John Ruskin: The Later Years

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Hilton's John Ruskin: the Early Years was published by YUP in 1985 and will be reissued in paperback this season. Following on from the first volume of his life of Ruskin, this second volume covers the years 1860 until his death in 1900. John Ruskin (1819-1900) is perhaps best known for his books on art criticism, The Seven Lamps of Architecture (1849) and The Stones of Venice (1853), but his contribution as an artist is significant as well. In fact, his landscapes and portraits, with their wildness and organic energy, echo many of his critical ideas. Ruskin disliked classicism's symmetry and order, preferring the rougher qualities of Gothic art. Likewise, he rejected machine-produced goods which he considered 'dishonest,' advocating craftsmanship. He came to be associated with the Arts & Crafts movement, along with William Morris. Ruskin founded a utopian arts and crafts community, putting his theory into practice.
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Editorial Reviews

Hilton Kramer
Taken together, these two volumes constitute the finest and fairest life of Ruskin that has yet been written. It is likely to remain the standard work for a long time to come....It has taken 100 years, but in Tim Hilton, Ruskin has at last found the champion his achievement deserves.
Wall Street Journal
Publishers Weekly - Publisher's Weekly
The second volume of art historian and critic Hilton's biography of Ruskin is heftier in size than its predecessor, and a lesser achievement. It does, however, reveal fully the recurrent mental illness that crippled the controversial Victorian sage in his later years. Much of the book centers--as did much of the middle-aged, sexually na ve Ruskin's life--on his attenuated and abortive love affair with a young, fanatically religious girl, Rose La Touche, who died in her mid-20s (Ruskin met her when she was 10). Hilton also shows how sycophants exploited the wealthy Ruskin, who was increasingly unable to complete most of his later work, a failure that Hilton makes light of; he curiously contends that those works "may be better for their lack of termination." While Hilton is vastly knowledgeable about Ruskin, his garrulous, old-fashioned style ("Before returning to the events of Ruskin's life in 1871 it is convenient to summarise here "; "We must now describe the last months ") is at odds with his contemporary approach to insanity, as in his ruminations about La Touche's possible suicidal anorexia and Ruskin's manic depressive psychosis. In the face of such writing excesses, only Hilton's morbid fascination with Ruskin's descent into his long, precarious twilight will keep the reader turning the pages. (May) Copyright 2000 Cahners Business Information.|
Library Journal
This new work by Hilton, a regular contributor to the Times Literary Supplement, picks up in 1859 where his highly praised John Ruskin: The Early Years left off. At that time, Ruskin was finishing his five-volume Modern Painters, still recovering from a failed marriage, and starting to teach ten-year-old Rose La Touche. By his early 40s, Ruskin had earned a reputation as a writer and most notably a famed and feared art critic. But soon he became a strident activist for social reform whose essays, though stinging, petulant, and sarcastic, brought forth the ideas of national education, organized labor, old-age pensions, homes for the working classes, and organized street cleaners. When La Touche refused to marry him for religious reasons and soon died, there began a series of bouts with "brain fever" that eventually led to periods of seclusion and madness. Still, Ruskin was the first to head up a professorship of fine arts at Oxford. Hilton's research, years of reading Ruskin, and attention to detail make this biography very personal and readable--and probably the definitive account on Ruskin. A necessary companion to Susan P. Casteras and others' John Ruskin and the Victorian Eye (LJ 4/1/93), Hilton's two-volume set is recommended for English literature and art collections at academic and larger public libraries.--Joseph Hewgley, Nashville P.L. Copyright 2000 Cahners Business Information.\
Anthony Lane
Inspired...a magnum opus...
The New Yorker
A masterpiece of investigative scholarship and a work of generous and engrossing humanity.
The Sunday Times
Clive Wilmer
John Ruskin: The Later Years is simply magnificent: one of the great modern literary biographies...Hilton's prose is strikingly beautiful...
Times Literary Supplement
[Hilton's] wonderful protracted wrestling match with the surprising life and times of John Ruskin makes a captivating story . . .
The New York Times Book Review
Now that it is complete, Hilton's book takes its place among the foremost modern literary biographies.
The Sunday Telegraph
Kirkus Reviews
The second and final volume of English art critic Hilton's monumental life of Ruskin, spanning the years between 1859 and Ruskin's death in 1900. In 1859 Ruskin was 40; he had recovered from the dissolution of his disastrous, unconsummated marriage and had completed his great work Modern Painters, and was now at something of a loose end. He had lately met the then ten-year-old Rose La Touche, who would become the central figure of his life for the next 15 years and whose death would eventually drive him to the madness that darkened and silenced his final years. Ruskin's deep attachment to his pupil gradually matured into a tragic love as the girl herself grew into sickly, neurotic adolescence and listless, frustrated young womanhood. The intensity of their relationship, which involved many separations and reconciliations, was fueled as much by religious conflicts as by temperamental affinities. Hilton maintains that Rose was the mainspring of all Ruskin's writings of this period, not only Sesame and Lilies (the treatise on womanhood that was avowedly addressed to her) but also The Queen of the Air and even Fors Clavigera (the long series of letters addressed to the workingmen of England). In tracking all the important developments of Ruskin's later career—his reconciliation with Carlyle, the increasingly political emphasis of his writing, the death of his beloved father, his appointment to the Slade Professorship at Oxford, the lawsuit brought against him by Whistler, the later travels and bouts of madness—Hilton tells a story of decline, but also of personal relationships and influences. Considering Ruskin's writings and his political andeconomicenterprises primarily in terms of the personalities involved makes Hilton's study sympathetic and authoritative, if a bit claustrophobic: the religious and sexual issues he explores cry out for broader historical assessment. A humane, provocative study of a great and troubled Victorian soul.
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780300083118
  • Publisher: Yale University Press
  • Publication date: 4/28/2000
  • Pages: 688
  • Product dimensions: 6.51 (w) x 9.55 (h) x 2.29 (d)

Read an Excerpt

Chapter One

MR LE VENGEUR 1859-1860

Years later, at the time in the mid 1880s when he was preparing to write his autobiography Præterita, Ruskin looked in the diary he had kept at the end of the 1850s. There, amid some memoranda written in Germany for the last volume of Modern Painters, he discovered the place where he had first written the Mayfair address of the La Touche family. On other pages were early sketches of his analysis of political economy; and here were brief entries chronicling the route of the 1859 family holiday, when at Königstein he had taken `my last happy walk with my father' Dismayed by the reminiscences that the diary stirred in him, Ruskin took his pen and wrote, in block letters, `The Beginning of Sorrows' at the end of the vellum-bound book. The darker days of his life had indeed begun at that time. But Ruskin in 1859, in his fortieth year, was a confident man. He had no notion that his relations with Rose La Touche would end in tragedy. He could not imagine that he would soon lead a life without John James Ruskin's companionship. He had no idea that the writing of his later years would be quite unlike the work that had made his reputation, and could not foretell how his mind would break in terrible spells of madness. At the end of the 1850s Ruskin had too much vigorous curiosity about the world to think of his own fate. But he was dissatisfied and restless. He now seemed to cast around him for different loyalties and friendships.

    John James Ruskin had much experience of his son's sudden enthusiasms. But he had never encounteredanything so outlandish as this sudden devotion to the girls' school at Winnington. Shortly after his return from Switzerland in early October of 1859, Ruskin left London for Cheshire. He remained at Winnington until 10 November. Ruskin took part in all the school's activities. He taught art, divinity and many other subjects. When lessons ended he joined the gifts in games of cricket, croquet or hide and seek. There were only about thirty-five girls in the school, and Winnington was an unregimented home of learning. The atmosphere was friendly and informal. On the higher floors of the old manor house a warren of small rooms had been turned into dormitories. Eighteenth-century additions gave Winnington its library, an orangery and other quite spacious rooms in which the girls could draw, hold concerts or, seated on the floor, listen to Margaret Bell as she read aloud from a novel. `The Lady of Winnington', as Ruskin liked to call his new friend, was not one of those who disapproved of fiction. Nor was she bound to learning by exercise and catechism, methods standard in boys' schools of the day. Her teaching was based on thoughtful discovery and discussion. The school library contained books by liberal thinkers of the Broad Church movement. A number of such churchmen were known to Margaret Bell, and they entrusted their children to her care. Winnington was a sanctuary, but it was not cloistered: in fact it was rather modern. Ruskin went there to rest, to escape from his parents and to be surrounded by girls. But the school also helped him to define his future role as a critic of Victorian society. Although The Ethics of the Dust (1865) would be the only direct expression of Ruskin's Winnington life, the enthusiasm of Miss Bell and her teaching staff (Mary Anne Leadbetter, Lucy and Emily Pignatel and Mary Frances Bradford) prompted him to look freshly at the religious and political controversies of the day; and this had a more general influence on his thought.

    Ruskin was a wonderful acquisition for Margaret Bell's school: he seemed to have made a gift of himself. His presence was inspiring, and there is no doubt that Winnington became a better school as a result of Ruskin's interest. Furthermore, Margaret Bell's friendship with Ruskin helped her standing with the progressive middle-class Northerners who provided her with pupils. Ruskin's fame was as one of the great writers of the age. He was not yet regarded as eccentric or controversial; and the scandalous but vague rumours that attached to his marriage were heard in London, not in Cheshire and Lancashire. Winnington gave Ruskin a commitment to the North of England he would never lose. Meanwhile, he was simply delighted to be there. `I wonder if you knew', he wrote to Margaret Bell, `— when you asked me to Winnington — that you could do me good — and just the good I wanted?' Ruskin now began to mix in northern intellectual society. He resumed his acquaintance with Sir Elkanah Armitage, the cultivated manufacurer who was a former mayor of Manchester. He met the Mancunian Pre-Raphaelite painter Frederic Shields and encouraged his work. Soon he came to know Charles Hallé and his family, though Ruskin and the musician could never understand each other. He made firm friends with Samuel Hay Cooke, whom he had known slightly at Christ Church. Cooke was the rector of the neighbouring village of Great Budworth: he still had many Oxford connections, however, because his family home was at Beckley Park, a house just six miles from the university city. Margaret Bell's acquaintance with the intellectual clergy was passed on to Ruskin. She had known Bishop Colenso's family, for instance, since at least 1854. John William Colenso was both a linguist and a pioneer of the critical examination of scripture. His daughter Fanny would become a Winnington pupil and a lifelong friend of Ruskin's. Susan Scott, the Winnington girl who in a few years would receive one of the first letters outlining the Guild of St George, had a similar background. Her father, Alexander John Scott, was the Principal of Owens College, Manchester. He had once, in his early days as a clergyman, been Edward Irving's assistant. Before removing to Manchester from London Scott was the first Professor of English at University College and was still a friend of F. D. Maurice and Carlyle. Ruskin liked him, though he liked his daughter more.

    Winnington was a religious school. So were all Victorian schools, but Winnington was not religious merely by observance. This little community of girls and young women reflected the state of mid-nineteenth-century Christian thought and especially the views of Anglican liberals, Ruskin was not as interested in Mauricean liberal theology as were Margaret Bell and Alexander Scott. He was interested to test his own views by helping girls with their knowledge of the Bibel. The status and interpretation of the scriptures was a contentious area. Ruskin had known for many years that the Bible could not be treated literally. In this period of uncertainty about his own life he began more mature biblical studies. He found this maturity in the company of schoolgirls rather than with scholars and divines of his own generation. Their innocence and burgeoning intelligence demanded especial delicacy and care in biblical instruction. Several of Ruskin's letters to parents of the girls show how conscientious he was in discussion of scripture. A more intimate record of his instruction is also available to us, though for many years it lay buried in the private papers of Margaret Bell, Mary Bradford and their executors and descendents. This record consists of numerous long, semi-formal letters written by Ruskin to his `birds', as he called the Winnington girls. These are his `Sunday letters', composed every Sabbath during the school terms. They began in the spring of 1859, after his first visit to Winnington, and continued until some point in 1864, with occasional revivals of the mode thereafter. The letters were read aboud at the school and were also copied. Their first purpose was to expound the scriptures. They follow no set pattern, however, and are not exclusively concerned with the Bible. The earlier letters concentrate on the precise meanings of words, with much etymological demonstration. As the letters proceed, exegesis of biblical verses is mixed with other matter. Then, their tone can change. When the letters are at their most miscellaneous Ruskin is alternately teasing and stern. He addresses individual girls as well as his whole class. He writes about his own thoughts and feelings, replies to questions and calls attention to current affairs, books and art. In such ways the `Sunday letters' were a preparation for the great series of public letters that Ruskin would begin to issue a decade later: Fors Clavigera.

    Naturally enough, much of Ruskin's teaching at Winnington was in art classes. The Elements of Drawing seems already to have been in use there before his arrival. In any case there was no essential difference between the instruction he gave to girls and his classes at the Working Men's College. He brought a number of his workmen's drawings to the school as examples and supplemented them with choicer works. Thus Winnington became the home of drawings and watercolours by Turner, Rossetti, William Henry Hunt and other artists, while prints after Dürer were also left there for copying.

    We may imagine that Mary leadbetter, the drawing mistress, was made nervous by the famous art critic. Yet Ruskin was always careful to put both the children and their teachers at their ease. Many stories attest to his charm and generosity. Phoebe France, also a drawing mistress, recounted how she had broken the glass on one of Ruskin's Turners and how

it was asserted that in fracturing the glass I had scratched the drawing. Of course I was very much distressed, although I contended that the particular scratch had been done by Turner himself. As soon as Mr Ruskin saw it he proved my assertion was right, and seeing my distressed and tearful countenance, he took my hand, and said `Rather than have been the cause of so much grief, my dear Miss France, I would sooner have seen the picture destroyed'.

At Winnington, in October of 1859, Ruskin wrote a short sequel to The Elements of Drawing. Although it contains some interesting remarks, one doubts whether The Elements of Perspective was ever of much use to a student. The book's exercises are too advanced, are difficult to follow and do not translate into painting practice. They may have been intended for Winnington girls, but their origin is in Ruskin's old fascination with the problems of geometry: one of his earliest published papers had been `Remarks on the Convergence of Perpendiculars' in the Architectural Magazine in 1838. His new manual announced that a thorough knowledge of the first three and the sixth books of Euclid would allow any draughtsman to follow his reasoning. The exercises are reminiscent of the geometry Ruskin studied at Oxford. It seems that the only person at Winnington who was able to appreciate the book was Mr Le Vengeur, the mathematics master.

    This Mr Le Vengeur appears in a dramatic letter sent to her parents by Dora Livesey, another of the girls from Winnington whom Ruskin would know and love for the rest of his life — and who would become the first of the Companions of St George. We discover how, in November 1860, she and other girls

... were in the Library, while Miss Bell packed the lease for London when the door opened with a crash & a dark figure with a watchman's lantern appeared at the other end of the room. Mr Le Vengeur stood among us in a cool fury `I ask no leave to enter this room, I come in Miss Bedborough's name and in the name of her lawyer to say that Miss Bedborough is an equal partner with that woman' pointing at Miss Bell. I was too confused to enter all. He met Miss Bradford's eye `Miss Bradford you are of age and responsible, remember you are of age' No one spoke, then Miss Pignatel started `Miss Pignatel, be silent' he dashed out of the room, banging the door. We locked the door and wrote to Mr Leslie to ask for help ...

    The idyllic aspects of Winnington did not always conceal Margaret Bell's financial problems and stormy relations with partners and local tradesmen. This particular dispute had arisen because of her attempt to raise money be selling a partnership in the school to Mrs Bedborough. After the exciting events described by Dora there followed a lawsuit. Mrs Bedborough was bought out of the partnership for £450. The money was provided by Ruskin, who asked his father for it. This was not the only occasion when John James Ruskin had been asked to support Miss Bell. In April of 1859, after Ruskin's first visit to the school, we find from the wine merchant's accounts that he had sent £300 to Winnington. The sum is entered under `Charities', and John James seems not to have hoped to see his money returned. His diary contains sardonic remarks about the schoolmistress. He found her visits to Denmark Hill irritating. He also worried that her advanced religious views would upset his wife. Soon, despite his son's requests, he refused to give or lend her more money. `He will have Miss Bell begging as before but I was not to demur,' his diary tells us. Ruskin continued to give her money from his own funds. By March 1867 he had lent her a total of £1,130 15s. 4d. For personal, intellectual and also financial reasons, therefore, he was tied to the school. It gave him a retreat, many happy hours, and some treasured friendships among the girls. But this was at the expense of some alienation from his father, who considered his interest in Winnington to be merely foolish.

* * * *

The girls who pondered over the `Sunday letters', copied them out and pursued their Bible references, were, as far as one can tell, intelligent. They were certainly diligent, for Ruskin's Sabbath day missives were demanding. Again, he may have aimed rather high when he devised his perspective exercises. But there were girls at Winnington (they may have been eighteen or nineteen before they left, so we can imagine them as university students) who could respond to his difficult cultural questions. In the spring of 1859 he wanted to know how they would discuss `the meaning of the word vulgar', an enquiry he also presented to his doctor friend John Simon and to the painter John Brett. He was looking for help with the chapter of Modern Painters V which is entitled `On Vulgarity'. The chapter is suggestive in many ways, but lacks a conclusive formulation of the problem itself. Vulgarity belongs to modernity, yet the book entitled Modern Painters could not quite deal with the issue. Ruskin knew that the problem of vulgar art had been raised by Pre-Raphaelitism. Ten years before, he had expected that the movement would bring about a democratic art — and yet a high art — that would speak to all men. Pre-Raphaelitism had done no such thing. Its realism had all too easily been united with popular academicism. The result had been a flood of painting of a vulgarity that had not previously been seen in art. Therefore, it appeared, the movement had failed. Ruskin had no intention of issuing another Academy Notes and, though he did not realise it, his career as an arbiter of contemporary art was now at its end.

    As he worked on Modern Painters V in the New Year of 1860 his thoughts were all on natural beauty, Turner and Greek mythology. His ruminations were original and beautiful. They could have come from no other mind than his own. Yet they have not much connection with the artistic life of his won time. It is as though Ruskin wrote in disregard of the world around him. None the less he was interested to know how his new young friends would react to his thoughts. Successive chapters of Modern Painters V were sent to Winnington as he completed them, and the girls were entrusted with the compilation of the book's index. They had to consider such passages as the following, found in the chapter `The Hesperid Ægle':

Colour is therefore, in brief terms, the type of love. Hence it is especially connected with the blossoming of the earth; and again, with its fruits; also, with the spring and fall of the leaf, and with the morning and evening of the day, in order to show the waiting of love about the birth and death of man.
And now, I think, we may understand, even far away in the Greek mind, the meaning of that Contest of Apollo with the Python. It was a far greater contest than that of Hercules with Ladon. Fraud and avarice might be overcome by frankness and force; but his Python was a darker enemy, and could not be subdued but by a greater god. Nor was the conquest slightly esteemed by the victor deity. He took his name from it thenceforth — his prophetic and sacred name — the Pythian.
It could, therefore, be no merely devouring dragon — no mere wild beast with scales and claws. It must possess some more terrible character to make conquest over it so glorious. Consider the meaning of its name, `THE CORRUPTER'. That Hesperid dragon was a treasure-guardian. This is the treasure-destroyer. — where moth and rust doth corrupt — the worm of eternal decay.
Apollo's contest with him is the strife of purity with pollution; of life with forgetfulness; of love, with the grave.
I believe this great battle stood, in the Greek mind, for the type of the struggle of youth and manhood with deadly sin — venomous, infectious, irrecoverable sin. In virtue of his victory over this corruption, Apollo becomes thenceforward the guide; the witness; the purifying and helpful God. The other gods help waywardly, whom they choose. But Apollo helps always: he is by name, not only Pythian, the conqueror of death; but Paean — the healer of the people.
Well did Turner know the meaning of that battle ...

    Ruskin often talked about Rose La Touche to Margaret Bell and her pupils and he began to hope that the girl might one day, perhaps quite shortly, be sent to Winnington for her education. The La Touches were in residence at their London house in Norfolk Street for the winter months. Ruskin was a not infrequent guest. The La Touches also visited Denmark Hill, where Rose, now eleven years old, was petted and indulged. John James, who grumbled in his diary about the visits from Winnington girls (`Miss Bell, 5 virgins to strawberries') felt differently about `innocent and loving Rose', as the diary describes her, while Margaret Ruskin took delight in an infant piety that was already a marked part of her character. The Irish girl was a puzzle, for she was precocious in some ways and not in others. Sometimes she had a surprising understanding of adult attitudes: at the next moment she was once more completely a child. She had pretty ways of making herself engaging, even coquettish, but could also be rather solemn. `I don't know what to make of her', Ruskin confessed. `... She wears her round hat in the sauciest way possible — and is a firm — fiery little thing'.

    Rose was not so playful that she did not like her books. She had decided that she was a poet, and Ruskin received many of her guileless verses. These he carefully preserved, and sometimes sent on to other people. It is important that Rose loved Ruskin's company. He told her so many things about books, about nature, about the world. Certainly she heard more about wonders and poetry form Ruskin than from her father, who, in comparison, was taciturn and withdrawn. This winter, to his growing dismay, Ruskin realised that John La Touche was a man of inflexible beliefs. Like many a convert, he had no interest in opinions and no sympathy with enquiring minds. He regarded intellectuals with suspicion. La Touche had no cultural pleasures. His social concerns were in temperance and the reformation of prostitutes. The La Touches never became part of the Ruskin circle and seldom met friends of the Ruskin family. John James Ruskin's dinner table was far too lively for the dour John La Touche. Inevitably, La Touche and Ruskin were to disagree about religion. A message to the Winnington girls shows that Ruskin's `Sunday letters' fell within an area of discussion that was prohibited to Rose:

    My dearest Birds,

I am so much obliged to you for finding the letter for me and copying the end of it, though after all I can't show it to Rosie — for her father — staunch evangelical of the old school — does not believe in Greek, and might not like some expressions in this letter speaking mercifully of Error. Rosie, believing at once in him, & her mother and me, is growing up quite a little Cerberus, only her mother and I make two heads bark one way; but the third barks loudest — Indeed I should not say she believed in me — but would like to do so if I did not every now and then say much out of the way things — she pets me as she would a panther that kept its claws in — always looking under the claws to see that the velvet is all right & orthodox. She petted me yesterday, up, or down — (I don't know which) — to such a point that when I began drawing in the evening I found I didn't like the Venetians — but could only look at Angelico — But I can't write you a Sunday's letter to-day; it is all dark and rainy and I can't think now, unless in the sunshine.

I kept this letter to try and put some more in it — being reduced to a state of frantic despair by Rosie's going away to Italy next week ...

This `Italy' is probably a child copyist's error for Ireland, for the La Touches left London to return to their estate in County Kildare in the latter part of February 1860. It is difficult to know if Ruskin's `frantic despair' was real. Certainly he did not suffer the crazed longings that would possess him in years to come. But his remark is not in the vein of humorous exaggeration he sometimes employed. At all events, as if in reaction to Rose's departure, Ruskin now turned to a quite different part of his acquaintance. He kept no diary during these spring months, but we gather that he was often in town. John La Touche would not have approved of Ruskin's London pursuits, for they had a bohemian aspect. His appearances at the Working Men's College were now irregular and were less serious than of old. George Butterworth, his errant assistant, managed to persuade Ruskin — who, like nearly all the world, was excited by the forthcoming and sensational Sayers-Heenan prize fight — that he could bring Tom Sayers to the College to meet its students and lecturers. Ruskin thought this a better idea than some of his colleagues might have done and provided his father's choicest wines to toast the English champion. Sayers, however, failed to appear. The wine was sent on to Turner's old housekeeper, Mrs Booth, with whom Ruskin maintained cordial relations.

    It was at this period that, unknown to his over-protective parents, Ruskin took moonlight boating expeditions on the Thames, accompanied by George Allen. One night we find him at the Canterbury Music Hall with the dealer Ernest Gambart; and Ruskin was certainly often in the company of Rossetti and other artist friends. In Bloomsbury, Blackfriars and Chelsea, among people who knew how to be carefree, the author of the unfinished Modern Painters could escape some of the worries of his study. Rossetti cheerfully twitted Ruskin about the long gestation of his book, paying that the modern painters would be old masters before Ruskin had finished. Perhaps he did not realise that Ruskin was not writing about contemporary art. But he must have wondered why it was that Ruskin, in private his friend and patron, never wrote publicly about his work.

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Table of Contents

Foreword vii
CHAPTER ONE Mr Le Vengeur 1859-1860 1
CHAPTER TWO Unto This Last — Boulogne 1860-1861 10
CHAPTER THREE Munera Pulveris 1861-1862 24
CHAPTER FOUR Mornex 1862 42
CHAPTER FIVE The Death of John James Ruskin 1864 60
CHAPTER SIX The Cestus of Aglaia 1864-1865 80
CHAPTER SEVEN The Proposal 1866 95
CHAPTER EIGHT Time and Tide — Keswick 1867-1868 112
CHAPTER NINE Dublin 1868-1869 128
CHAPTER TEN The Queen of the Air — Carpaccio 1868-1869 143
CHAPTER ELEVEN Inaugural Lecture 1869-1870 167
CHAPTER TWELVE Abingdon — Matlock 1871 184
CHAPTER THIRTEEN Sky-Blue Coffin 1871 208
CHAPTER FOURTEEN The Drawing Schools 1871-1872 222
CHAPTER SIXTEEN Love's Meinie 1873-1874 252
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN Tuscany 1874 268
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN Rose's Death 1874-1875 287
CHAPTER NINETEEN Oxford Acquaintances 1875-1876 305
CHAPTER TWENTY Acworth — Talbot 1875-1876 325
CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE St Ursula 1876-1877 340
CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO Bewdley 1877-1878 352
CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR The Bible of Amiens 1878-1880 395
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE Second Madness 1880-1881 417
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX Abroad with Collingwood 1881-1882 430
CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN Norton in Control 1883 453
CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT The Storm Cloud 1883-1884 475
CHAPTER TWENTY-NINE Adieu to Oxford 1884 489
CHAPTER THIRTY Præterita 1885 501
CHAPTER THIRTY-ONE Adieu to Brantwood 1885-1887 514
CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO Sandgate 1887 541
CHAPTER THIRTY-THREE Cook and Blow 1888 555
CHAPTER THIRTY-FOUR Noise and Silence 1888-1900 569
Postscript 593
Notes 597
Index 621
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