowledge the support of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C., and its Director, Lee Hamilton; Deputy Director Michael Van Deusen; Associate Director Samuel Wells; and Director of International Studies Robert Litwak. In addition to making it possible for me to spend a rewarding year there as a Public Policy Scholar, the Center hosted a meeting of Eagle authors, so that we could present and debate our original chapter drafts. This interchange has contributed in no small way to the overall coherence and quality of our joint undertaking.

Robert J. Lieber Washington, D.C.

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Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION.

1. Foreign Policy and American Primacy, Robert J. Lieber, Georgetown University.

I. THE EAGLE AT HOME.

2. Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, Ole Holsti, Duke University.

3. Who Rules the Roost? Congressional-Executive Relations on Foreign Policy After the Cold War, Andrew Bennett, Georgetown University.

II. REGIONAL RELATIONS.

4. The United States and Europe: From Primacy to Partnership? Ivo Daalder, Brookings Institution.

5. Russia's Transformation and American Policy, Gail Lapidus, Stanford University.

6. The U.S. and the Americas: Unfulfilled Promise at the Century's Turn, Robert Pastor, Emory University.

7. A Cautionary Tale: The U.S. and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, Harvey Sicherman, Foreign Policy Research Institute.

8. Iran and Iraq: From Dual to Differentiated Containment, Robert S. Litwak, Woodrow Wilson International Center.

9. Lone Eagle, Lone Dragon? How the Cold War Did Not End for China, Edward Friedman, University of Wisconsin.

10. The U.S. and Africa: Power with Limited Influence, Donald Rothchild, University of California, Davis.

III. SECURITY ISSUES.

11. Defense Policy for the 21st Century, Cindy Williams, MIT.

12. Use of Force Dilemmas: Policy, Norms, and Politics, Bruce Jentleson, Duke University.

13. Weapons Proliferation and Missile Defense: New Patterns, Tough Choices, Michael Nacht, University of California, Berkeley.

IV. GLOBALIZATION AND ITS DISCONTENTS

14. Containing Backlash: Foreign Economic Policy in an Age of Globalization, Benjamin J. Cohen, University of California, Santa Barbara.

15. The Eagle and the Global Environment: The Burden of Being Essential, Robert Paarlberg, Wellesley.

16. The U.S. and International Organizations, Stanley Hoffmann, Harvard University.

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Preface

Eagle Rules? embodies a double meaning. The words suggest both that the United States enjoys a remarkable degree of international primacy and that it possesses a unique ability to shape the terms by which international relations take place. Rarely has any country held such a position. Yet the question mark in the title of this book should not be overlooked, for it reflects a recognition that the exercise of this power can be inconsistent and cumbersome, and that power itself does not always translate into effective influence. How, then, can we account for American primacy? Is it likely to persist? How do domestic politics impact on America's world role? And what are the longer-term implications for foreign policy?

Eagle Rules? is an entirely new work that follows in the footsteps of five previous Eagle books, for which I have been the editor or coeditor. This book assesses what we now know about world politics and American foreign policy after more than a decade of the post-Cold War era and the wider implications of this experience both for the U.S. role in the twenty-first century and for international relations more broadly. In contrast to predictions of decline that were common less than fifteen years ago, America's international primacy has become remarkably robust. Other powerful states have yet to challenge its preeminence, and international institutions have for the most part failed to take on more decisive roles in "global governance." Although we differ to some extent among ourselves over, for example, specific regional problems, defense policy, and the balance between unilateral and multilateral strategies, we share a common purpose in making sense of the changed international landscape, the indispensability of America's role, and the problems in its exercise. The authors who have joined together for this inquiry thus approach their subjects in light of three broad tendencies. Though there are countervailing tendencies, each of these can be stated as a proposition. First, America's remarkable international primacy is likely to continue for some time. Second, American leadership remains the necessary catalyst for action on the most pressing international problems. Third, the absence of foreign threats on the scale of World War Two or the Cold War complicates the task of policy-makers in gaining international agreement as well as domestic support for key policies and collective action. As a result, a disparity between power and influence often emerges. That is, despite the extraordinary primacy that America now enjoys, this power by no means translates automatically into the kind of influence or outcomes that policy-makers seek.

Previous Eagle books have been widely cited in both policy and scholarly debates about American foreign policy. The contributors to this volume are once again leading authorities in their fields, and half of them have policy-making experience as well. Our inquiry is thus positioned at the intersection between the world of affairs and the world of ideas. We seek to assess the most important lessons from recent experience, consider the effects of American predominance, weigh the influence of domestic politics on foreign policy, and then set out the implications for the role of the United States in the twenty-first century.

The introductory chapter develops the framework for Eagle Rules, advances the theme of primacy, and elaborates upon the three propositions noted before. I find that although there is evidence of international resentment at America's power and wealth, the greater long-term peril is less likely to be America's over extension or of its galvanizing an international coalition against itself than of the consequences were the United States to opt for withdrawal and abdication. Though improbable, the latter course would be more likely to prove harmful not only to the development of a more benign international political and economic environment but also to the national interests of the United States.

The authors in Part I focus upon the domestic setting for foreign policy. Ole R. Holsti (Duke University), in his chapter on public opinion and foreign policy, provides compelling evidence that the American public continues to support an internationalist and even multilateralist foreign policy, even though its attention has become focused primarily on domestic issues. Andrew Bennett (Georgetown University), assesses the balance of foreign policy powers between the presidency and the congress since the end of the Cold War. In doing so, he analyzes the impact that these tensions have had on foreign trade, on confirmation of foreign policy officials, and on the use of force and treaty ratification, and he concludes with specific recommendations for the Bush administration so that this struggle between these branches of government does not derail American foreign policy.

Part II of Eagle Rules turns to the most important regional problems. No H. Daalder (Brookings) argues that a partnership of genuine equality between the United States and Europe is ultimately both desirable and feasible. He provides a detailed case for why, over the longer term, this will be preferable to the unbalanced relationship that has continued to exist, as well as to a Europe divorced from the United States. Gail W. Lapidus (Stanford), reviews three competing arguments in an emerging "Who Lost Russia" debate and provides a reexamination of assumptions underlying American policy. She finds that most of these critiques exaggerate the impact of American policy and finds this trend to be a sobering illustration of the limits on America's ability to translate its political primacy and power into influence over the character and behavior of this former superpower.

Robert A. Pastor (Emory University) finds that U.S. primacy vis-a-vis Latin America does not by itself provide an answer in translating goals of democracy and freer trade into policies and agreements. The continuing problem for Washington revolves around whether these goals should be pursued unilaterally or collectively. The Latin American countries remain similarly ambivalent on seeking greater autonomy or more interdependence.

Harvey Sicherman (Foreign Policy Research Institute) weighs America's Middle East role as the single preponderant power in the region. He finds that this domination is not, however, sufficient to achieve Washington's objectives. Although the U.S. role remains unique, sole superpowerdom there does not convey omnipotence, and the problems that the Bush administration inherits from the Clinton administration present compelling long-term problems.

Robert S. Litwak (Woodrow Wilson International Center) focuses on the evolution of U.S. strategy from dual to differentiated containment in regard to Iraq and Iran. He argues that the key issues in dealing with Iran are those of dialogue and limited engagement. By contrast, there is a continuing need for containing and isolating Iraq.

Edward Friedman (University of Wisconsin, Madison) addresses both the uncertainties and potential confrontation with a rising China. He fords it crucial that the United States deter war in the medium term, avoid strictly unilateral responses, and act in concert with regional allies in East Asia, while remaining vigilant. The objective is to provide time for the rise of pragmatic and less antagonistic forces within China.

Donald Rothchild (University of California, Davis) examines the distance that exists in American relations with Africa. He identifies the gap between the executive branch, on the one hand, and Congress and the American public with its weak support for Africa's needs and aspirations, and he concludes that drift and detachment continue to mark U.S. policy toward the region.

In Part III of Eagle Rules, the contributors deal with compelling security issues that cut across regional boundaries.

Cindy Williams (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) believes that America's armed forces, though preponderant globally, have yet to be adapted for the post-Cold War world. She suggests innovative strategies for adjusting both priorities and force structures that would trim conventional forces and their costs while maintaining a strong and capable military.

Bruce W. Jentleson (Duke University) examines the crucial and controversial question of when, where, and how the United States uses force abroad. In doing so, he weighs normative and policy dilemmas and concludes that a more robust ethnic conflict deterrence posture and more effective humanitarian intervention strategy may be the worst alternative of the United States-except for all the others.

Michael Nacht (University of California, Berkeley) argues that weapons proliferation now requires new thinking and difficult policy choices. His approach echoes the theme of this volume: namely, that American power has never been greater, yet without U.S. leadership, international efforts against proliferation cannot be effective. Moreover, the supremacy of American military power does not readily translate into U.S. influence in shaping international policies. He concludes with an ominous warning about the future use of chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons.

Part IV of this book focuses on globalization and its discontents. Benjamin J. Cohen (University of California, Santa Barbara) examines what the American government can do to contain the threatened backlash against globalization. His fundamental premise is that in order for the world economy's strengths to be preserved, it will require determined leadership from the United States, but that this approach requires that the legitimate concerns of globalization's critics be directly addressed.

Robert Paarlberg (Wellesley College) writes that the United States can take little comfort from knowing that it is an "essential" country. This status is anything but a guarantee of policy success. Domestic politics have often proved difficult, and being the essential nation abroad does not help to solve political problems at home. In reviewing the Convention on Biodiversity and a subsequent Biosafety Protocol, he demonstrates that U.S. disengagement can ultimately result in real damage to practical U.S. interests.

In the concluding chapter of this volume, Stanley Hoffmann (Harvard University) writes of the perpetual tug of war between the United States, as a hegemonic power with a desire to push its vision of world order through the intricate mechanisms of regional and international organizations, and the impulse to act unilaterally whenever these institutions are deemed to be hindrances. He observes that between a government sure of America's power but unsure about the best uses of it, and international organizations that are increasingly important as sources of legitimacy and stability but that are often mismanaged and devoid of adequate means, there can be no easy fit.

The contributors to this book deserve thanks not only for the quality of their chapters, but for their engagement in the entire endeavor, thus making Eagle Rules? far more than the sum of its parts. The authors have contributed valuable insights about each other's essays as well as to the overall conception of this volume, and their esprit and sense of craft have made the writing and editing a particular pleasure. Though this work is now the sixth in the Eagle lineage, I again wish to acknowledge the admirable role of my former colleagues, Kenneth Oye and Donald Rothchild, in co-editing and conceptualizing our original Eagle volume and three of its successors. Colleagues in the Government Department and School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University have provided a stimulating environment in which I presented initial ideas for this book, and at various stages of this project I have also benefited from, the insights and/or critiques of Fouad Ajami, Louise Branson, Dieter Dettke, Dusko Doder, George Downs, Robert Hathaway, Robert Hunter, Aharon Klieman, Keir Lieber, Charles Lipson, Sir Michael Quinlan, Yossi Shain, Ruth Weisberg, and William Wohlforth, as well as the research assistance of Jeff Pietka, Mira Sucharov and William Josiger.

Finally, it is an enormous pleasure to acknowledge the support of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C., and its Director, Lee Hamilton; Deputy Director Michael Van Deusen; Associate Director Samuel Wells; and Director of International Studies Robert Litwak. In addition to making it possible for me to spend a rewarding year there as a Public Policy Scholar, the Center hosted a meeting of Eagle authors, so that we could present and debate our original chapter drafts. This interchange has contributed in no small way to the overall coherence and quality of our joint undertaking.

Robert J. Lieber
Washington, D.C.

Read More Show Less

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