It's Hard to Talk About Yourself

Overview

Natalia Ginzburg, arguably the most important woman writer of postwar Italy, always spoke of herself with irrepressible modesty. Yet the woman who claimed she "never managed to climb up mountains" in fact wrote the history of twentieth-century Italy with her sparse and captivating prose, chronicling Fascism, war, and the Nazi occupation as well as the intimacies of family life.

Ginzburg's marriage to Leone Ginzburg, who met his death at the hands of the Nazis for his ...

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Overview

Natalia Ginzburg, arguably the most important woman writer of postwar Italy, always spoke of herself with irrepressible modesty. Yet the woman who claimed she "never managed to climb up mountains" in fact wrote the history of twentieth-century Italy with her sparse and captivating prose, chronicling Fascism, war, and the Nazi occupation as well as the intimacies of family life.

Ginzburg's marriage to Leone Ginzburg, who met his death at the hands of the Nazis for his anti-Fascists activities, and her work for the Einaudi publishing house placed her squarely in the center of Italian political and cultural life. But whether writing about the Turin of her childhood, the Abruzzi countryside, where her family was interned during World War II, or contemporary Rome, Ginzburg never shied away from the traumas of history-even if she approached them only indirectly, through the mundane details and catastrophes of personal life.

Intensely reserved, Ginzburg said that she "crept toward autobiography stealthily like a wolf." But she did openly discuss her life and her work in an extraordinary series of interviews for Italian radio in 1990. Never before published in English, It's Hard to Talk about Yourself presents a vivid portrait of Ginzburg in her own words on the forces that shaped her remarkable life-politics, publishing, literature, and family. This fluid translation will join Ginzburg's autobiography, Family Sayings, as one of the most important records of her life and, as the editors write in their preface, "the last, unexpected, original book by Natalia Ginzburg."

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Editorial Reviews

Library Journal
During her prolific career, gifted Italian writer and poet Ginzburg (1916-91) never sought to speak of her life via traditional autobiographical methods; instead, she created rich works of fiction that captured the very essence of her experiences, publishing more than 20 books, among them The Manzonni Family and Voices in the Evening. She was married to Italian literary figure and patriot Leone Ginzburg, who died in prison in 1944 after being arrested for antifascist activities. She later remarried and went on to become a member of the Italian Parliament in 1983, where she served nearly eight years, representing the poor. In this compilation of interviews that Ginzburg gave during 1990 for Italian radio, she discusses the many different contexts of her life as a writer, namely, her role as the daughter of a Jewish academic, an atheist, an activist, a wife, and a mother. While this work is a fascinating account of an extraordinary life, the format and presentation of the interviews make it difficult to follow at times. But because it contains historical insight and references that might otherwise be hard to find, it is recommended for academic and public libraries that own Ginzburg's other works.-Valeda Frances Dent, Hunter Coll. Lib., New York Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780226296883
  • Publisher: University of Chicago Press
  • Publication date: 4/28/2003
  • Edition description: 1
  • Pages: 248
  • Product dimensions: 5.25 (w) x 8.00 (h) x 0.90 (d)

Meet the Author

Natalia Ginzburg (1916-1991) wrote novels, short stories, poems, plays, and essays and translated Proust and Flaubert. In 1983, she was elected to the Italian Parliament, where she served almost until her death. Among her many books are The Road to the City: Two Novellas (1942), Valentino (1957), Family Sayings (1963), Never Must You Ask Me (1970), and The Manzoni Family (1983).

Louise Quirke is a professional translator who has worked for Editore Laterza and the University of Cambridge Press.

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Read an Excerpt

It'S Hard to Talk About Yourself


By Marino Sinibaldi

University of Chicago Press

Copyright © 2003 Marino Sinibaldi
All right reserved.

ISBN: 0226296881

ONE FROM TURATI TO GINZBURG



MARINO SINIBALDI In The Things We Used to Say there is a description of a visit from Filippo Turati, who fled Italy in 1926. You remember that episode very clearly:

My father used to say that Turati was naive, and my mother, who did not see naivety as a fault, would nod and sigh and say, "My poorlittle Filippo." Turati once came to ourhouse, when he was passing through Turin, and I remember him in our sitting room, as large as a bear, with his gray beard closely trimmed. I met him twice, then and lateron when he had to flee the country and stayed with us in hiding fora week. However, I cannot remembera single word he said that day in our sitting room. I remember a great deal of talk and discussion, and that's all.
Was a visit from Turati so routine? Was it a part of the backdrop, the way of life in yourhouse as seen through youreyes as a child?

NATALIA GINZBURG Yes, at the time it all seemed totally run-of-the-mill to me.

SINIBALDI And normal.

GINZBURG More orless, yes. But in my memory, aftera few months had passed, this figure of Turati had made a big impression on me. I envisioned myself writing a book called The Secret and on the cover there wasthe figure of a child, which was me, with an enormous key in herhand, . . .

SINIBALDI And about this secret . . .

GINZBURG . . . and I knew there was a secret that I had to keep, that had to be kept quiet.

SINIBALDI A historic episode: Turati's flight from Italy in December 1926 with the help of Parri, Rosselli, Pertini, and Adriano Olivetti. An episode that sums up Turin in that period. Perhaps as in few other Italian cities of the time there was this culture emerging, the culture of Justice and Liberty, with its connotations of youthful boldness, of irreverence. Weren't these the same traits that characterized the start of the anti-Fascist culture in Turin, which was just getting going? The laughing eyes of Adriano Olivetti sum it up . . .

GINZBURG Yes, but I noticed after that a great difference between Socialism--the old-style Socialism of my father, mother, and the Carrara family, whom at the time we saw a lot of--and the form that was to become true anti-Fascism, the militant variety, which I saw later in Leone Ginzburg, in Vittorio Foa. I saw how it was different: you see, my fatherwas an old-style Socialist but, well, he had no idea how to oppose Fascism.

SINIBALDI But this impotence was typical of the crisis in old-style Socialism, wasn't it?

GINZBURG Yes, yes, and an absolute pessimism. "There's nothing to do, we can't get out of this now, we can't get out of this," my father would say. My motherwould go to the shops and come home saying, "My greengrocer said this can't go on much longer, that Fascism will end soon." She was more optimistic. Anyway, I later understood that there were those who were trying to do something, who wrote articles forJustice and Liberty, that there was an active anti-Fascism. One of my youngerbrother's friends was Pajetta. Pajetta was a Communist. My fatherdidn't know any Communists but he didn't trust them and, well, this Pajetta seemed to him to be a reckless kid. You see, for him Communists weren't . . .

SINIBALDI This small world of anti-Fascists who seemed to you to be a big world--it seemed like the whole world, didn't it?

GINZBURG Well, yes, it seemed like the whole world. But then there was this big event that really surprised me because my brother Mario would argue with my father. They would talk about politics, and they would argue, and I thought that Mario was anti-Socialist, or I had got it into my head that he was not a true anti-Fascist. Then it turned out

that he had become friends with--

SINIBALDI He was plotting.

GINZBURG --friends with Leone Ginzburg, and he was plotting, yes.

SINIBALDI And this was the surprise.

GINZBURG Well, it was strange, because this brother of mine, apart from the fact that he argued with my father, seemed to be interested only in shirts.

SINIBALDI And he would read that Grandi Firme review so disapproved of by the family.

GINZBURG [She laughs] It was Alberto who read that.

SINIBALDI The striking thing--and that is why I was asking whether this small world was for you the whole world--is that Fascism never figures [in your work--trans.].

GINZBURG Well, perhaps I never wrote about it, and I have very vague memories, but I remember that Fascism frightened me, and I think it frightened me because of what I heard my parents saying, that the Fascists could come, especially at the start, that they were killing people, burning houses. They burned down the trade union headquarters.

SINIBALDI Yes, in Turin.

GINZBURG So it was at the root of a fearthat perhaps overthe years I have pushed aside, but early on I felt it. It was something frightening. Then my fatherwould speak his mind. He wasn't at all cautious, he would say things that I think were dangerous, say them in public, then he would come home and say, "Well, they were rude to me," orsomething, and my motherwas afraid. I rememberthere was one man who said to him, "I'll make sure you get what's coming to you," and this really frightened my mother and me, this person who said, "I'll make sure you get what's coming to you." And my motherwould say, "Oh God, oh God, who knows what they'll do to him now."

MIRELLA FULVI So it was a deep-seated fear. . .

GINZBURG A deep-seated fear, yes, I had that in the early years of Fascism.

FULVI . . . which you then learned to control.

GINZBURG Which I pushed to one side, yes.

SINIBALDI It reappeared when your father and brother ended up in prison.

GINZBURG I was olderthen, I was seventeen. I rememberthe first search they did. I remember when they told us that my brother Mario had been caught at the border but had then escaped, that he'd thrown himself into the water, crossed over to Switzerland, and they came in the morning to arrest my father. They had arrested my other brother Gino who was in Ivrea. It was a moment of great . . . a dramatic moment. My mother was there crying; then I remember the people searching the house said if I wanted to go to school, I could, and my motherstuffed into my satchel all herbills [she laughs], because she was worried that in all this confusion they would find out that she had these huge bills she owed to a woman who made shirts for her, to herdressmakers . . . so she made me go to school with all these bills in my satchel.

SINIBALDI And this experience of being in prison? For your father, yourbrother. . .

GINZBURG My fathercame back. Well, he came back afterfifteen or

twenty days, rather happy.

FULVI Invigorated by it all, so your stories say.

GINZBURG Yes . . . yes, he was very happy; but in the meantime we had gone through some frightening days, very frightening days. Plus an article had come out that said, "Group of Turin Jews conspire with the anti-Fascists, with Paris exiles," and my mother was terrorized by this word "conspire."

SINIBALDI [He laughs] Anotherof those words that make up the things this family used to say.

FULVI Yourmotherwould soon remembereven those incredibly dramatic moments with a certain nostalgia, because tedium was one of hergreatest dislikes.

GINZBURG Yes. She would say, "Life has gotten boring again."

SINIBALDI You have spoken of some of the characters, the figures in Turin . . . in the streets, the houses. You've mentioned Pajetta, Vittorio Foa; then there was Salvatorelli, there was the distant figure of Guglielmo Ferrero, there was Cesare Pavese, Leone Ginzburg, Einaudi, Felice Balbo. I'm mixing up different eras.

GINZBURG Yes, different times. I didn't know Pavese then.

SINIBALDI What I meant was that as faras these names are concerned, these names that today are so revered, you depict them with a strange kind of distance . . .

GINZBURG . . . there was Carlo Levi.

SINIBALDI There's a kind of irregularity in the way they are depicted, seen through a child's eyes with detachment, so that some of these characters seem almost squashed, too familiar.

GINZBURG Yes ... yes, yes.

SINIBALDI . . . whereas others, over time, take on a mythical stature: forexample, Rossi and Bauer, who were in prison.

GINZBURG I didn't know Rossi and Bauerbut people talked about them. Leone talked about them . . .

SINIBALDI Right, but didn't you also see Leone Ginzburg from this same distance, having heard him being talked about, when he was in prison? Wasn't there in his case, too, this way of looking at him that was a bit--

GINZBURG No, no. Leone Ginzburg I knew before he went to prison, before.

SINIBALDI And then the relationship grew while you were apart?

GINZBURG Well, when he was in prison I would write him letters, because . . . well . . . he was in love with me, and I would write him letters, and he too . . . he would write to his mother and he would send me his love. Then he came out, in '36, and we met up again. He wouldn't come to ourhouse, not then, because at the time you had to be careful, you couldn't be seen together. I would see him outside, we would go forwalks and . . . I don't know if my fatherknew about it at first or not, but he didn't like the idea at all, because--

FULVI Well, he had neverapproved of anyone.

GINZBURG He had never approved of anyone. But this time he really didn't approve. He said that Leone was ugly, then that he was broke, then that he was in danger. Basically, he didn't like him one bit: well, then at a certain point we got married, and he accepted it. Then afterward he liked him. He would say that Leone was very bright, very well-educated, and laterhe liked him, but early on there was . . . you know . . . something he didn't like.

SINIBALDI Leone didn't have qualities that brought solidity, perhaps . . .

GINZBURG Right. He had none of those.

SINIBALDI But in reality he was an intellectual of great solidity, of great renown. I'm thinking of that debate on the subject of musical interpretation.

GINZBURG He was one of the real intellects of his time. When I knew him he was twenty-four, so when he was wr iting for this musical review he was twenty-two. He was exceptional; he always had been. He had an incredibly rich cultural background.

SINIBALDI And did this cultural background influence him a great deal?

GINZBURG Well, he was bilingual.

SINIBALDI Because he was born in Odessa, was from a Russian family, taught Russian literature.

GINZBURG He taught Russian literature. Then he stopped teaching in '33 because he refused to swear an oath of allegiance [to Fascism--trans.] ...

SINIBALDI He was one of the few university professors who refused to swearallegiance.

GINZBURG They had instated the oath forteachers, and so he said he wouldn't do it.

SINIBALDI Then he was one of the founders of the Einaudi publishing house, in a way.

GINZBURG Ah, yes! But not "in a way"! He was very much so. He came back from prison in Civitavecchia in 1936, and Giulio Einaudi went to see him. And they created this publishing house. Which already existed, but they started to do really important books. Then they got in touch with Pavese, and at the start it was those three.

SINIBALDI To go back to the debate on musical interpretation: on that occasion, Leone Ginzburg took a stance that defended an artist's freedom to interpret the text. Was that a small premonition of the stance he took regarding freedom? This legacy of Gobetti, so to speak, which was then handed down to that small group of activists who were a part of Justice and Liberty.

GINZBURG Yes, yes, of course. He was very influenced by Gobetti.

SINIBALDI And was this belief in freedom also common in the anti-Fascist movement, ornot? I mean, wasn't it the fundamental belief of both Communists and Socialists?

GINZBURG Yes. Leone wasn't a Communist. He wasn't anti-Com-munist, but he wasn't a Communist. He wasn't a Zionist, either. There was a group of Jews in Turin who were strong Zionists. He wasn't a Zionist, and I remember he once said, "Zionism is a dangerous thing because it can lead to imperialism." He never thought of Israel as a place where we would go, where we wanted to go. This was very strong in him, that Jews should mix with everyone.

SINIBALDI They should be assimilated, you mean.

GINZBURG Yes.

SINIBALDI As for these figures who were bringing new life to Turin, orbeginning to do so . . . they were all very young, as you have pointed out in the case of Leone Ginzburg.

GINZBURG Yes, they were very young. Even Pavese was young.

SINIBALDI Right--even Einaudi was young.

GINZBURG Yes, that's true. In fact, I think that Einaudi was even younger. Leone was born in 1909; Pavese was born in 1909, I think; and Giulio Einaudi in 1912.

SINIBALDI So they were, in effect, just teenagers--it wasn't only Pajetta who was a "red-faced boy." They were all more or less adolescents.

GINZBURG Yes.

SINIBALDI Someone I'd like to call to mind is Carlo Levi.

GINZBURG Well, Carlo Levi was very important in our house. We saw him often. I was seventeen at the time, and I didn't understand that these men were involved in clandestine activity. I understood this when they arrested my brother Mario; but before then, well, I saw them come and go; we would go on Sundays to Barbara Allason's house, where there was a strange succession of people. I remember once Lelio Basso came, and Leone was shut in a room with him, I wondered why on earth--I didn't understand. As for Carlo Levi, I understood later that he was a leader, someone very important. But he was also in my eyes a great painter . . . I thought he was a great painter.

SINIBALDI A friendship that lasted throughout his lifetime, didn't it?

GINZBURG Throughout his lifetime, yes.

SINIBALDI The point you make that he was a key political figure is important here, because Carlo Levi was a great painter, an important and well-known writerafterthe war, with Christ Stopped at Eboli. But his artistic success perhaps eclipsed his importance as an intellectual and a political activist.

GINZBURG Absolutely. But I had found out from Leone that he was an important figure, that he played a key role in their group. Carlo Levi was also arrested when they arrested my brother, but then he was let go. Leone went to prison; he was sent to the special tribunal. Carlo Levi was released, but he was arrested again the following year when there was another wave of arrests. It seems there had been a spy among them, and it turned out to be Pitigrilli. In fact, we know it was Pitigrilli because of letters that have since been found. Vittorio Foa was arrested the next year and was given a stiff sentence. Carlo Levi was sent into internment, as was my brother Alberto. They were located quite nearto one another, and my sisterwould go and visit them.

SINIBALDI So this familiarity existed. We would like to listen to and let you listen to, now, Carlo Levi's voice. The recording is rather poor quality. It's from 1950 and has been kindly lent to us by the State Record Library.

We are living in times of crisis: and man finds himself faced with forces and institutions that are without limit and beyond his possibilities as an individual. When faced with the mysterious nature of these forces and institutions, his own nature as a man becomes mysterious to him; and the tendency toward a dispersion or breaking up of personality among those huge and faceless institutions is alarmingly powerful. So that every act is a choice, or a defense, or a creation. Faced with the greatness of these forces, which threaten to overwhelm us at all times, every refusal and also every acceptance ask of man a similargreatness, a similargreatness, which, I repeat, requires courage. It is the courage to exist, to be men, not to succumb, when things are at their very worst, to desperation. Not to believe in idols, to resist confusion in the faceless crowd. This courage, this greatness is not only to be found in men who are thinkers, who are powerful, who are involved in the arts. It is not exclusive to writers, painters, architects, musicians, politicians, leaders, scientists, and philosophers--and I shan't give here a list of names that, in any case, would be judged incomplete by those many people, too many, who would claim unjustifiably that they deserved to be featured there--but, perhaps to an even greater extent, it is to be found in all those who have no specific connection to the cultural world but who have nevertheless managed in these last years to preserve man's dignity by making their life, no matterhow modest and anonymous, into something with real culture and truly civilized values. It is in these men whose virtue goes unnoticed and not in idolized men that we recognize greatness. We have all witnessed this in years gone by on a daily basis. The Resistance was a moment of populargreatness in which every man, every woman who courageously took part contributed to the salvation of the world's shared patrimony and to that great and mysterious "ideal maturing," in preparation for the future.
And now here is how you once remembered Carlo Levi:

It isn't easy forme to write about Carlo Levi, who was as dear to me as a brother. My memory of him is closely linked to the events, the people, and the years of my youth. The night I found out that he was ill, and was dying, I gathered together inside of me so many scattered memories. I don't think I can talk of him at length as a painteroras a writeroras a political activist. I can only line up my memories.
In recent years I saw him very rarely. When I met him it seemed that I was meeting a crowd of loved and lost beings. This fact, and the great serenity that he exuded, made me feel emotional and happy every time I met him. In fact, I don't know why I didn't try to see more of him. We have, through our youth and the people that were a part of it, ties that are complicated, tortuous, and not easy. They often slow us down. And yet when I met up with Carlo Levi I felt all the tortuousness and complications disappear. and his big, rosy face made me happy. He was someone with whom relationships were direct and light.
The first memories I have of him go back to the time of my ado lescence, in Turin, which was his city and mine. He was fourteen years older than me. Fourteen years seemed at the time to be a great deal. He belonged to the adult world, a world to which I yearned to belong with an angst that was like a kind of snobbery, just like someone who wants to climb to a higherand more noble social standing. But I was shy, and this angst stayed hidden. He intimidated me, so much so that in his presence I hardly dared uttera word . . .
He had a large, wide, and rosy face, surrounded by a crown of curls. He used to wear a light-colored coat, almost white in fact; it was a short, wide coat, was always undone and was made from soft, hairy wool. He had corduroy jackets, which at that time no body was wearing; ornate gold buttons; soft, embroidered ties that were tied in wide knots. He was a friend of my brothers . . . He was a painter, I thought "a great painter," per haps because it seemed that nothing about him could be mediocre or small, and I neverasked myself then orindeed laterjust how significant his painting was. It seemed to me that in the paintings done by his peers there was squalor and grayness whereas in his there was a joyful riot of color. The landscapes in his paintings seemed beauti ful to me, because they were whipped by the wind. It was a wind without dust orgusts, a wind that swept nature along and ruffled
it so as to curl it up and make it brighter. The human figures, too, were whipped by the same strong and tempestuous wind that blew at theirjackets and ties and blew through theirhair, tingeing it with pink, violet, and green hues not so as to offend or mortify these figures, not so as to make them grotesque, but in order to celebrate somehow theirarrogance, theircomplexity, and their glory. Ears and hair that are curled up like this become shells. The world, in his pictures, often seemed to me like a huge beach over which shone a white light where everything was clouds, wind and shells . . .
When I saw him again after a break of many years, in Florence, afterthe liberation, I no longerfelt a great distance between us, partly because I was a lot older and partly because I had seen my share of misfortunes. Besides which he himself seemed to have come down orup from those heights and depths in which I had always seen him. I realized then, during those days in Florence, that in the past he seemed to dwell always eitheron great mountain heights orin the depths of seas. He had been aloof from and different from people you saw in the street. Now he seemed to be a part of these people. His desire to be different now mingled with a desire to be like other people. . . . Carlo Levi was by nature a person in whom harmony was indestructible and indispensable, just as it is indestructible and indispensable for the sun and for light itself. The world must have seemed to him, in his last years, out of harmony and tiresome, but he loved it all the same and certainly forgave it, out of generosity and goodness and humility; just as, perhaps, he forgave his friends for any indifference and betrayal, which he managed to overlook, gradually, not quickly, as he was incapable of harsh, hasty, or brutal acts.
. . . Last summerhe called me and we had dinnertogetherin a trattoria in the center. I hadn't seen him for a while. I didn't find him much older, except that his hair was now completely white, light as feathers, and except for a certain pinkish thinness to his face and neck, which again reminded me of my father. I had always thought there was a vague resemblance in him to my family, perhaps because Jews often have features in common, and his mother had had red hair and there was red hair in my family too, and freckles, and this seemed to establish a kind of kinship between him and us. We were not related, even though my maiden name is the same as his.
That was the last time I saw him . . . We left the restaurant, and I watched him walk one more time into the Rome night, as I had done so many years before, in the time of Christ Stopped at Eboli, with his lazy, random, and light-footed step . . .
SINIBALDI I would like to ask Natalia Ginzburg to read a very short extract from The Things We Used to Say in which the greatness of Levi is cast in a slightly different light:

My mother started going to the prison with clean clothes again, and she would run into Vittorio's parents there and the relatives of the other detainees. "Such nice people!" she would say of Vitto- rio's parents. "Such a good family! And they've told me Vittorio is a really fine lad. He's just passed his law exams with flying colors. Alberto has always chosen such respectable friends!"
"And Carlo Levi is inside, too," she would say with a mixture of fear, satisfaction and pride, because it frightened her that so many people had been put inside and that perhaps they were planning a mass trial. But there was also some comfort in the idea that so many were inside, and she was gratified that Alberto was in the company of mature, respectable, and distinguished people. "Pro fessorGuia is inside, too."
"I don't care forCarlo Levi's paintings, though!" my fatherwould retort, since he never missed an opportunity to make it known that he didn't care for Carlo Levi's paintings. "Oh no, Beppino, you're wrong. They're really good," said my mother. "That portrait of his mamma is lovely. You haven't seen it."
"Slathers!" said my father. "I can't abide modern art!"
We might say this is someone looking up from below, don't you think?

GINZBURG Yes.

SINIBALDI . . . which is the kind of dialectic that we are trying to create, juxtaposing various important texts and memories with this familiar tone, which runs through many of the books of Natalia Ginzburg. And now let's talk about literature, let's define Natalia Ginzburg's writing. We decided to call upon an important figure foryou to help us at this point: Cesare Garboli, who needs little introduction, being one of the liveliest, most interesting, and sharpest of all Italian critics, borne out in his book Falbalas, just published and much reviewed in the papers. He is the official critic of Natalia Ginzburg--if such an honor can exist. It is a form of criticism driven

by strong links of--

GINZBURG Friendship.

SINIBALDI Friendship, complicity.

GINZBURG Friendship.

SINIBALDI . . . so plain to see that we don't have to conceal it.

GINZBURG Yes.

SINIBALDI Usually critics and writers hide their friendship, their complicity, because they think it might get in the way of the clarity of the critical vision. It is not so for Garboli. Let's ask Cesare Garboli anyway, who is on the phone now, to help us introduce the writer Natalia Ginzburg. Hello?

CESARE GARBOLI Hello?

SINIBALDI Hello, Cesare Garboli. Natalia Ginzburg is here to say hello and no doubt thanks you forbeing with us at least telephonically. I say "at least telephonically" because we have not given up hope that forone of these programs you might come to Rome and be with us long enough to talk about your relationship as critic . . . or as "critic-accomplice" of the work of Natalia Ginzburg, who still expresses her gratitude for the advice she gets from Cesare Garboli. Maybe one time she will tell us just what it is, the advice that Garboli has given heroverall these years.

GINZBURG Too much to tell. Hello! Hi!

GARBOLI Hi, Natalia! How are you?

GINZBURG I'm fine, fine . . . yes.

GARBOLI And are you still working at the Chamber? What are you doing?

GINZBURG No!? At the Chamber? I'm here! No, Parliament isn't in session!

GARBOLI No, I know that now you're at Rai, but in general, your work at the Chamber still keeps you very busy.

SINIBALDI We've dragged heraway from herwork at the Chamber to bring her to Rai!

GINZBURG There's been no Chamberforseveral days because of the elections!

SINIBALDI We have taken advantage of a few days off among MPs. Well, Cesare Garboli . . . obviously there's a lot to say, and we have a lot to ask you. Going back overtexts--including the preface to the Meridiani edition of Natalia's works, which is a very illuminating and innovative piece of criticism--I would like you to look back at two things forus. First, yourfirst meeting with Natalia Ginzburg, which, if I am not mistaken, was about a poem that you had read in a Rome review of '44, is that right?

GARBOLI Yes, Mercurio.

SINIBALDI That's right, Mercurio. So that was the first meeting, but you had already heard of Natalia Ginzburg, is that so?

GARBOLI Yes, I had definitely heard of her, because we had a friend in common . . . a dearperson who had been a governess to the Ginzburg family. The fatherand the motherof Leone Ginzburg were Russian, and they came and spent theirholidays in Viareggio. And in Viareggio they had a governess, a helper who was also a friend of my father: Miss Segre. And she introduced Leone Ginzburg to my father. At the time he was just a boy, mind you, just four teen or fifteen. So, as a child I had heard a lot about Leone and then about Natalia after she married Leone and . . . and that's how she became a person to me. She was one of those people who, when you are a child orteenager, is talked about in the family . . . they become part of the closeness of family. And one day, I was interested in literature, interested in learning, interested in everything cultural as if it were a kind of food. I remember going 'round Rome--I think it was in '45 oreven '44--and I found in this review Mercurio a poem dedicated to Leone Ginzburg. It was a poem by Natalia about men who go around Rome, buy the papers, live life to the full; because it was a moment in which things were coming back to life--you can imagine Rome in '44, just afterbeing liberated. Things were just coming back to life, and Natalia wrote this poem of pain and nostalgia, of separation, loss. But it wasn't a poem full of mourning. I was fifteen, and it really struck me, because the poem involved a suffering that was somehow stoical, the suffering of someone who doesn't feel suddenly different about the world, about his needs, or his sense of fraternity with the world because he has suffered a loss. I didn't understand at the time that it was a stoical sentiment--because I was too young to understand--but it was also, somehow, a Jewish sentiment. It was one of the first times that I as a child had the revelation of a sensitivity that was not strictly Catholic.

SINIBALDI So this is anotherreason that coming into contact with the poetry and then the person of Natalia Ginzburg is important to you. The second thing is you have spoken of two phases in Natalia Ginzburg's work. You have said that there is a more recent Ginzburg, the one that follows The Things We Used to Say, with the features that perhaps we recognize more easily, and then there is a "poor" Ginzburg, the one of the earlier writings, the first novels, the texts we are about to talk about. A more austere way of writing, an impoverished perspective on the things of the world and the things of literature. So, how do we distinguish this early approach? What distinguishes the "poor" Ginzburg?

GARBOLI A kind of bare-bones essentiality. The fact that the eye and the sensitivity of the writer, in this case, of Natalia Ginzburg, turns on that element in life that is most essential, almost petrified, if you like. But it is also a way in which Natalia felt she belonged to a condition of living that was in some way shared by all writers at the time, around '39 and '40. Think of the poetry of Montale, forexample.

SINIBALDI Of course.

GARBOLI That poetry was trying to be, and was, "unpolished and essential" like pebbles on a stony stretch of sand. This is the Montale of Cuttlefish Bones. Also think of Pavese's A Mania for Solitude. This search was in the air. . . no, it wasn't a search, it was a state, a way of being. An essentiality that was in some way opposing the triumphalism, the false richness . . .

SINIBALDI And also the rhetoric, don't you think?

GARBOLI . . . of Italy as it was, with its twentieth-century Fascist, or even surrealist, literature. The stripped down essentiality was a rebellion in which poverty became a style, a left-wing rebellion, if you like. I've mentioned Montale, Pavese. I could also mention [Elio] Vittorini, the Vittorini of Conversation in Sicily. It is to this movement, in my opinion, that Natalia Ginzburg belongs, that is, the Natalia Ginzburg of the short novel The Road to the City. Ginzburg really begins with that novel more than with some early stories that were republished in the Meridiani edition of her work. They are interesting stories, interesting as documents as well, as is the story "Mio marito" (My husband).

SINIBALDI "Mio marito," yes.

GARBOLI Well, these are stories in which Ginzburg makes everything happen. Everything--killings, adultery, deaths. She makes everything happen in a few pages with grand gestures, with a great capacity to move through space. But as a narrator, Ginzburg starts in earnest with The Road to the City, which was reviewed when it came out--in 1942, if I remember correctly.

GINZBURG Yes.

GARBOLI It was reviewed by a fine critic, Silvio Benco, who found himself presented with a book that was totally new, by a writer nobody had everheard of--and he was very astute in identifying Na-talia's style. I think he spoke of a "direct" style, and of Ginzburg's "scissor-like pace," a direct pace, that is, inflexible, austere, totally devoid of coquettishness, neverdistracted, and neverdiverted, the pace of a soldierused to marching long distances; orthe pace of those tribal women you find in Hebrew stories, in the Bible, those women wearing shawls, with children in theirarms, who put up theirtents (no matterwhat happens, be it war, famine, ravages) and neverlose the sense of walking with their feet firmly on the ground precisely because they are used to long marches, to moving on. They put up their tents, prepare food, give birth, get married. Their husbands die, people around them die, but they go on walking, with their child in theirarms, they go on cooking, putting up theirtents. Those women called Sara, Rebecca, Rachel, those women called Abigail: well, that's how I see Natalia Ginzburg, and I see her from the time she wrote The Road to the City--the title says it clearly enough--I see her with this direct pace, used to long marches.

SINIBALDI Cesare Garboli, we are grateful to you for taking part, and we repeat the invitation, I hope not in vain, to join us in person. I don't know if Natalia wants to say good-bye . . .

GINZBURG Thank you so much, Cesare. Thank you.

GARBOLI 'Bye, Natalia!

GINZBURG 'Bye, Cesare. I'll call you, 'bye!

GARBOLI All the best. 'Bye.

SINIBALDI Good-bye. Well, I have nothing to add to Cesare Garboli's words . . .

GINZBURG No, no.

SINIBALDI Naturally it is a surprising image, and one I'm not sure we've heard before, of the Hebrew woman who keeps on walking; and yet it seems to fit, especially as faras the early Ginzburg writings go. Let's listen now to the portrait that Natalia Ginzburg wrote as an adult of a young writer just starting out. It won't be hard to recognize Natalia:

As a young man, he was gifted with imagination. Little, but some at least. The fact of having so little worried him. Having decided and hoped since childhood to be a writer and a novelist, he found it very odd to have so little imagination.


Continues...

Excerpted from It'S Hard to Talk About Yourself by Marino Sinibaldi Copyright © 2003 by Marino Sinibaldi. Excerpted by permission.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

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Table of Contents

Preface by Lisa Ginzburg Editors' Note
1. From Turati to Ginzburg
2. Working Life
3. The Job of the Writer
4. The Plays
5. Interlocutors
6. Family and Bourgeoisie
7. Politics Index
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