The Farfarers: Before the Norse

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Thirty-five years ago, Farley Mowat argued in Westviking: The Ancient Norse in Greenland and North America that the Vikings were the first Europeans to arrive and establish settlements in North America - a thousand years ago. But since that earlier book, Mowat's archaeological research has led to a change of heart: A few hundred years before the Norse peoples arrived, he now believes, another group of Europeans, the "Albans," sought the shores of Iceland and Greenland to escape marauding bands of Vikings in the ...
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The Farfarers: A New History of North America

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Overview

Thirty-five years ago, Farley Mowat argued in Westviking: The Ancient Norse in Greenland and North America that the Vikings were the first Europeans to arrive and establish settlements in North America - a thousand years ago. But since that earlier book, Mowat's archaeological research has led to a change of heart: A few hundred years before the Norse peoples arrived, he now believes, another group of Europeans, the "Albans," sought the shores of Iceland and Greenland to escape marauding bands of Vikings in the Scottish highlands. Mowat's hypothesis is compelling, his vision of the unspoiled North American continent is breathtaking, and his storytelling skills ensure a fascinating read.
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Editorial Reviews

Publishers Weekly - Publisher's Weekly
A veteran investigator of early European voyages to North America, Mowat Westviking has conjured up a vision of pre-Viking settlement by a people he calls the Albans. Originating in what is now Scotland, Mowat's Albans were displaced in stages between about 700 and 1000 A.D., first to Iceland and Greenland, and finally to the western coast of Newfoundland. The author sees the Albans as driven westward by two forces: the search for valuables such as sealskin and walrus tusk, and the remorseless pressure of Viking raiders. To support his thesis, Mowat presents what scant evidence exists-mainly, stone constructions, like tower beacons and foundations for shelters, which Mowat believes cannot be attributed to the Norse or to native inhabitants of Greenland or Atlantic Canada, and which resemble stonework found in the Orkney Islands. On this basis, Mowat accepts that the Albans existed and sets out to imagine what their migrations were like. Scattered throughout the book in italicized passages are stories set in that era, telling how the Albans might have explored their new surroundings and survived, even prospered, in the Arctic. The Albans lost their separate identity, Mowat believes, by merging into the aboriginal population of Newfoundland. This account rests on informed speculation, as Mowat explicitly acknowledges, and is not intended as a formal exposition of all the evidence for and against the author's thesis. The book is best enjoyed as a richly detailed and imaginative reconstruction of how a long-vanished European people may have been the first of their kind to venture into the New World. Illus. Feb. Copyright 2000 Cahners Business Information.
Library Journal
Mowat's 1960's book, Westviking: The Ancient Norse Vikings in Greenland and North America, first advanced the now-widely held belief that the Norse visited North America five centuries before Columbus and had settlements for a time on the northern tip of Newfoundland. Now Mowat returns to argue that before the Norse got to North America, and as early as the 700s, a pre-Indo-European people whom he calls "the Albans" had already been there. They fled their settlements in Scotland, he argues, to escape Viking slave-raiders--but they also went in search of walrus ivory tusks which were then highly prized in Europe. He supports his thesis with bits of Norse sagas, the chronicles of Irish monks, and his own archaeological finds. Some archaeologists dismiss Mowat's Alban theory as lacking in evidence--but whether he's correct or not, large academic libraries will want to have a copy of this controversial text.--Harry Frumerman, formerly with Hunter Coll., CUNY Copyright 2000 Cahners Business Information.
Internet Book Watch
In The Farfarers: Before The Norse, author and historian Farley Mowat asserts that an Indo-European people he calls "The Alban" preceded the Norse discovery of the North American continent by several centuries. The Alban were fleeing the Norse occupation of Scotland, as well as the Shetland and Orkney Islands, and in part, they were in search of walrus ivory as well. Throughout The Farfarers: Before The Norse, iconoclastic historian Mowat skillfully blends fictional vignettes of Alban life into a thoughtful, archaeological and historical records based scholarly reconstruction of a long-forgotten history of death-dealing warships, scanty food supplies, long cold journeys across the treacherous night sea into an unknown land. The Farfarers: Before The Norse is informative, challenging, controversial, entertaining, and thoroughly recommended reading!
—Internet Book Watch
Tony Gibbs
Mowat's assertiveness is at full strength in this provocative book, and he makes a fascinating case that may well have sence behind it.
Islands
Nellie Heitman
In his unerringly superlative writing, Mowat is once again standing the archaeological world on end. Almost thirty-five years after releasing his controversial theory that the Norse were the first Europeans to discover the North American continent Westviking, 1965, Mowat has pieced together enough evidence to suggest that he was wrong. Not wrong in terms of the dates and events of the Norse, but in saying the Norse were the first Europeans. In The Farfarers, he contends that a people whom their contemporaries called Albans-natives of the Scottish Highlands-journeyed to the North American continent before and partially because of the Norse.
Describing the archeological enigmas of ancient stone foundations and massive stone cairns found in the Canadian Arctic he investigated in 1966, Mowat piques one's interest with just enough details before turning aside, stating "telling the tale backwards as it actually unravelled is not the way the old story tellers would have done it. They always began at the beginning." He does; starting with the first of many historical vignettes about a people who have built a vessel named "Farfarer" and the logical steps of development to bring about the first boats. This in turn, Mowat theorizes, allowed people to settle the northern reaches of Britain and survive in an otherwise inhospitable place-mainly because they could sustain themselves on the bounty of the surrounding waters.
From here, Mowat describes an interesting cause and effect course of events: trade expeditions to southern areas resulted in the harvesting of the much-in-demand walrus tusks in order to obtain prized items such as bronze tools and exotic jewelry. When walrus became scarce off the shores of Orkney and Shetland Islands, the Albans went westward to the shores of Ireland and, after a time, followed the flight of migratory birds to what is now Iceland. The Albans did not migrate, but rather remained at their homes in northern Britain. The men would sail to their new hunting grounds, collect tusks, hides and fat for fuel at home and return home before continuing south to trade or having traders come north. Norse invaders, however, came to plunder and pillage the British Isles, forcing the Northern Islanders-the Albans-to flee to the only area available: Iceland. From here, trade continued with continental European merchant mariners until the Norse looked further west for more plunder, pushing the Albans westward again. In due succession, the Albans would flee first to Greenland, then onward to Labrador and later, in search of new hunting grounds and a more secure home away from the westward-seeking Norse, to Newfoundland.
The latter part of the story focuses on following to conclusion several lines of thought developed earlier. Mowat once again draws on scant evidence to conclude the following: The Norse failed to establish themselves in Labrador and Newfoundland because wary Albans, Tunits and Beothuks were better prepared to defend their land against further Norse invasions. A 300-year "gap" in Greenland's Christianity occurred because of the attack of the southern settlement by both the anti-theocratic settlement to the north and a declining interest in Greenland by Norway. It is only dealing with the "disappearance" of Beothuk and Tunit cultures as well as the people of Alba-in-the-West that Mowat is "sufficiently confident of [his suppositions] to dispense with the usual continuous barrage of qualifications." What he logically concludes is that these different cultures did not disappear, but instead intermingled with newcomers to create the new "native" populations of the eastern regions of Canada.
Throughout this captivating work, Mowat strikes an interesting balance in describing his own exploratory journeys, the physical evidence found in various locations, the scant references found in historical documents and his own historical vignettes which bring the story to life. The over all effect gives the reader a logical historical framework as well as a clear picture of what Mowat believes occurred. Refreshingly, Mowat is first to admit several times throughout the course of the book, in fact, that what he has written has been pieced together loosely from a dearth of historical writings-and these from later time periods-which only allude to the presence of the Albans. "The plain fact is that my book makes no pretence at being history in the academic sense. It is the story of a vanished people: their successes, failures, and ultimate fate. I believe it to be a true story."
What a story! After more than thirty years of research, his theory of the Albans flies in the face of the now conventionally accepted belief-ironically developed by Mowat himself that the Norse were first to cross over the Western Ocean. Those who know his writings will surely find The Farfarers the most intriguing and fascinating work that Mowat has ever put forward. For those who have never had the pleasure of engrossing themselves in an historical account by Mowat, an unforgettable experience in learning history in an entertaining way awaits them.
Foreword
From the Publisher
"A spellbinding story... told by a master storyteller working at the top of his form. It is a saga that will enchant the reader." -- The Globe and Mail
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9781883642563
  • Publisher: Steerforth Press
  • Publication date: 2/28/2000
  • Edition description: 1 PBK ED
  • Pages: 377
  • Product dimensions: 6.13 (w) x 9.19 (h) x 1.24 (d)

Meet the Author

Farley Mowat is the author of thirty-seven books, including People of the Deer, The Dog Who Wouldn't Be, Never Cry Wolf, A Whale for the Killing, and Sea of Slaughter. His books have sold more than 14 million copies worldwide and he has been published in 52 languages.
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Read an Excerpt




Chapter One


BEGINNINGS


I SPENT MOST OF THE SUMMER OF 1966 VISITING native communities across the Canadian Arctic from the north tip of Labrador to the Alaskan border. My purpose was twofold: to gather material for a book, and to record interviews for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's Northern Service.

    I travelled in a single-engined Otter float plane, a heavy-paunched beast with the plodding pace of a plough horse and the voice of an outraged dragon. But she was reliable. She carried the pilot, an engineer, and me into and out of any number of unlikely places. When the weather was too bad to fly, her cabin provided us with a dry floor upon which to unroll our sleeping bags, and a place to dine, quite literally by candlelight, on such delicacies as boiled caribou tongues and sun-dried Arctic char.

    My original plan had been to visit only Inuit and Indian communities, but on August 11 I made a departure from the schedule.

    Several years earlier, while deep in research for Westviking, I learned that William Taylor, an archaeologist employed by the National Museum of Canada, had made a remarkable discovery on Pamiok Island at the mouth of the Payne River, which drains into the west side of Ungava Bay. Local Inuit had led Taylor to what he described as: "a huge rectangular structure measuring 85 feet long by 20 wide.... The walls, which were collapsed, were made of stone."

    Taylor had time for only a hurried look at this imposing structure, which was quite unlike anything previously reportedfrom the Arctic. Reasonably enough, neither he nor any other specialist cared to hazard an opinion as to its provenance until it had been properly excavated.

    If, and when. By 1965 most of a decade had slipped away without the National Museum having evidenced any further interest in the Pamiok Island conundrum, the solution to which might, I hoped, shed light on Norse ventures to the Canadian Arctic. When I asked a friend at the museum the reason for the institution's lack of interest, he replied that certain quarters felt it could turn out to be archaeologically embarrassing, so had decided to leave it alone.

    A short time before setting off on my 1966 Arctic journey I heard that Thomas Lee, an archaeologist from Quebec's Laval University, planned to conduct a dig at Pamiok that summer. Although Westviking had already been published, I decided, time and weather permitting, to visit Pamiok.

    On August 10 we were at the Inuit village of Povungnituk on the east coast of Hudson Bay, about as close to Pamiok Island as we were likely to get. I decided to try for it on the morrow.

    The eleventh broke overcast and threatening; nevertheless, an hour after dawn, the Otter was in the air labouring eastward across the 250-mile-wide waist of the Ungava Peninsula.

    We were buffeted by a strong headwind that held us to what seemed not much better than a fast gallop. A monochromatic panorama of water, rock, and treeless tundra slowly unrolled beneath our wings. To counter the effect of the gale, the pilot flew so low that we several times sent herds of caribou streaming away from us as if we were a gigantic hawk and they a mob of mice.

    From the midway point at Payne Lake we thundered down the valley of the Payne River at "deck level" until we came to a broad stretch about ten miles from its mouth. As driving rain and mist threatened to obscure everything, we made a hurried splashdown in front of a small Hudson's Bay Company trading post.

    There was no hope of flying on to Pamiok in such foul weather, so I arranged with Zachareesi, a local Inuk, to take me the rest of the way in his outboard-powered canoe.

    The tidal range on the west Ungava coast is of the order of thirty feet, and the tide was falling fast as we set out into a confusion of channels and islets. The post manager, a young fellow from Orkney, warned me of the necessity of getting clear of the estuary before we became marooned in a morass of mud and broken rocks from which there would be no escape until the rise of the next tide.

    The murk became thicker as Zachareesi fishtailed his canoe through a swirling maelstrom of currents pouring past, and over, unseen rocks. He was "smelling his way" towards the northern headland of the estuary.

    Suddenly he shouted and pointed to the left. Wavering in the gloom was a dim shape. The fog swirled away, revealing a stone tower nearly twice the height of a man. Smiling broadly, Zachareesi announced we had reached Tuvalik Point at the mouth of the river and were free of the tormented waters of the estuary.

    We went ashore for a smoke. I examined the structure with great interest, and some affection, for it had served us well. It was constructed of flat stones carefully fitted together without mortar to form a cylinder nearly five feet in diameter. It had evidently once stood twelve or more feet high, but had lost a number of upper-level stones, which were scattered around the tower's base. Notably, the undersides of these fallen stones lacked the thick, crusty coating of age-old lichens which clothed the undisturbed surface of the tower.

    I asked Zachareesi who had built this useful beacon and when. He grinned and waved his stubby pipe-stem to the north.

    "Old-time people. Not Inuit anyhow."

    The canoe was in imminent danger of being left high and dry by the receding waters, so we pushed off and in a little while reached Pamiok Island.

    This barren mound of sea-wracked rock facing the swirling fogs of Ungava Bay could hardly have seemed less inviting. Seen through a scud of driving mist and rain, it appeared to be a singularly inhospitable place. But appearances were deceptive. Situated close to the mouth of a major river route to the interior caribou country, convenient to bird islands, walrus haul-outs, and excellent sealing grounds, it had been the chosen home of countless generations of human beings.

    However, when our canoe nosed up on Pamiok's stony shore, we found the island inhabited by only two people: Thomas Lee and his teenage son, Robert. Their home was a squat tent, struggling to keep a grip on the ground in the teeth of a stiff easterly wind pelting in over the icy waters of the bay.

    Lee waded out through the fringe of kelp to greet us. He was then fifty-one years old and looked somewhat like a burly and grizzled barrenland bear graced with a round and ruddy face and a Roman nose.

    He had no time to waste. I had barely introduced myself before he was leading me off to tour the island. Late that night I recorded my impressions.


At least this Godforsaken place has no mosquitoes! Too wet, cold, and windy for the little bastards. A corpse shroud of fog came rolling in as I stumbled after Lee across a jumble of shattered rocks and sodden muskeg....

    We came to a bunch of knee-high mounds of stones. "Tombs," he told me cheerfully. "Look Inside." I bent down by one, peered through a crevice, and saw a jumble of what could be human bones, but no skull. "I collected the skull," said Lee. "Perhaps it's Eskimo, but I doubt it. I've found five skulls altogether and at least two are more European than Eskimoan. The others look in between."

    Almost every little hollow or more-or-less-level bit of ground on the island seems to have its stone tent ring, some of them twenty feet in diameter. There are also numerous depressions Lee said were the remains of semi-subterranean winter houses of ancient pre-Eskimo cultures.

    Near the east end of the island we came to three cairns, cylindrical and about six feet high. They don't look anything like the Eskimo inuksuak [stone men] I've seen all over the Arctic. I made the point to Lee and he agreed: "Yes, too big. Too regular. Too well made. Not Eskimoan at all. And look at the thickness of the lichen growth on them. They're too old to belong to the historic period."

    We trudged back along the south shore. The tide had fallen so far that the sea was only distantly visible across a vast, glistening plain of jumbled rocks, boulders, and mud. Lee pointed out a sort of broad pathway or ramp running seaward from the high-tide line. Somebody had put in a hell of a lot of work clearing it of the worst of its jagged rocks. Again Lee ruled out natives: "No Eskimo would go to that much trouble to make a boat landing. They wouldn't need to for kayaks and canoes. I think this must have been a haul-out for big boats."

    By now I was rain-soaked below the waist and sweat-soaked above. Whatever else he may be, Lee is a bloody dynamo. He trotted me into a bit of shelter behind a ridge of frost-shattered rock to the site he was digging.

    Not very impressive. A muddy rectangle about forty-five feet long by maybe fifteen wide, with turf, moss, and stones stripped away to a depth of a few inches, at which point the diggers had hit bedrock. I could just make out the remains of some low stone walls. Lee waited about ten seconds for questions, then beat me to the punch.

    "This is some sort of longhouse. Not the kind the Six Nations and other Indians built in the south, but its own kind. There are three like it on Pamiok—two this size and one much larger. The Eskimos say there're several more to the north. Nothing like them has ever before been described in Canadian archaeology.

    "I've traced the outline of this one. See, it's somewhat boat-shaped, with slightly curved sides and rounded ends. The walls were of stone and turf and low—four feet at most. I've found little in the way of artefacts except a lot of Dorset-culture [pre-Eskimoan] litharge [scraps and flakes of flint], much of it on top of rotted turf from fallen walls. Dorsets seem to have camped here after this longhouse was abandoned."

    Young Robert Lee had been busy making tea. He caught up to us and almost apologetically suggested his father and I might like to come to the tent for a warm-up.

    "Not now," Tom replied brusquely. "Too much still to show this man. Let's look at the big house."

    He led me up an easy slope and I almost stumbled over the ruin before I saw it. Boulders, tumbled every which way, blended so well with the mess of other rocks, It needed to be pointed out to me. Then I could make out the shape of what looked like a tomb for Gargantua. It was at least eighty feet long, maybe twenty wide, and bloody massive!

    In some places the walls still stood three feet high but were mostly broken down, with their boulders rolled into the central space. I say boulders because that's what a lot of them were. Lee guessed some weighed more than a thousand pounds. All were coated with a layer of lichens that must have taken hundreds of years to grow.

    Looking across this enormous jumble, Lee summed up his thoughts: "Difficult to believe this was built by Eskimoan people. What earthly reason would they have had? Eskimos may have sometimes pitched their tents inside these longhouses, and Dorset- and Thule-culture [palaeo-Eskimos] probably did the same. But I doubt any of them built these longhouses."

    "Then who did?"

    He smiled quizzically. "Well, now, Mr. Mowat, I suppose that's for me to find and you to ask. At this stage a cautious professional wouldn't say. But I don't think you'll be surprised if I predict they'll turn out to be Europeans. Possibly Norse."


In the years ahead Tom and I became friends, exchanging findings and opinions. He supplied me with copies of his meticulously detailed archaeological reports. I gave him the results of my research into early Norse history. In 1967 he went back to Ungava and found an even larger longhouse on another island a few miles north of the Payne. He then returned to Pamiok and began an intensive investigation of the big house there. This dig required three seasons to complete and yielded remarkably little enlightenment in view of the enormous amount of time and energy Lee expended on it. Nothing emerged to satisfactorily explain its purpose or identify its builders. It remained an enigma comprising a number of mysteries.

    One of these was how the Pamiok big house or, indeed, any of these Arctic longhouses, could have been roofed. Lee's excavations (together with those undertaken in later years by other archaeologists on similar sites) have failed to produce evidence of roof supports, whether of wood or of such possible substitutes as whale bones. Furthermore, the nearest timber suitable for roof construction at the time they were built was at least 120 miles to the south of Pamiok, and 1,500 miles to the south of a group of similar longhouses found in the 1970s on the shores of Kane Basin in the high Arctic.

    The roof question has bedevilled every archaeologist who has investigated it. Some have concluded the longhouses weren't "houses" at all and so need never have been roofed. But, if not houses, what were they? The orthodox opinion seems to be that they served some kind of ceremonial or religious purpose; but there is no evidence to buttress such a hypothesis and, as we shall see, the distribution of the sites makes such an explanation inherently improbable.

    Tom Lee would have none of it. He suspected the structures were temporary shelters built by Norse voyagers visiting the region around A.D. 1000. Indeed, ground plans of Norse croft houses of that period in Iceland, the northern British Isles, and parts of Scandinavia resemble these Canadian Arctic longhouses. All are long and narrow, often with slightly curved side walls. Proportions and dimensions are generally comparable. There the resemblance ends. Norse (including Icelandic) longhouses were invariably roofed, with sod, turf, bark, or thatch supported upon robust wooden frameworks which have, almost without exception, left archaeologically identifiable traces.

    A number of years were to pass following my visit to Pamiok Island before the Arctic longhouses began revealing their mysteries to me. They first did so on the far side of the Atlantic Ocean.


It rained almost incessantly during the first visit of my wife, Claire, and me to Shetland. This cluster of treeless, windswept rocks off the northern tip of mainland Scotland, which, together with its sister archipelago of Orkney, comprises Britain's Northern Isles, was living up to its reputation as a womb of bad weather.

    We hardly cared. We had come to Shetland at the Invitation of salmon farmer and antiquarian Alistair Goodlad, who had promised to immerse us in Shetland history until, as he inelegantly put it, "'tis coming out your orifices."

    Under Alistair's guidance we sloshed our way to many ancient monuments, including five-thousand-year-old pit houses, recently excavated from under thick layers of peat; subterranean stone tombs of later mesolithic settlers; crumbled neolithic promontory forts; Bronze Age village sites; Iron Age broch towers; and the tumbled walls of Viking houses built a mere thousand years before our time.

    Shetland seemed to be a world of ruins, not all of them ancient. Croft house after croft house stood abandoned, slowly crumbling back into the land from which generations of pastoralists had raised them.

    Alistair was savage about the empty crofts. "Modern times leave no room for the wee chap, be he fisherman or crofter. After five thousand years making a living on these islands his like has to get out of it now to make way for oil refineries and nuclear power stations. But that's the way of a world gone witless, wouldn't you say?"

    We came across other curious things in the course of our wanderings. Along the eastern coasts of the islands of Yell and Unst stood several drystone beacon towers. Some were on headlands, but others were obscurely located near the bottoms of bays and inlets. They reminded me forcibly of those I had seen at, and near, Pamiok Island.

    But what particularly captured my interest was a number of buildings roofed with overturned fishing vessels that had, presumably, outlived their seaworthiness. Some of the structures were lowly cattle byres and outbuildings; but others were, or had been, human habitations. One that we later saw on Orkney was fully modern, elegantly built of brick, and sporting two large picture windows staring out, wide-eyed, as it were, from beneath the beetling brow of a capsized wooden vessel that must have been sixty feet in length.

    We learned from Alistair that it was an ancient island custom to convert ships that had served their time at sea to this final service. Many Shetlanders, he told us, had been "conceived, lived, and died under or in a boat."

    On the final day of our visit he took us up on the hogback of Yell to show us Fetlar, a smaller island seemingly adrift in a wind-whipped sea to the eastward.

    "'Tis a weird wee world of its own out there. Supposedly the place the Old Ones held out the longest. There's some believe they're out there still, coming and going in ghostly boats from places the like of which we only get to see in dreams.... "


Shetland and Pamiok were but two steps along the tortuous path I would follow as I worked my way back in time. But telling the tale backwards as it actually unravelled is not the way the old story tellers would have done it. They always began at the beginning.

    And so shall I.

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Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xii
WHY AND WHEREFORES xiii
Chapter One BEGINNINGS 1
PART ONE—THE OLD WORLD 13
Chapter Two FARFARER 15
Chapter Three TUSKERS 23
Chapter Four PYTHEAS 36
Chapter Five ALBANS AND CELTS 46
Chapter Six ARMORICA 56
Chapter Seven WAR IN THE NORTH 65
Chapter Eight PICTLANDIA 75
Chapter Nine FETLAR 82
Chapter Ten ALBA REBORN 89
Chapter Eleven SONS OF DEATH 98
Chapter Twelve FURY OF THE NORTHMEN 107
PART TWO—WORLDS TO THE WEST 117
Chapter Thirteen TILLI 119
Chapter Fourteen SANCTUARY 128
Chapter Fifteen ARCTIC ELDORADO 137
Chapter Sixteen TUNIT 149
Chapter Seventeen THE WESTERN GROUNDS 157
Chapter Eighteen WESTVIKING 166
Chapter Nineteen LANDTAKING 176
Chapter Twenty CRONA 186
Chapter Twenty-one UNGAVA 195
Chapter Twenty-two OKAK 209
PART THREE—ALBA-IN-THE-WEST 217
Chapter Twenty-three THE GREAT ISLAND 219
Chapter Twenty-four A NEW JERUSALEM 229
Chapter Twenty-five ERIK RAUDA 233
Chapter Twenty-six ARI GOES TO ALBANIA 243
Chapter Twenty-seven ALBA-IN-THE-WEST 254
Chapter Twenty-eight SEARCHING FOR ALBA 258
Chapter Twenty-nine KARLSEFNI AND COMPANY 268
Chapter Thirty THE BEST OF TIMES 280
Chapter Thirty-one DROGIO AND ESTOTILAND 288
Chapter Thirty-two GREENLANDERS 300
Chapter Thirty-three JAKATAR 311
Chapter Thirty-four THE COUNTRY PATH 321
POSTSCRIPT 333
NOTES 335
INDEX 355
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Sort by: Showing all of 2 Customer Reviews
  • Anonymous

    Posted October 22, 2000

    Fascinating ideas about Pre Norse Americanization

    Farley Mowat, that wonderful writer of such classics as 'Never Cry Wolf' and 'Westvikings' brings us yet again another provocative book. Here he looks into the possibility of pre Norse Europeans in northern Canada by tracing through historical records, similarities in building styles, and other sources. A must read...it puts the standard ideas of Lief Erikson in some interesting perspective.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted January 2, 2009

    No text was provided for this review.

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