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Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam
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Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam

3.7 22
by Nick Turse
 

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Based on classified documents and first-person interviews, a startling history of the American war on Vietnamese civilians

Americans have long been taught that events such as the notorious My Lai massacre were isolated incidents in the Vietnam War, carried out by "a few bad apples." But as award-winning journalist and historian Nick Turse demonstrates in

Overview

Based on classified documents and first-person interviews, a startling history of the American war on Vietnamese civilians

Americans have long been taught that events such as the notorious My Lai massacre were isolated incidents in the Vietnam War, carried out by "a few bad apples." But as award-winning journalist and historian Nick Turse demonstrates in this groundbreaking investigation, violence against Vietnamese noncombatants was not at all exceptional during the conflict. Rather, it was pervasive and systematic, the predictable consequence of orders to "kill anything that moves."

Drawing on more than a decade of research in secret Pentagon files and extensive interviews with American veterans and Vietnamese survivors, Turse reveals for the first time how official policies resulted in millions of innocent civilians killed and wounded. In shocking detail, he lays out the workings of a military machine that made crimes in almost every major American combat unit all but inevitable. Kill Anything That Moves takes us from archives filled with Washington's long-suppressed war crime investigations to the rural Vietnamese hamlets that bore the brunt of the war; from boot camps where young American soldiers learned to hate all Vietnamese to bloodthirsty campaigns like Operation Speedy Express, in which a general obsessed with body counts led soldiers to commit what one participant called "a My Lai a month."

Thousands of Vietnam books later, Kill Anything That Moves, devastating and definitive, finally brings us face-to-face with the truth of a war that haunts Americans to this day.

Editorial Reviews

author of Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and Frances FitzGerald

Meticulously researched, Kill Anything That Moves is the most comprehensive account to date of the war crimes committed by U.S. forces in Vietnam and the efforts made at the highest levels of the military to cover them up. It's an important piece of history.
author of Patriots: The Vietnam War Remembered Christian Appy

Nick Turse has done more than anyone to demonstrate--and document--what should finally be incontrovertible: American atrocities in Vietnam were not infrequent and inadvertent, but the commonplace and inevitable result of official U.S. military policy. And he does it with a narrative that is gripping and deeply humane.
author of Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam and the Daniel Ellsberg

No book I have read in decades has so shaken me, as an American. Turse lays open the ground-level reality of a war that was far more atrocious than Americans at home have ever been allowed to know. He exposes official policies that encouraged ordinary American soldiers and airmen to inflict almost unimaginable horror and suffering on ordinary Vietnamese, followed by official cover-up as tenacious as Turse's own decade of investigative effort against it. Kill Anything That Moves is obligatory reading for Americans, because its implications for the likely scale of atrocities and civilian casualties inflicted and covered up in our latest wars are inescapable and staggering.
From the Publisher

“An indispensable, paradigm-shifting new history of the war...All these decades later, Americans still haven't drawn the right lesson from Vietnam.” —San Francisco Chronicle

“A searing and meticulously documented book...A damning account of the horrors the United States inflicted on civilians.” —Financial Times

“Harrowing.” —The New York Review of Books

“A powerful case…With his urgent but highly readable style, Turse delves into the secret history of U.S.-led atrocities. He has brought to his book an impressive trove of new research--archives explored and eyewitnesses interviewed in the United States and Vietnam. With superb narrative skill, he spotlights a troubling question: Why, with all the evidence collected by the military at the time of the war, were atrocities not prosecuted?” —Washington Post

“There have been many memorable accounts of the terrible things done in Vietnam--memoirs, histories, documentaries, and movies. But Nick Turse has given us a fresh holistic work that stands alone for its blending of history and journalism, for the integrity of research brought to life through the diligence of first-person interviews....Here is a powerful message for us today--a reminder of what war really costs.” —Bill Moyers, Moyers & Company

“In Kill Anything That Moves, Nick Turse has for the first time put together a comprehensive picture, written with mastery and dignity, of what American forces actually were doing in Vietnam. The findings disclose an almost unspeakable truth....Like a tightening net, the web of stories and reports drawn from myriad sources coalesces into a convincing, inescapable portrait of this war--a portrait that, as an American, you do not wish to see; that, having seen, you wish you could forget, but that you should not forget.” —Jonathan Schell, The Nation

“A masterpiece... Kill Anything That Moves is not only one of the most important books ever written about the Vietnam conflict but provides readers with an unflinching account of the nature of modern industrial warfare....Turse, finally, grasps that the trauma that plagues most combat veterans is a result not only of what they witnessed or endured, but what they did.” —Chris Hedges, Truthdig

“Nick Turse's explosive, groundbreaking reporting uncovers the horrifying truth.” —Vanity Fair

“Explosive… A painful yet compelling look at the horrors of war.” —Parade

“Astounding…Meticulous, extraordinary, and oddly moving.” —Bookforum

“Meticulously documented, utterly persuasive, this book is a shattering and dismaying read.” —Minneapolis Star Tribune

“If you are faint-hearted, you might want to keep some smelling salts nearby when you read it. It's that bad...The truth hurts. This is an important book.” —Dayton Daily News

Kill Anything That Moves argues, persuasively and chillingly, that the mass rape, torture, mutilation and slaughter of Vietnamese civilians was not an aberration--not a one-off atrocity called My Lai--but rather the systematized policy of the American war machine. These are devastating charges, and they demand answers because Turse has framed his case with deeply researched, relentless authority...There is no doubt in my mind that Kill Anything That Moves belongs on the very highest shelf of books on the Vietnam War.” —The Millions

“In the sobering Kill Anything That Moves, Nick Turse provides an exhaustive account of how thousands upon thousands of innocent, unarmed South Vietnamese civilians were senselessly killed by a military that equated corpses with results.…Kill Anything That Moves is a staggering reminder that war has its gruesome subplots hidden underneath the headlines--but they're even sadder when our heroes create them.” —Bookpage

“An in-depth take on a horrific war…A detailed, well-documented account.” —Publishers Weekly

“This book is an overdue and powerfully detailed account of widespread war crimes--homicide and torture and mutilation and rape--committed by American soldiers over the course of our military engagement in Vietnam. Nick Turse's research and reportage is based in part on the U.S. military's own records, reports, and transcripts, many of them long hidden from public scrutiny. Kill Anything That Moves is not only a compendium of pervasive and illegal and sickening savagery toward Vietnamese civilians, but it is also a record of repetitive deceit and cover-ups on the part of high ranking officers and officials. In the end, I hope, Turse's book will become a hard-to-avoid, hard-to-dismiss corrective to the very common belief that war crimes and tolerance for war crimes were mere anomalies during our country's military involvement in Vietnam.” —Tim O'Brien, author of The Things They Carried

“Nick Turse reminds us again, in this painful and important book, why war should always be a last resort, and especially wars that have little to do with American national security. We failed, as Turse makes clear, to deal after the Vietnam War with the murders that took place, and today--four decades later--the lessons have yet to be learned. We still prefer kicking down doors to talking.” —Seymour Hersh, staff writer, The New Yorker

“This deeply disturbing book provides the fullest documentation yet of the brutality and ugliness that marked America's war in Vietnam. No doubt some will charge Nick Turse with exaggeration or overstatement. Yet the evidence he has assembled is irrefutable. With the publication of Kill Anything That Moves, the claim that My Lai was a one-off event becomes utterly unsustainable.” —Andrew J. Bacevich, Colonel, U.S. Army (Ret.), and author of Washington Rules: America's Path To Permanent War

“American patriots will appreciate Nick Turse's meticulously documented book, which for the first time reveals the real war in Vietnam and explains why it has taken so long to learn the whole truth.” —James Bradley, author of Flags of Our Fathers

“Meticulously researched, Kill Anything That Moves is the most comprehensive account to date of the war crimes committed by U.S. forces in Vietnam and the efforts made at the highest levels of the military to cover them up. It's an important piece of history.” —Frances FitzGerald, author of Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam

“In this deeply researched and provocative book Nick Turse returns us to Vietnam to raise anew the classic dilemmas of warfare and civil society. My Lai was not the full story of atrocities in Vietnam, and honestly facing the moral questions inherent in a ‘way of war' is absolutely necessary to an effective military strategy. Turse documents a shortfall in accountability during the Vietnam War that should be disturbing to every reader.” —John Prados, author of Vietnam: The History of an Unwinnable War, 1945–1975

“Nick Turse's Kill Anything That Moves is essential reading, a powerful and moving account of the dark heart of the Vietnam War: the systematic killing of civilians, not as aberration but as standard operating procedure. Until this history is acknowledged it will be repeated, one way or another, in the wars the U.S. continues to fight.” —Marilyn Young, author of The Vietnam Wars, 1945–1990

“Nick Turse has done more than anyone to demonstrate--and document--what should finally be incontrovertible: American atrocities in Vietnam were not infrequent and inadvertent, but the commonplace and inevitable result of official U.S. military policy. And he does it with a narrative that is gripping and deeply humane.” —Christian Appy, author of Patriots: The Vietnam War Remembered From All Sides

“No book I have read in decades has so shaken me, as an American. Turse lays open the ground-level reality of a war that was far more atrocious than Americans at home have ever been allowed to know. He exposes official policies that encouraged ordinary American soldiers and airmen to inflict almost unimaginable horror and suffering on ordinary Vietnamese, followed by official cover-up as tenacious as Turse's own decade of investigative effort against it. Kill Anything That Moves is obligatory reading for Americans, because its implications for the likely scale of atrocities and civilian casualties inflicted and covered up in our latest wars are inescapable and staggering.” —Daniel Ellsberg, author of Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers

The Washington Post - John Tirman
With his urgent but highly readable style, Turse takes us through this landscape of failed policies, government mendacity and Vietnamese anguish, a familiar topography for those steeped in the many histories…of this 1964-75 debacle. But Turse is up to something different and even more provocative: He delves into the secret history of U.S.-led atrocities. He has brought to his book an impressive trove of new research—archives explored and eyewitnesses interviewed in the United States and Vietnam. With superb narrative skill, he spotlights a troubling question: Why, with all the evidence collected by the military at the time of the war, were atrocities not prosecuted?
Publishers Weekly
After a decade of scouring Pentagon archives and interviewing Vietnamese survivors and American vets, Turse (The Complex) offers this detailed, well-documented account of the “real” Vietnam War, “the one that so many would like to forget.” The author shows that, contrary to popular belief, the massacre at My Lai was not an isolated incident; one soldier wrote in a 1971 letter to President Nixon that “the atrocities that were committed at Mylai are eclipsed by similar American actions throughout the country.” The bulk of the book is devoted to a grueling recounting of these killings, and Turse leaves little room for doubt that “urder, torture, rape, abuse, forced displacement, home burnings, specious arrests, imprisonment without due process” were encouraged by body count–minded war managers and badly trained junior officers, and abetted by Gen. William Westmoreland’s search-and-destroy strategy. Turse maintains a one-sided historicism regarding the innumerable American war crimes, and while this tight focus allows for an in-depth take on a horrific war, it’s hard to imagine what kind of readership the author had in mind when he began his gruesome project. Nevertheless, the whistle-blowers chronicled attest to the voices of reason that spoke up in the midst of carnage. Agent: Melissa Flashman, Trident Media Group. (Jan. 8)
The Washington Post
“Narrator Don Lee has a deep, resonant voice that works well with the book. He sounds authoritative without being overbearing, and his diction and pacing are impeccable.”
AudioFile

Kirkus Reviews
An investigative journalist indicts the leadership of the American military for war crimes in Vietnam. Turse (The Complex: How the Military Invades Our Everyday Lives, 2008, etc.) has a reputation for rooting out perceived misdeeds on the part of the U.S. government and has plied his trade investigating drone strikes, arms sales and operations by Special Forces. Here, the author attempts to fold more than a decade of research about the Vietnam War into a not-so-neat package, with mixed results. His thesis is that incidents like the shameful My Lai massacre were not isolated anomalies, but rather the inevitable result of a systemized, operational directive to slaughter the population of Vietnam. In reconstructing the 1967 blood bath at Trieu Ai, Turse finds common elements. "Here was the repeated aerial bombing and artillery fire, pounding the rural population on an almost daily basis and forcing them into underground bunkers," he writes. "Here was the deliberate burning of peasant homes and the relocation of villagers to refugee camps, where their movements were strictly controlled by the government. And here, too, was the inevitable outcome of the soldiers' training: all the endless chants of ‘kill, kill, kill,' the dehumanization of the ‘dinks, gooks, slopes, slants,' and the constant insistence that even women and small children were to be regarded as potential enemies." Turse's research is thorough enough to warrant more than 80 pages of notes, but his assembly of the data available has a manipulative sheen to it. The book also treads a lot of previously covered ground, like the 1969 "Operation Speedy Express," during which the military claimed more than 10,000 enemy combatants dead but recovered less than 800 weapons--an incident that drew fire as early as 1972. Relying heavily on declassified documents and interviews with survivors, the book reads more like the extension of a predisposed agenda than straight-up journalism. The imperfect defense of a controversial perspective on the hell that is war.

Product Details

ISBN-13:
9781250045065
Publisher:
Picador
Publication date:
12/31/2013
Series:
American Empire Project Series
Edition description:
Reprint
Pages:
416
Sales rank:
142,126
Product dimensions:
5.60(w) x 8.20(h) x 1.20(d)

Read an Excerpt

Kill Anything That Moves

The Real American War In Vietnam


By Nick Turse

Picador

Copyright © 2013 Nick Turse
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-250-04506-5



CHAPTER 1

THE MASSACRE AT TRIEU AI


In 2008, visiting Trieu Ai village in Quang Tri, the northernmost province in South Vietnam, meant driving down a long, winding, rutted road of crushed rock and burnt-orange mud. It was slow going, as the car rocked and pitched past shattered concrete buildings, through forests, across fields. The last mile or two had to be traversed on foot, though the worst to worry about, while slogging through the mire, was losing a shoe. Forty years before, the Americans trudging through this area had far more to fear.

On the night of October 21, 1967, members of Company B, 1st Battalion, 1st Marine Regiment, in the midst of a long, grueling patrol, found themselves on the outskirts of Trieu Ai. On a hill overlooking the village, one of the Americans tripped a booby trap. A well-liked marine from the company's 1st Platoon was killed, three others were injured, and the embittered, frustrated troops hunkered down, awaiting a medical evacuation—"medevac"—helicopter.

It was a commonplace story. Vietnamese revolutionary forces, decisively outgunned by their adversaries, relied heavily on mines and other booby traps, as well as sniper fire and ambushes. Their way of war was generally to strike swiftly and immediately withdraw. Unable to deal with an enemy that overwhelmingly dictated the time, place, and duration of combat, U.S. forces took to destroying whatever they could manage. Often, civilians paid the price.

Soon after the booby trap struck his men, Lieutenant Robert Maynard held a briefing with Lieutenant John Bailey and Sergeant Don Allen of the 1st Platoon. Maynard assured them, Allen later reported, that they would get "first crack at the ville." He remembered the orders vividly: "We would take our platoons and move through the ville. When we reached the other side 'there was nothing to be left alive or unburned, as far as the children goes, let our conscience be our guide.'"

When Lieutenant Bailey, who had been slightly wounded by the booby trap, returned from the briefing, he too told his platoon that they were about to be sent into the village. Lance Corporal Olaf Skibsrud recalled the orders passed on to him: "They said that we were going to kill everyone in the ville and burn it down." Lance Corporal Eddie Kelly remembered Bailey's orders as "search-and-destroy everything in the village." And rifleman Edward Johnson recalled a command similar to so many others handed down by Americans all over South Vietnam, year after year: "We was going to kill anything that we see and anything that moved."


* * *

The marines who would need to call on their consciences concerning the children of Trieu Ai were not that far from childhood themselves. Indeed, most U.S. troops who served in Vietnam were in their teens or barely out of them. Whether they had been drafted or had volunteered (often to avoid the uncertainty of the draft), they had gone off to basic training as little more than boys.

The boot camp experience was consciously organized to reduce recruits to a psychological state akin to early childhood. Their previous eighteen or so years of learning were to be stripped away through shock, separation, and physical and psychological stress, creating a tabula rasa on which a military imprint could be stamped. For eight weeks of up to seventeen-hour days, every detail of their lives was prescribed, every action relearned in a military manner, all stringently enforced by the omnipresent authority of the drill instructor. As historian Joanna Bourke puts it, a deft combination of "depersonalization, uniforms, lack of privacy, forced social relationships, tight schedules, lack of sleep, disorientation followed by rites of reorganization according to military codes, arbitrary rules and strict punishment" was brought to bear to accomplish the task.

Frequent punishments, meted out for infractions as simple as not beginning and ending every sentence with "sir," were crucial to the process. They consisted of both psychological debasement and physical suffering—everything from being forced to eat garbage to being exercised to the point of collapse. At the same time, everyday training itself could be an agonizing experience. Even the best athletes were often overtaxed by the grueling workouts. "Simple exhaustion," as the historian Christian Appy points out, was a "key factor in explaining the willingness of recruits to follow orders" since they soon "learned that disobedience of any kind only brought more pain."

Recruits were also indoctrinated into a culture of violence and brutality, which emphasized above all a readiness to kill without compunction. Like many soldiers, the Vietnam-era draftee Peter Milord told Appy that at first he only mouthed the violent chants during his army training—"Kill! Kill! Kill! To kill without mercy is the spirit of the bayonet!"—but later found himself being overtaken by the ethos. "I didn't become a robot," Milord said, "but you can get so close to being one it's frightening." Another veteran put it this way: "For eleven months I was trained to kill. For eight weeks, during basic training, I screamed 'kill,' 'kill.' So when I got to Vietnam I was ready to kill." Still another told me that after having chanted "kill, kill, kill" through basic training, advanced infantry training, and long-range reconnaissance patrol instruction, he felt absolutely "brainwashed."

Remorseless killing was additionally legitimized by the explicit racism that suffused the training. As army veteran Wayne Smith remembered, "The drill instructors never ever called the Vietnamese, 'Vietnamese.' They called them dinks, gooks, slopes, slants, rice-eaters, everything that would take away humanity ... That they were less than human was clearly the message." Similarly, veteran Haywood Kirkland described his experience this way.

As soon as [you] hit boot camp ... they tried to change your total personality ... Right away they told us not to call them Vietnamese. Call everybody gooks, dinks. They told us when you go over in Vietnam, you gonna be face to face with Charlie, the Viet Cong. They were like animals, or something other than human ... They wouldn't allow you to talk about them as if they were people. They told us they're not to be treated with any type of mercy ... That's what they engraved into you. That killer instinct.


This attitude was reinforced once soldiers arrived "in-country." Many recall immediately being told that, whatever the official policy, in reality all Vietnamese were to be distrusted, that even women and small children were possible foes or outright enemies—a particularly sinister attitude in the context of a war that was supposedly being fought to protect Vietnamese civilians from communist aggression. A child, GIs believed, might throw a grenade or be strapped with explosives. An elderly woman could help to construct booby traps. Though official military publications aimed at troops headed for Vietnam stressed discrimination between civilians and guerrillas, some of them still suggested that everyone in a conical hat or the loose-fitting Vietnamese clothes that Americans called "black pajamas" was a potential adversary.

One veteran told me that his training made it clear that the "enemy is anything with slant eyes who lives in the village. It doesn't make any difference if it's a woman or child." An officer summarized the prevailing mind-set: "So a few women and children get killed ... Teach 'em a damned good lesson. They're all VC or at least helping them ... You can't convert them, only kill them."

Among the many reasons for this suspicion was that, in village after village, U.S. patrols regularly encountered women and children plus a few old men, but almost no military-age males. "All through the whole entire time that I spent out in the field, I could literally count the amount of men or boys that we saw," one veteran who spent a year in combat told me. "You go into a village, and there was never a man in a village. Never," said another. To Americans, the reason was obvious: the "missing" men, all the village's sons and husbands, were Viet Cong guerrillas. This was, of course, one definite possibility. But it was also quite possible that the men were serving in the U.S.-allied South Vietnamese forces; or were draft dodgers, hiding from armies of both sides; or were off working in a distant rice paddy, market, or town, trying to earn a living. In any case, most older boys and young men knew to flee whenever U.S. or South Vietnamese troops arrived, since they were prime targets for conscription, arrest, or execution. Women with children and elders couldn't move as fast and stood a somewhat better chance of being spared, so they were often left behind.

Many U.S. soldiers were also suspicious because South Vietnamese villagers always seemed to know where to walk to avoid VC booby traps. This wasn't really true; civilians were also, in fact, killed or wounded by such weapons. But to the soldiers, the fact that the peasants didn't warn them about these dangers was more clear evidence that the locals were supporting the VC, if not members themselves.

The soldiers also had trouble sorting out who was who. Troops often got only fleeting glimpses of figures dressed in the loose-fitting "black pajamas"—which, in the countryside, were actually worn by men and women, young and old, civilians and guerrillas alike. From a distance, a black-clad female farmer with a hoe could be indistinguishable from a male fighter with a rifle. Unable to readily tell friend from foe, and often unwilling to take the risk of trying to do so, many troops simply decided to fire on anyone they saw. And they often did so with the tacit support of or on explicit orders from superiors.

It was illegal to order the killing of unarmed villagers, no matter whom they supported in the war. But illegal orders were not uncommon, and how soldiers should react to them was, at best, unclear. During boot camp or in-country instruction, many soldiers were given a short lesson—generally about an hour long—on the laws of war, but it paled in comparison to the weeks of training that suggested a very different standard operating procedure. As the psychiatrist and war crimes expert Robert Lifton notes, there was "a striking contrast between the formal instruction (given rotely if at all) to kill only military adversaries, and the informal message (loud and clear) to kill just about everyone."

What's more, basic training emphasized that obedience to commanders was paramount. Using an instructional outline in the army's field manual, a chaplain would often put forward an Orwellian-sounding concept: "The freest soldier is the soldier who willingly submits to authority." Invoking both honor and self-interest, the chaplain would tell recruits, "When you obey a lawful command you need not fear, nor worry." However, no clear definition of an unlawful order was offered, and young recruits were pressed to exhibit simpleminded obedience. Nor did they receive any specialized training regarding the added responsibilities and moral complexities of fighting a guerrilla war in villages filled with civilians.

Meanwhile, the young officers to whom these recruits were to show blind obedience, men like Lieutenants Maynard and Bailey at Trieu Ai, had often themselves received exceptionally lackluster instruction in the laws of war. In 1965, the reporter and historian Bernard Fall surveyed American small-unit commanders in Vietnam and found that few had anything but "the vaguest idea" about the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Some even argued that, contrary to the laws of war, "VC were all 'traitors' and thus could be shot out of hand" after being taken prisoner.

In 1967, Fall's findings were validated in a study of junior officers at the U.S. Army Intelligence School at Fort Holabird, Maryland, which found that even at this specialized training center there were students who showed "a lack of understanding of the provisions of the Geneva Conventions pertaining to the treatment of prisoners of war." That same year, another official army report noted that even after receiving instruction on the proper treatment of prisoners, fully half the students in a class of officers-in-training about to graduate from the army's Officer Candidate School at Fort Benning, Georgia, told officials they would mistreat a "prisoner of war to obtain information"—a clear violation of the laws of war. Twenty percent blithely stated that they would readily kill prisoners as a matter of expediency if their unit was ambushed.

In a similar vein, more than 60 percent of army officers surveyed in 1969 said they would employ torture or the threat of it to force prisoners to talk during interrogations. That study also found that roughly 20 percent of captains and 25 percent of lieutenants and warrant officers believed they could legally carry out summary executions of civilians caught spying or setting booby traps.

This situation supposedly improved in the wake of the 1969 My Lai revelations, when a new emphasis on laws-of-war training was allegedly implemented. In 1971, however, the reporter William Greider visited a class filled with young second lieutenants at Fort Benning. He watched as the instructor spelled out a scenario in which an enemy machine gunner causes six U.S. casualties but then stops firing and surrenders, walking forward, unarmed, with his hands over his head. "What do you do?" the instructor asked. "In loud unison," Greider noted, "the 200 students instantly chorused their response: 'Shoot him! Shoot him!'"—even though the Geneva Conventions explicitly prohibit violence against adversaries who have laid down their arms.

Often, there was no relevant instruction in the laws of war as they related to the way Americans actually fought the conflict in Vietnam. One of the crimes detailed in the U.S. military's formal investigation of the My Lai massacre, for example, was "the burning of dwellings." But for years before and after the massacre, homes, hamlets, and whole villages were regularly torched by U.S. troops—most of the time on the orders of officers—for a variety of reasons. Sometimes Americans burned homes where they found hidden war matériel or enemy propaganda literature. At other times they burned houses or hamlets in reprisal for a nearby booby trap, or if they took sniper fire, or simply because they were angry, frustrated, and looking to strike back at any Vietnamese people they could find.

Whole villages might also be set aflame as a matter of policy, to drive people from an area and thereby deny guerrillas access to food, support, and recruits. The idea was to separate the general population from the guerrillas in the most literal way possible. After being forcibly removed, villagers would often be sent to a government-run concentration area. Some of these were "New Life" hamlets—artificial villages surrounded by barbed wire and located far from the inhabitants' own fields, homes, and ancestral burial grounds. Other villagers wound up in one of the South Vietnamese government's many refugee camps, overcrowded and unsanitary stretches of barren land where dispossessed, unemployed, and hopeless peasants were expected to wait out the war in squalor.


* * *

Trieu Ai—a farming village where locals raised chickens, ducks, and cows, and supplemented Vietnam's ubiquitous rice paddies with plots of cassava and sweet potatoes—was among the thousands of villages in Quang Tri province that were attacked by the Americans. It was regularly blasted by bombs and artillery fire, and just a few days before the arrival of Company B much of the "ville" had been burned by U.S. troops. Trieu Ai's surviving villagers were then relocated to a concentration area.

The younger men and older boys from Trieu Ai were forced to remain in the refugee camp, but on the afternoon of October 21, the village's women, young children, and older men were allowed to travel back to Trieu Ai for twenty-four hours to retrieve whatever belongings they could. After a trek across four miles of rugged, cratered terrain, the former residents collected what could be salvaged and went to sleep in the only place available—the underground shelters that they had dug for protection from the frequent artillery shelling and bombing in the area. Such shelters were common all across the country throughout the war years. Some were nothing more than big, crude holes gouged out of hard earth. Others were A-framed structures with wooden support beams. As the years went by, villagers would build ever more complex bunkers, Lor Z-shaped with angled walls to provide protection from grenades, and some families even procured metal struts to provide extra stability.


(Continues...)

Excerpted from Kill Anything That Moves by Nick Turse. Copyright © 2013 Nick Turse. Excerpted by permission of Picador.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

Meet the Author


Nick Turse is the author of The Complex, the managing editor for TomDispatch.com, and a fellow at the Nation Institute. His work has appeared in the Los Angeles Times, the San Francisco Chronicle, and The Nation, among other publications. Turse's investigations of American war crimes in Vietnam have gained him a Ridenhour Prize for Reportorial Distinction, a Guggenheim Fellowship, and a fellowship at Harvard University's Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. He lives near New York City.

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Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam 3.7 out of 5 based on 0 ratings. 21 reviews.
wjshelton More than 1 year ago
This book masterfully puts together information not only taken from multiple credible sources, but also documents and provides sources for the United States' conduct in Vietnam. Turse pulls no punches as he describes the banality of atrocities and other war crimes committed with almost absolute impunity. If we do not come to terms with and accept that our nation's actions in Vietnam constituted almost daily war crimes, then we are doomed to repeat those actions. This book should make us wonder about the reports of illegal killings and atrocities committed by US forces in both Iraq and Afghanistan. Are the perpetrators just a few &quot;bad apples&quot; like Lt. Calley, as we were told about those crimes that were reported in Vietnam? Or do they indicate a greater, more systemic problem. As a Vietnam Era veteran, after reading the evidence Mr. Turse presents in this book and then looking at similarities in the rationale and descriptions of crimes recently committed, I tend to suspect that we are looking at a systemic problem. We are no longer the &quot;good guys wearing white hats&quot; -- if we ever were.
qstewart More than 1 year ago
This book will become a must have addition to anyone&rsquo;s Vietnam War library and marks a turning point in how we will look at the war in the future.  My Lai has become the accepted aberration of the war, but Turse opens new doors through his dogged research to show that maybe it was not an aberration, but accepted policy of the government and of the military higher ups. Pouring through Pentagon archives followed up with interviews with veterans and also with the survivors of the incidents Turse gives us eye-opening evidence that My Lai-like operations occurred time and time again throughout Vietnam.  These atrocities did not occur because of a &ldquo;bad egg&rdquo; in a platoon but because of a culture that grew in the US military forces.  It was difficult to tell who the enemy was because the Viet Cong were embedded into the very civilians that were only concerned with harvesting their crops and making a living the best they could and try to ignore the soldiers that were marching through their hamlets and rice paddies.  One shot from a sniper could lead to a whole village being wiped out by bombs or artillery.  &ldquo;Body count&rdquo; became the magic phrase for the military brass.  If the &ldquo;body count&rdquo; was high then we were accomplishing something.  I think the important thing is to not blame the &ldquo;grunt&rdquo; or foot soldier out there.  This mind-set came from the higher ups in the military scheme of things.  The officers wanted to get their &ldquo;ticket punch&rdquo; so that their records would show that they had been in a combat zone and if they could add some &ldquo;body count&rdquo; to it than all the better. It was these officers who time after time had charges against them buried by investigators and were allowed to move on up the ladder of military success.  This mind-set and a bunch of 18-20 year old draftees made for a situation that would lead to in some cases war against the civilians that they were trying to win over to the side of the US. Turse&rsquo;s book Kill Anything That Moves was a hard book for me to read but I am glad that I did.  I do not believe that a true history of the Vietnam War or an understanding of what our soldiers went through during their time there can be made without books like this.  Yes it is a tough book to read but as Americans we must stand up and say we made mistakes and try to learn from them.  I have to wonder if the military has learned anything or are they still busy trying to hide what happened.
JerOlson More than 1 year ago
Don't expect to read Turse's incredibly documented report in a single sitting: The information will astound you, the fact that the military and government suppressed these accounts will confound you. Read every word. Then share this book with someone else and ask him or her to do the same.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Footnoted and thorough to a fault. Factual account of the extent to which American soldiers mistreated and killed the Vietnamese civilian population, often ordered from the top and covered up at the top.
efm More than 1 year ago
An unfortunate true story of Vietnamese men women and children being killed for the sake of " dead body totals " no wonder so many vietnam vets have PTSD it is from killing civilians and not enemy soldiers. I am a Vietnam Vet and this book makes me ashamed of what was done there.
Old_Dog More than 1 year ago
It was hard for me to rate this book. I couldn't read it before bedtime; it gave me nightmares. But I also couldn't put it down. I felt like a guilty, gaping bystander to some horrific catastrophy. In fact, I am a Vietnam- era veteran and I spent my 30+ year career as a Psychologist listening to a seemingly endless procession of Vietnam veterans as they described the joys and horrors of their combat experiences. After reading this book, I realize that I never fully appreciated, nor could I have imagined, the scope of the misery inflicted on Vietnamese civilians by U.S. military forces. And I say this ever mindful of the friends and families of the nearly 60,000 American casualties whose honored names are engraved on the Vietnam Memorial Wall in Washington, D.C. I gave this book to several of my former colleagues. One returned it saying that he couldn't expose himself to the information contained in this book. &quot;It wouldn't be good for me&quot;, he said. I told him I understood. Believing all your life that we are the good guys and they are the bad guys and war is as simple as that; it's a difficult belief to surrender. But ultimately, I suppose, we must put away the things of childhood and face the truth of reality. And so, I regretfully give this book 5-stars.
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Unmasked1 More than 1 year ago
Excellent book. This shows what really went on in Vietnam
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Great read. Impressive array of research and paints a very clear picture of what happened during that conflict.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Extremely well written and meticulously researched. The author does more to expose the plight of the peasant population of Vietnam during the decade of occupation by US forces, than any of the 30,000 plus volumes written on the war to date. Laid bare are the truths that the American policy of atrocity was a top down calculation to kill the US to victory. Punctuated by micro level tales that are a stain on the moral compass of all Americans the greater narrative is that the behavior of some troops in the field was a reflection of the policies of the Johnson and Nixon administrations and the military leaders that served them.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Essential reading. Highly relevant to current discussion of the National Security State and the use of secrecy. It documents -- with Defense Dept documents -- that My Lai was only one of hundreds of atrocities reported by troops to their superiors and then buried by higher-ups at all levels. The failure of the public to understand fully what occurred during that war made the subsequent invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan much easier to sell. We're getting better; it's only taken 40 years to get this story out, better than the 60 years it took for the CIA to admit its overthrow of democracy in Iran.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Well researched, but the tales were so many & so similar as to seemingly be variations on same tale. Could have delivered same punch in about 1/2 the pages.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Very factual and cold. Not a readable narrative. Almost 100 pages of footnotes. Very limited on the coverup portion of the war and it's aftermath. Art 1st Air Commando IV Corps 1967-1968
BillyBobGreeley More than 1 year ago
I served with the First Cavalry Division and can tell the readers that I never received an order to &ldquo;Kill Anything That Moves&rdquo;, participated in an atrocity, or heard rumor of an atrocity. It is clear to me that Nick Turse&rsquo;s intention is to single out and defame all Vietnam Veterans. Little or no mention is made of the atrocities committed by others (North Vietnamese, Viet Cong, Khmer Rouge, or Pathet Lao) before, during, or after the period (1965-1975) as others have noted in their one star reviews on other Websites. There are many good references about Vietnam but this is not one of them.
Chesai More than 1 year ago
What's next, investigations into Civil War crimes?