BN.com Gift Guide

Falun Gong's Challenge to China: Spiritual Practice or "Evil Cult"? / Edition 1

Paperback (Print)
Used and New from Other Sellers
Used and New from Other Sellers
from $1.99
Usually ships in 1-2 business days
(Save 87%)
Other sellers (Paperback)
  • All (14) from $1.99   
  • New (3) from $9.14   
  • Used (11) from $1.99   
Close
Sort by
Page 1 of 1
Showing All
Note: Marketplace items are not eligible for any BN.com coupons and promotions
$9.14
Seller since 2007

Feedback rating:

(23567)

Condition:

New — never opened or used in original packaging.

Like New — packaging may have been opened. A "Like New" item is suitable to give as a gift.

Very Good — may have minor signs of wear on packaging but item works perfectly and has no damage.

Good — item is in good condition but packaging may have signs of shelf wear/aging or torn packaging. All specific defects should be noted in the Comments section associated with each item.

Acceptable — item is in working order but may show signs of wear such as scratches or torn packaging. All specific defects should be noted in the Comments section associated with each item.

Used — An item that has been opened and may show signs of wear. All specific defects should be noted in the Comments section associated with each item.

Refurbished — A used item that has been renewed or updated and verified to be in proper working condition. Not necessarily completed by the original manufacturer.

New
BRAND NEW

Ships from: Avenel, NJ

Usually ships in 1-2 business days

  • Canadian
  • International
  • Standard, 48 States
  • Standard (AK, HI)
$9.24
Seller since 2009

Feedback rating:

(10638)

Condition: New
New Book. Shipped from US within 10 to 14 business days. Established seller since 2000.

Ships from: Secaucus, NJ

Usually ships in 1-2 business days

  • Standard, 48 States
  • Standard (AK, HI)
$19.54
Seller since 2014

Feedback rating:

(1)

Condition: New
2001 Paperback New Next working day dispatch from the UK (Mon-Fri). Please contact us with any queries. *****PLEASE NOTE: This item is shipping from an authorized seller in ... Europe. In the event that a return is necessary, you will be able to return your item within the US. To learn more about our European sellers and policies see the BookQuest FAQ section***** Read more Show Less

Ships from: Hereford, United Kingdom

Usually ships in 1-2 business days

  • Canadian
  • International
  • Standard, 48 States
  • Standard (AK, HI)
Page 1 of 1
Showing All
Close
Sort by

Overview

"China is nervous because there are now more Falun Going practitioners than there are members of the Chinese Communist Party"
—Li Hongzhi, founder of Falun Gong.

In one of the most bizarre cases of political repression in modern history, the People's Republic of China has banned a spiritual practice built around traditional exercises and meditation. They say that Falun Gong has become a dangerous threat to the largest nation on Earth. In a return to the dark days of the Cultural Revolution, they have burned thousands of Falun Gong books and literature. They have beaten and detained thousands of practitioners. They have issued an arrest warrant for Falun Gong founder Li Hongzhi. They are sentencing some practitioners to long periods of incarceration at show trials. World leaders and human rights groups are speaking out.

Why is this happening? Is it because Falun Gong has attracted an estimated l00 million practitioners? What is Falun Gong's appeal? What is it that China fears?

This is their story. Largely Unheard. Until Now.

This timely non-fiction book presents the inside story of China's crackdown on Falun Gong, taking a stand against the most blatant and pervasive political book burning since the days of Hitler's rise to power. By offering Falun Gong's story in the context of the current crisis in China, it provides an important look at a dramatic underreported and unfolding story. In China, their point of view has been banned. It deserves to be heard worldwide.

Veteran journalist Danny Schechter executive produced "China Now" for Channel 13 in 1991. He has written about Chinese issues for Newsday and Z Magazine. He is the author of The More You Watch, The Less You Know (Seven Stories Press) and is the executive producer of Globalvision and executive editor of the Media Channel.

An Excerpt

"The picture doesn't add up. What I see here with these people and what they're doing, they seem very normal people. They're from all walks of life; and then on the other side you've got this picture that the Chinese government is painting, and the two just don't match."-Adam Montanaro, Falun Gong practitioner (USA)

Read More Show Less

Editorial Reviews

The Nation
Danny Schechter, a kind of journalist without borders, has shaken up public broadcasting, among many other media institutions, in the course of his career as a self-styled 'News Dissector' and human rights advocate...
Read More Show Less

Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9781888451276
  • Publisher: Akashic Books
  • Publication date: 9/1/2001
  • Edition description: New Edition
  • Edition number: 1
  • Pages: 275
  • Product dimensions: 5.40 (w) x 8.50 (h) x 0.80 (d)

Table of Contents

Author’s Note
Part I: Report on the Falun Gong Crisis
Introduction
Chapter 1 Understanding China
Chapter 2 From Cultural Revolution to Capitalist Reaction
Chapter 3 What Does Falun Gong Believe?
Chapter 4 Evil Cult?
Chapter 5 Li Hongzhi and the Falun Gong Network
Chapter 6 Promoting Falun Gong in China
Chapter 7 The Media Coverage
Chapter 8 A Tepid Response in the West
Chapter 9 Despite the Shameful Silence, Resistance Mounts
Coda The Vanguard of Change
Part II: Falun Gong Readings
Chapter 10 Timeline of Major Events
Chapter 11 Experiences of Falun Gong Practitioners in China Under the Crackdown
  • "My Experience Inside the Detention Center"
  • Internet Postings Continued
  • Three Experiences at the Beijing Zhoukoudian
  • Mental Hospital
  • Rare Encounter
  • "Mom Will Go to Jail for the Truth"
  • Six Reports of Persecution in Zhao-Yuan City
  • "My Trip to China—Days with Falun Dafa Practitioners in China"
  • Letter to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan from Falun Gong Practitioners in Beijing
Chapter 12 Representations of Falun Gong in the Chinese State-Controlled Media
  • Deligitimizing Falun Gong As an "Evil Cult"
  • Discrediting Li Hongzhi
  • Ridiculing Li Hongzhi’s Ideas
  • Falun Gong Threatens Society
  • Unmasking Li Hongzhi As a Criminal
  • International Criticisms of China Are Hypocritical
  •  The Practice of Falun Gong Has Harmed Chinese Citizens
  • Falun Gong’s Organization Threatens China
Chapter 13 Statements from Practitioners Around the World
  • "An American Practitioner’s Story," by Gail Rachlin
  • "Experience-sharing" by Practitioners in Russia, Germany, Sweden, Australia, and Canada
  • Statements from American Practitioners
  • "Falun Dafa—a Science of Body, Mind, and Spirit" by Jingduan Yang, M.D.
Chapter 14 Who Is Li Hongzhi?
  • Li Hongzhi Biography
  • Interview with Li Hongzhi by Danny Schechter
Chapter 15 Human Rights Reports and Other Third-party Perspectives
  • Amnesty International Report
  • Statement by Human Rights in China
  • "The Wheel of Law and the Rule of Law" by James D. Seymour
  • "Unprecedented Courage in the Face of Cultural Revolution–Style Persecution" by Liu Binyan
  • "For Whom the Gong Tolls" by Peter Carlson
  • "Falun Gong and the Internet" by Stephen D. O’Leary
Chapter 16 Reactions of the United States and Other Governments
  • Congressional Research Service Report for the US Congress by Thomas Lum
  • US State Department 1999 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: China
  • Letter from US Congress to Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
  • Address to the UN Human Rights Commission by Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
  • Statement Before the Human Rights Caucus by Robert A. Seiple
  • US State Department Response to UNCHR Decision to Adopt "No-Action" Motion on US-Sponsored China Resolution
  • Letter to Falun Gong from the Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs
  • Statement by Miles Kupa, Deputy Foreign Minister of Australia
Chapter 17 Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (and Additional Anti-Cult Legislation)
  • Excerpts from the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China
  • New Legislative Resolution Banning Cults
Chapter 18 Teachings of Li Hongzhi
  • Selection from Falun Gong by Li Hongzhi (Chapter 3: Cultivation of Xinxing)
  • Cultivation Practice Is Not Political
  • Wealth with Virtue
  • Realms
  • What Is Mi Xin (Blind Belief, Superstition)?
  • Further Comments on Superstition (Mi Xin)
Chapter 19 Internet Resource Guide
Read More Show Less

Introduction

"The picture doesn’t add up. What I see here with these people and what they’re doing, they seem very normal people. They’re from all walks of life, all ages; and then on the other side you’ve got this picture that the Chinese government is painting, and the two just don’t match." —Adam Montanaro, Falun Gong practitioner (USA)

On October 1, 1999, in the symbolic center of China at the vast square in Beijing called Tiananmen, with the Great Hall of the People on the west side, and the Gate of Heavenly Peace fronting the Forbidden City on the north, the People’s Republic threw itself the mother of all parties to celebrate its fiftieth birthday.

Some half a million people turned out to dance, prance, and gawk at a massive four-mile-long parade of awesome military equipment. The subtext of this unprecedented ninety-float procession of marching soldiers in formation, jet fighters, ballistic missiles, and shiny tanks was an unspoken but hardly subliminal message: "We are strong: DON’T MESS WITH US!" Watching over the lavish and theatrical display of patriotic showboating was a color portrait, now on permanent display and still adored by millions: the image of the guerrilla fighter turned Great Helmsman and Chairman of the Chinese revolution, the late Mao Zedong. Fireworks cascading overhead were given names like "Chanting the Eulogy of the Motherland."

Tiananmen Square was an armed encampment that day, circled by army and police units and patrolled closely by squadrons of internal security forces on alert for possible disturbances. There had been fears that Muslim extremists from the northwest might throw bombs into the crowd. There were worries that the remnants of the protesters who had turned the same square into a worldwide symbol of shame and repression a decade earlier might resurface to embarrass the regime and spoil the party.

However, in 1999, there was a new and perhaps even more immediate danger, an insidious internal enemy, according to the Chinese Communist Party: Meditators !

Yes, meditators—people who practice distinctive-looking slow-motion physical exercises and proclaim loyalty to a movement reportedly larger than the Party itself. It is hard to believe that an unarmed, non-violent spiritual practice has been perceived as a grave threat to one of the world’s most powerful nations. In the very month of China’s greatest celebration, the government was engaging in a nationwide crackdown against a movement that is almost Gandhian in its breadth and historic in its proportions. It is ironic, because for decades China itself was viewed in the West as dangerous, a red menace and evil empire. Today, even as fears of Chinese aggression resurface in the United States, China is obsessed with an internal menace of its own, also deemed evil, an "evil cult." (Also ironic is China’s charge that Falun Gong "brainwashes" adherents; this from a country that itself was accused of brainwashing captured US soldiers during the Korean war.) This development has perplexed China-watchers, foreign policy wonks, and journalists. "Has it come to this?" asked the New York Times front page in early November 1999, "That the Chinese Communist Party is terrified of retirees in tennis shoes who follow a spiritual master in Queens?"

But it is true. Commissars versus "cultists" has become a new fault-line in the fight for purity in the "New China." In truth, what the Central Committee is up against is not some fringe cult or marginal sect, but one of the fastest growing spiritual practices in the world. It is known as Falun Gong, or Falun Dafa (throughout the text of this book, these two terms are used interchangeably). Most worrisome for those in power is its claim of tens of millions of followers.

Unease about Falun Gong had been preoccupying the Chinese government, headed by President Jiang Zemin, in the period leading up to the fiftieth-anniversary spectacle. Two months earlier, President Jiang banned Falun Gong, ordering it "smashed." He demanded that its founder, Mr. Li Hongzhi, known honorifically by his followers as "Master Li," be returned from exile in the United States, arrested, and put on trial immediately. Every Chinese embassy, mission, and media outlet was enlisted in pursuing a crusade ordered at the very top of the power structure.

According to Time magazine, the seventy-two-year-old Jiang "has reportedly become obsessed with the sect and its ability to organize its activities in cyberspace." Jiang supposedly told aides at the time of the April 25 demonstration that he was impressed by the discipline of the vigil and by Falun Gong’s capacity to mobilize so many so quickly. He personally was driven, according to press reports, hiding in a car with tinted windows, to watch Falun Gong in action. Upon reading about this covert mission, I was reminded of a baffling nocturnal visit by another seemingly paranoid president, the United States’ own Richard Nixon—who slipped out of the White House in the middle of the morning to visit anti-war protesters camped on the Washington Mall. Like Nixon, Jiang was not content with secondhand reports by advisors. (Curiously, the South China Morning Post would later report that Jiang himself has, since 1992, consulted with the master of another qigong movement, Zhong Gong, to cure his arthritis and back problems. In February 2000, Zhong Gong was also banned. There was no report on the status of the President’s maladies.)

And just in case anyone in China missed President Jiang’s hard-line message, Beijing unleashed a vitriolic media campaign to demonize Falun Gong and turn the country against it. It was a saturation-propaganda offensive, reminiscent in its intensity to the strident sloganeering of the Cultural Revolution, in which millions were punished for being of the wrong class or consciousness. China’s state-owned media went into overdrive. Newscasts were lengthened from thirty minutes to an hour, in order to make more time for a steady drumbeat of reports on the fight against this new threat. The leadership ordered the imprisonment of Falun Gong practitioners, while those who resisted harsh government-enforced "re-education" were tortured or worse. The New York Times quoted one Beijing citizen as saying, "It is as if we are reliving a bad dream."

Despite the severe crackdown by a powerful state apparatus, there was still anxiety in high places after intelligence agencies uncovered Falun Gong practitioners continuing to defy government orders and not going quietly into the night. Trains into Beijing were searched because police suspected that practitioners were on their way to file complaints with the government. In one bizarre incident, Beijing police raided a conceptual art exhibit because of a neighbor’s tip that Falun Gong would be there. They seized the artwork, including a display of repainted lobsters, on suspicion that it was somehow linked. The artists, who had nothing to with Falun Gong, were shocked. It took them a long time to get their lobsters back.

Meanwhile, in the days leading up to the October 1 national celebration, Tiananmen Square and the surrounding areas were sealed off from traffic and the public. Residents nearby were instructed to stay in their homes for three days. In security parlance, this is called "freezing" a zone, but this one wasn’t frozen for long. Two days before a massive display of colorful fireworks would ignite the skies over Beijing, and just hours before 100,000 singers and dancers would flood the capital, a handful of Falun Gong practitioners managed to slip into the well-guarded square to commit what is now considered a serious crime against the government: a silent display of physical exercises beginning with the raising of arms above the head in a graceful gesture known as "Buddha showing a thousand hands." It is intended to open up the energy channels and increase circulation in the body by stretching gradually and relaxing suddenly. It usually takes three minutes.

In less time than they were able to finish a cycle of five exercises, a swarm of security men surrounded them as they stood at the epicenter of official China. Some reporters compared it to an incident years earlier when a young German managed to fly a small plane through the Soviet Union’s prodigious air radar system and land in the center of Moscow’s Red Square, right next door to the Kremlin.

As one press account had it, "four or five people in their twenties or thirties sat down cross-legged together on the pavement in a meditation pose typical of the Falun Gong group. When the protesters refused to stand, police dragged them away. About two hours later, a man in his twenties . . . began doing Falun Gong–type meditation exercises on the square. He also was escorted away by police."

The event, reported by the wire services, was a small item on a busy news day, and went largely unnoticed. Yet it was, in its own way, an act of bravery comparable to that heroic, unknown Chinese citizen who put himself in front of a line of tanks then crushing the protests of 1989. That image was broadcast the world over as a representation of the lone individual standing up against the brutal state. It became a universal symbol of freedom.

But what differentiated these two gestures was much more than a decade. The students in 1989 were originally campaigning to reform the government and renew the Party (not overthrow it, as was erroneously thought by many abroad). They soon became international human rights martyrs as their protests were bathed in worldwide media attention. The Falun Gong practitioners, on the other hand, are non-political. They just want the government to leave them alone. The former student protesters became dissidents fighting for political freedom, while the Falun Gong practitioners, many of whom are loyal to the ruling Communist Party, are standing up for their personal beliefs and the right to practice Falun Gong. Yet in China a seemingly personal act can quickly become political, or be perceived that way by nervous officials. Unlike the 1989 protests, Falun Gong’s efforts have been followed only episodically in the world press. The international responses to these two movements have been quite different, and it is that difference which this book explores.

What is Falun Gong?

Why are as many as 100 million people drawn to it?

Why is China marshaling all of its resources to crush non-violent and non-political spiritual practitioners?

Is it a dangerous cult, as its detractors insist, or a beneficial practice promising health benefits and spiritual growth?

How is this practice able to communicate its message and belief system so widely in a country where the government controls communications? What role does the Internet play in the spread of Falun Gong, both within China and across the world?

Who is Falun Gong founder Li Hongzhi, a man whom some Chinese newspapers are even denouncing as a reincarnation of Adolf Hitler? Does he have political aspirations, or is he simply a charismatic figure whose ideas happen to have mass evangelical appeal?

The Chinese government is insisting it will prosecute the so-called Falun Gong "leaders" even though Falun Gong says it has no leaders. (They consider the exiled founder, Li Hongzhi, their "teacher.") Most of those prosecuted are not permitted a legal defense. Many are now in prison, while others have been brutalized and even reportedly killed as a result of prison torture or hunger strikes.

How is it that resistance continues despite predictions by "experts" that the practice would be crushed in weeks?

What is the real story?

Read More Show Less

Customer Reviews

Be the first to write a review
( 0 )
Rating Distribution

5 Star

(0)

4 Star

(0)

3 Star

(0)

2 Star

(0)

1 Star

(0)

Your Rating:

Your Name: Create a Pen Name or

Barnes & Noble.com Review Rules

Our reader reviews allow you to share your comments on titles you liked, or didn't, with others. By submitting an online review, you are representing to Barnes & Noble.com that all information contained in your review is original and accurate in all respects, and that the submission of such content by you and the posting of such content by Barnes & Noble.com does not and will not violate the rights of any third party. Please follow the rules below to help ensure that your review can be posted.

Reviews by Our Customers Under the Age of 13

We highly value and respect everyone's opinion concerning the titles we offer. However, we cannot allow persons under the age of 13 to have accounts at BN.com or to post customer reviews. Please see our Terms of Use for more details.

What to exclude from your review:

Please do not write about reviews, commentary, or information posted on the product page. If you see any errors in the information on the product page, please send us an email.

Reviews should not contain any of the following:

  • - HTML tags, profanity, obscenities, vulgarities, or comments that defame anyone
  • - Time-sensitive information such as tour dates, signings, lectures, etc.
  • - Single-word reviews. Other people will read your review to discover why you liked or didn't like the title. Be descriptive.
  • - Comments focusing on the author or that may ruin the ending for others
  • - Phone numbers, addresses, URLs
  • - Pricing and availability information or alternative ordering information
  • - Advertisements or commercial solicitation

Reminder:

  • - By submitting a review, you grant to Barnes & Noble.com and its sublicensees the royalty-free, perpetual, irrevocable right and license to use the review in accordance with the Barnes & Noble.com Terms of Use.
  • - Barnes & Noble.com reserves the right not to post any review -- particularly those that do not follow the terms and conditions of these Rules. Barnes & Noble.com also reserves the right to remove any review at any time without notice.
  • - See Terms of Use for other conditions and disclaimers.
Search for Products You'd Like to Recommend

Recommend other products that relate to your review. Just search for them below and share!

Create a Pen Name

Your Pen Name is your unique identity on BN.com. It will appear on the reviews you write and other website activities. Your Pen Name cannot be edited, changed or deleted once submitted.

 
Your Pen Name can be any combination of alphanumeric characters (plus - and _), and must be at least two characters long.

Continue Anonymously

    If you find inappropriate content, please report it to Barnes & Noble
    Why is this product inappropriate?
    Comments (optional)