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When nationally syndicated radio host Mark R. Levin’s Liberty and Tyranny appeared in the early months of the Obama presidency, Americans responded by making his clarion call for a new era in conservatism a #1 New York Times bestseller for an astounding twelve weeks. As provocative, well-reasoned, robust, and informed as his on-air commentary, with his love of our country and the legacy of our Founding Fathers reflected on every page, Levin’s galvanizing narrative provides a philosophical, historical, and ...
When nationally syndicated radio host Mark R. Levin’s Liberty and Tyranny appeared in the early months of the Obama presidency, Americans responded by making his clarion call for a new era in conservatism a #1 New York Times bestseller for an astounding twelve weeks. As provocative, well-reasoned, robust, and informed as his on-air commentary, with his love of our country and the legacy of our Founding Fathers reflected on every page, Levin’s galvanizing narrative provides a philosophical, historical, and practical framework for revitalizing the conservative vision and ensuring the preservation of American society.
In the face of the modern liberal assault on Constitution-based values, an attack that has resulted in a federal government that is a massive, unaccountable conglomerate, the time for reinforcing the intellectual and practical case for conservatism is now. In a series of powerful essays, Levin lays out how conservatives can counter the tyrannical liberal corrosion that has filtered into every timely issue affecting our daily lives, from the economy to health care, global warming to immigration, and more.
"Levin has delivered a stalwart conservative manifesto written by a conservative who doesn't want to re-brand and repackage conservatism into liberalism. He draws on founding principles, not polls, to lay out the agenda for the Right — and to illuminate the fatal flaws of statism."
— Michelle Malkin
"This is quite simply the most important book of our times."
— Scott Miller, The Conservative Post
"This has the answer for everything you've asked yourself about yourself, and why you believe what you believe."
— Rush Limbaugh
"Liberty and Tyranny is Mark Levin: a man who loves his family and country and believes ideas have consequences — and therefore will fight passionately for what he believes and knows to be true."
— Kathryn Jean Lopez, National Review
"While it may present itself as a "conservative manifesto" (and it is that, too) it is also a compelling primer on the most basic principles of the American political order."
— Gary L. McDowell, American Thinker
"Mark Levin's Liberty and Tyranny: A Conservative Manifesto couldn't be more relevant or important. It is a masterful restatement of conservative principles that is succinct...and yet comprehensive. It is thoughtful and deep but highly readable. It is timely yet timeless."
— David Limbaugh, TownHall.com
"This is a superbly useful book. It is the perfect companion for the college freshman to fortify the student against what he or she is about to hear. It is an ideal detoxicant for the graduating senior. Most vitally, it should be read by those who do not consider themselves conservatives, because it carefully lays out the central historic, philosophic and constitutional relationship between conservative principles and our individual freedom."
— Tony Blankley, The Washington Times
"If you want to rediscover true conservatism, read Mark Levin's Liberty and Tyranny. If you want to help preserve liberty, buy copies for your kids."
— Terry Jeffrey, CNS News
"It is a rarity that an important book arrives at its perfect moment. Such is the case with Liberty and Tyranny: A Conservative Manifesto...Against this tidal wave, Mark Levin offers not so much a defense as a plan of attack, a clarion call to roll back the seas of Change."
— Andrew C McCarthy, The New Criterion
On Liberty and Tyranny
There is simply no scientific or mathematical formula that defines conservatism. Moreover, there are competing voices today claiming the mantle of "true conservatism" — including neo-conservatism (emphasis on a robust national security), paleo-conservatism (emphasis on preserving the culture), social conservatism (emphasis on faith and values), and libertarianism (emphasis on individualism), among others. Scores of scholars have written at length about what can be imperfectly characterized as conservative thought. But my purpose is not to give them each exposition, as it cannot be fairly or adequately accomplished here, nor referee among them. Neither will I attempt to give birth to totally new theories.
Instead, what follows are my own opinions and conclusions of fundamental truths, based on decades of observation, exploration, and experience, about conservatism and, conversely, non-conservatism — that is, liberty and tyranny in modern America.
To put it succinctly: Conservatism is a way of understanding life, society, and governance. The Founders were heavily influenced by certain philosophers, among them Adam Smith (spontaneous order), Charles Montesquieu (separation of powers), and especially John Locke (natural rights); they were also influenced by their faiths, personal experiences, and knowledge of history (including the rise and fall of the Roman Empire). Edmund Burke, who was both a British statesman and thinker, is often said to be the father of modern conservatism. He was an early defender of the American Revolution and advocate of representative government. He wrote of the interconnection of liberty, free markets, religion, tradition, and authority. The Conservative, like the Founders, is informed by all these great thinkers — and more.
The Declaration of Independence represents the most prominent official, consensus position of the Founders' rationale for declaring independence from England. It states, in part,
When in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness....
The Founders believed, and the Conservative agrees, in the dignity of the individual; that we, as human beings, have a right to live, live freely, and pursue that which motivates us not because man or some government says so, but because these are God-given natural rights.
Like the Founders, the Conservative also recognizes in society a harmony of interests, as Adam Smith put it, and rules of cooperation that have developed through generations of human experience and collective reasoning that promote the betterment of the individual and society. This is characterized as ordered liberty, the social contract, or the civil society.
What are the conditions of this civil society?
In the civil society, the individual is recognized and accepted as more than an abstract statistic or faceless member of some group; rather, he is a unique, spiritual being with a soul and a conscience. He is free to discover his own potential and pursue his own legitimate interests, tempered, however, by a moral order that has its foundation in faith and guides his life and all human life through the prudent exercise of judgment. As such, the individual in the civil society strives, albeit imperfectly, to be virtuous — that is, restrained, ethical, and honorable. He rejects the relativism that blurs the lines between good and bad, right and wrong, just and unjust, and means and ends.
In the civil society, the individual has a duty to respect the unalienable rights of others and the values, customs, and traditions, tried and tested over time and passed from one generation to the next, that establish society's cultural identity. He is responsible for attending to his own well-being and that of his family. And he has a duty as a citizen to contribute voluntarily to the welfare of his community through good works.
In the civil society, private property and liberty are inseparable. The individual's right to live freely and safely and pursue happiness includes the right to acquire and possess property, which represents the fruits of his own intellectual and/or physical labor. As the individual's time on earth is finite, so, too, is his labor. The illegitimate denial or diminution of his private property enslaves him to another and denies him his liberty.
In the civil society, a rule of law, which is just, known, and predictable, and applied equally albeit imperfectly, provides the governing framework for and restraints on the polity, thereby nurturing the civil society and serving as a check against the arbitrary use and, hence, abuse of power.
For the Conservative, the civil society has as its highest purpose its preservation and improvement.
The Modern Liberal believes in the supremacy of the state, thereby rejecting the principles of the Declaration and the order of the civil society, in whole or part. For the Modern Liberal, the individual's imperfection and personal pursuits impede the objective of a utopian state. In this, Modern Liberalism promotes what French historian Alexis de Tocqueville described as a soft tyranny, which becomes increasingly more oppressive, potentially leading to a hard tyranny (some form of totalitarianism). As the word "liberal" is, in its classical meaning, the opposite of authoritarian, it is more accurate, therefore, to characterize the Modern Liberal as a Statist.
The Founders understood that the greatest threat to liberty is an all-powerful central government, where the few dictate to the many. They also knew that the rule of the mob would lead to anarchy and, in the end, despotism. During the Revolutionary War, the states more or less followed the Articles of Confederation, in which most governing authority remained with the states. After the war, as the Founders labored to establish a new nation, the defects with the Articles became increasingly apparent. The central government did not have the ability to fund itself. Moreover, states were issuing their own currency, conducting their own foreign policy, and raising their own armies. Trade disputes among the states and with other countries were hampering commerce and threatening national prosperity.
Eventually the Articles were replaced with the Constitution, which granted the federal government enough authority to cultivate, promote, and "secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity," but not enough authority to destroy it all. James Madison, the most influential of the Constitution's authors, put it best when he wrote in "Federalist 51":
But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.
For much of American history, the balance between governmental authority and individual liberty was understood and accepted. Federal power was confined to that which was specifically enumerated in the Constitution and no more. And that power was further limited, for it was dispersed among three federal branches — the legislative, executive, and judicial. Beyond that, the power remained with the states and ultimately the people.
The Framers recognized that the Constitution may require adjustments from time to time. Therefore, they provided two methods for proposing amendments, only one of which has been used in adopting all current amendments. It requires a supermajority of two-thirds of the members of both Houses of Congress to propose an amendment to the states for ratification, and three-fourths of the states to successfully ratify the proposed amendment. In all our history the Constitution has been amended only twenty-seven times — the first ten of which, the Bill of Rights, were adopted shortly after the Constitution was ratified. Clearly the Framers did not intend the Constitution to be easily altered. It was to be a lasting contract that could be modified only by the considered judgment of a significant representation of the body politic.
But in the 1930s, during the Great Depression, the Statists successfully launched a counterrevolution that radically and fundamentally altered the nature of American society. President Franklin Roosevelt and an overwhelmingly Democratic Congress, through an array of federal projects, entitlements, taxes, and regulations known as the New Deal, breached the Constitution's firewalls. At first the Supreme Court fought back, striking down New Deal programs as exceeding the limits of federal constitutional authority, violating state sovereignty, and trampling on private property rights. But rather than seek an expansion of federal power through the amendment process, which would likely have blunted Roosevelt's ambitions, Roosevelt threatened the very makeup of the Court by proposing to pack it with sympathetic justices who would go along with his counterrevolution. Although Roosevelt's plan failed, the justices had been effectively intimidated. And new justices, who shared Roosevelt's statism, began replacing older justices on the Court. It was not long before the Court became little more than a rubber stamp for Roosevelt's policies.
The federal government began passing laws and creating administrative agencies at a dizzying pace, increasing its control over economic activity and, hence, individual liberty. It used taxation not merely to fund constitutionally legitimate governmental activities, but also to redistribute wealth, finance welfare programs, set prices and production limits, create huge public works programs, and establish pension and unemployment programs. Roosevelt used his new power to expand political alliances and create electoral constituencies — unions, farmers, senior citizens, and ethnic groups. From this era forward, the Democratic Party and the federal government would become inextricably intertwined, and the Democratic Party would become as dependent on federal power for its sustenance as the governmental dependents it would create. Ironically, industrial expansion resulting from World War II eventually ended the Great Depression, not the New Deal. Indeed, the enormous tax and regulatory burden imposed on the private sector by the New Deal prolonged the economic recovery. The significance of the New Deal is not in any one program, but in its sweeping break from our founding principles and constitutional limitations. Roosevelt himself broke with the two-presidential-term tradition started by George Washington by running for four terms. His legacy includes a federal government that has become a massive, unaccountable conglomerate: It is the nation's largest creditor, debtor, lender, employer, consumer, contractor, grantor, property owner, tenant, insurer, health-care provider, and pension guarantor.
And yet, the Statist has an insatiable appetite for control. His sights are set on his next meal even before he has fully digested his last. He is constantly agitating for government action. And in furtherance of that purpose, the Statist speaks in the tongue of the demagogue, concocting one pretext and grievance after another to manipulate public perceptions and build popular momentum for the divestiture of liberty and property from its rightful possessors. The industrious, earnest, and successful are demonized as perpetrators of various offenses against the public good, which justifies governmental intervention on behalf of an endless parade of "victims." In this way, the perpetrator and the victim are subordinated to the government's authority — the former by outright theft, the latter by a dependent existence. In truth, both are made victims by the real perpetrator, the Statist.
The Statist veils his pursuits in moral indignation, intoning in high dudgeon the injustices and inequities of liberty and life itself, for which only he can provide justice and bring a righteous resolution. And when the resolution proves elusive, as it undoubtedly does — whether the Marxist promise of "the workers' paradise" or the Great Society's "war on poverty" — the Statist demands ever more authority to wring out the imperfections of mankind's existence. Unconstrained by constitutional prohibitions, what is left to limit the Statist's ambitions but his own moral compass, which has already led him astray? He is never circumspect about his own shortcomings. Failure is not the product of his beliefs but merely want of power and resources. Thus are born endless rationalizations for seizing ever more governmental authority.
In the midst stands the individual, who was a predominate focus of the Founders. When living freely and pursuing his own legitimate interests, the individual displays qualities that are antithetical to the Statist's — initiative, self-reliance, and independence. As the Statist is building a culture of conformity and dependency, where the ideal citizen takes on dronelike qualities in service to the state, the individual must be drained of uniqueness and self-worth, and deterred from independent thought or behavior. This is achieved through varying methods of economic punishment and political suppression.
The Statist also knows that despite his successful usurpations, enough citizens are still skeptical and even distrustful of politicians and government that he cannot force his will all at once. Thus he marches in incremental steps, adjusting his pace as circumstances dictate. Today his pace is more rapid, for resistance has slowed. And at no time does the Statist do an about-face. But not so with some who claim the mantle of conservatism but are, in truth, neo-Statists, who would have the Conservative abandon the high ground of the founding principles for the quicksand of a soft tyranny.
Michael Gerson, formerly chief speechwriter for President George W. Bush, has written in his book, Heroic Conservatism, that "if Republicans run in future elections with a simplistic anti-government message, ignoring the poor, the addicted and children at risk, they will lose, and they will deserve to lose." Gerson argues for a "compassionate conservatism" and "faith-based initiatives" in which the federal government plays a central role.
Gerson all but ignores liberty's successes and the civil society in which humans flourish, even though he is surrounded in his every moment by its magnificence. So numerous are liberty's treasures that they defy cataloguing. The object of Gerson's scorn is misplaced. Gerson does not ask, "How many enterprises and jobs might have been created, how many people might have been saved from illness and disease, how many more poor children might have been fed but for the additional costs, market dislocations, and management inefficiencies that distort supply and demand or discourage research and development as a result of the federal government's role?"
Liberty's permeance in American society often makes its manifestations elusive or invisible to those born into it. Even if liberty is acknowledged, it is often taken for granted and its permanence assumed. Therefore, under these circumstances, the Statist's agenda can be alluring even to a former advisor to a Republican president. It is not recognized as an increasingly corrosive threat to liberty but rather as coexisting with it.
Columnists William Kristol and David Brooks promote something called "national-greatness conservatism." They coauthored an opinion piece in which they exclaimed that it "does not despise government. How could it? How can Americans love their nation if they hate its government? But the way to restore faith in our government is to slash its flabbiness while making it more effective."
The Conservative does not despise government. He despises tyranny. This is precisely why the Conservative reveres the Constitution and insists on adherence to it. An "effective" government that operates outside its constitutional limitations is a dangerous government. By abandoning principle for efficiency, the neo-Statist, it seems, is no more bound to the Constitution than is the Statist. He marches more slowly than the Statist, but he marches with him nonetheless. The neo-Statist propounds no discernable standard or practical means to hem in the federal power he helps unleash, and which the Statist would exploit. In many ways, he is as objectionable as the Statist, for he seeks to devour conservatism by clothing himself in its nomenclature.
The Conservative is alarmed by the ascent of a soft tyranny and its cheery acceptance by the neo-Statist. He knows that liberty once lost is rarely recovered. He knows of the decline and eventual failure of past republics. And he knows that the best prescription for addressing society's real and perceived ailments is not to further empower an already enormous federal government beyond its constitutional limits, but to return to the founding principles. A free people living in a civil society, working in self-interested cooperation, and a government operating within the limits of its authority promote more prosperity, opportunity, and happiness for more people than any alternative. Conservatism is the antidote to tyranny precisely because its principles are the founding principles.
Copyright © 2009 by Mark R. Levin
Posted March 24, 2009
I just finished Liberty and Tyranny and I have to say that it really heartens me as a conservative. Finally, among all the hype and histrionics of the Obama era, comes a voice that reconnects the modern conservative movement to its ideological and philosophical roots. Now, more than ever we need this voice for the values upon which the country was founded. Every conservative needs to get this book.
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Posted March 24, 2009
If you've had enough floating through your life wondering what is happening to your society and country, start with this book. Jefferson believed a government will always expand its powers until encroaching upon every facet of citizen's lives. Then, the people must stand-up and dissolve that government - reducing it to its original size and scope. That time has come for us.
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Posted March 24, 2009
Mark Levin is at ground zero of the conservative movement. His studies and experiences have been brought out in a fantastic road map for people who truely believe and understand the views of the great men who founded this nation to reign in the overbearing hard-left ideologues who are stealing property (and liberty) from the people.
This book could re-educate many people in our country, (and re-orient them with the ideas and philosphies that they were BORN knowing, only to be beat from their minds by the left-wing educational system and mainstream media) but as is typical with the hard-left, they will surely demonize it as extremist. I am still waiting to know how one becomes 'too' conservative - how can there be 'too much' life, individual liberty, or pursuit of happiness?? The left has positioned fascism (and Hitler, per se) as 'extreme right-wing' over many years to demogogue conservatives - unfortunately no one bothers to articulate HOW people like Hilter who controlled ALL aspects of people, property and industry can be equated with right wing conservatives who value the polar opposite of this. Levin clearly outlines conservative principals and cuts thru the clutter of the false names and demogogary that the media and hard-left interest groups use to demonize people with the values of our founders while sugar coating their agenda which intends to control almost every aspect of the lives of Americans.
61 out of 65 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 12, 2009
I Also Recommend:
"liberty and tyranny" is a very hard to put down best seller. mark levin has collected some wonderful conservative essays that show how our nation can stand back on its feet again and look for its core reagan principles that it seeks to find job and ecanomic prosperity and religious values again. this is a very special blue print for all voters to look once again to see what is needed in there country to get back again. this book would make a fine gift for a friend or family member.
57 out of 65 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
This country has not has a conservitive President since the great Ronald Reagan, for whom Mr. Levin worked. In these trying times, with the current admnistration sprinting to the far left as fast as possible, Mr. Levin's thoughts and ideas are a welcome respite from the continual drumbeat of drones in the liberal media. Mr. Levin's analysis and anecdotes serve not only to lay out what true conservatism stands for, but also give readers hope for the future that we can some day win this country back by working together to change the hearts and minds of as many people as possible.
55 out of 67 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 27, 2009
In Mark R. Levin's new book, "Liberty and Tyranny", he gives a stunning and revealing account on the evolution that has taken America to where we are today. Levin is a Constitutional lawyer and scholar with a writing style that is clear, concise and supported with flawless research and documentation. He has articulated the concerns of millions on the alarming and repressive taxation process that threatens life in America as our generation has known it. The Conservative Manifesto he outlines is nothing short of historical.
52 out of 57 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 21, 2009
This man is a modern day combination of Thomas Payne, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and the good parts of Alexander Hamilton! I cannot find a page that has an error or omission. This book tracks the intent of the American Constitution as it was intended.
Thank you Mr. Levin, your an American Hero
46 out of 53 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 24, 2009
I cannot believe the stupidity of people that make comments about what Hamilton and Jefferson "envisioned" for our country. I'm glad to see others recognize the error. It is so frustrating to see people spew nonsense from their liberal (tyrannical) pens/mouths without understanding anything about history. Hamilton and Jefferson not only differed completely in their political theories, but their theological differences were just as great. In only two areas were they similar, their inability to manage their own personal finances and propriety; especially Jefferson, and their relationship with Madison. Hamilton and Madison's theories were very similar early on in their careers, but as Hamilton became more of a proponent for central government, Madison merged with Jefferson on less central government, at least until Jefferson and Madison became Presidents! History doesn't change, buddy...it must be viewed as objectively as possible given all the facts as they become available. If you subject your opinions and thoughts of government today and try to push them together with what actually occurred 200 years ago, all you get are a bunch of puzzle pieces that don't fit together. Doesn't that describe our government today?
39 out of 49 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 22, 2009
It's obvious those that speak of Thomas Jefferson's and Alexander Hamilton's letters have never read them, as the two men were polar opposites of what their "intentions" for the country were. The reviewer is right about one thing, our current government in no way even closely resembles the intentions of either the Federalists nor the Jeffersonian-Republicans, much in part to the ever expanding socially spending federal government, exactly what Levin speaks out about. Anyone with any sense of history wouldn't use the writings of Jefferson or Hamilton to discredit this book.
39 out of 47 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 26, 2009
I Also Recommend:
Levin, the radio host turns to authoring in this book (not his first) to rail on the current crisis that we face in America-not just the economic crisis, but the fact that we've lost our way as a country. It's tragic that Levin gets bogged down with terminology like "conservatism" and "liberal" because, even though those are sometimes fitting, they're also extremely loaded terms. THe truth is that both conservative and liberal should describe the same person: a person CONSERVING the form of government our Founders created, which is a liberal (promoting high liberty) mindset. If you get around semantics, this book is a fantastic read for anyone interested in politics. Levin is a brilliant man and this book is somehting to seriously consider
38 out of 45 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
You prove yourself to be very ignorant by saying that Mark Levin is not a Reagan conservative, when in fact, he served in the Reagan administration. Why is it so extreme to point out the values that our country was founded upon? And if the ideas of conservatism expressed within this book are so unpopular then why, pray tell, is this book a runaway #1 best seller? This is one of the most intelligent books I have ever read!
I recommend this book to liberals and conservatives alike.
35 out of 38 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Like the master he is, Mark Levin carefully encapsulates Conservatism and expertly distills it into a readable manifesto accessible to anyone. He wastes no words and packs each sentence with usable information. This book is a must for anyone who wants to understand Conservatism. For those who already understand Conservatism this book is additional ammunition to use against the hoards of ignoramuses dragging this country into Marxist hell. Levin is informative, insightful, effective, and unapologetic as he tells it like it is: this country is built on Conservatism, this is the greatest country in the world because of Conservatism, and the only thing that will preserve this country is Conservatism!
35 out of 41 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 30, 2009
This is a must read. It is well written and is pure truth. After reading this book some people may be personally enlightened and may have a different opinion about what the "messiah" Obama is doing to our country. Drones and cool aid drinkers not not apply!
31 out of 38 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted April 1, 2009
Dr. Mark Levin has taken upon himself to writing a book that exposes the statist and what they stand for. Mark details the visions of the founding fathers and the framers of the constitution and how those visions and philosophy applies to today's society. This book is a must read for all liberty loving Americans. I highly recommend that parents and grandparents share this book with their children and grandchildren. Only a true patriot, like Mark, would have the courage to expose the hidden agenda of the Statist.
30 out of 36 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 28, 2009
Mark levin has written a book to remind us sleepers what we have forgotten, The struggle of our founding fathers to help create the greatest nation on earth. it didn't happen overnight there were so much life struggle,strife and learning behind this perfect constitution that no other nation in this world can ever compare to, That is why people sacrfice and struggle to come here and live, and enjoy our freedoms and liberties. We must stand together and make sure no one changes any thing about our constitution. It has been tried for years Freedom is not free.
if you don't STAND for something you will FALL for anything.
I recommend this book to all the boomers who forgot our history and need to be reminded.
26 out of 31 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 28, 2009
I understand with sadness why the liberals comment negatively on this book: they have no idea about what the constitution is all about not to mention they did not understand its content...... it possible with these guys.... and if they say that conservatism was in charge for the last 8 years, here again they were wrong: how about the first 6 years of the last 8 years and the last two years they were !!!!!! of which their supposed to be leader "obama" hardly entered the congress and attended any sessions......
25 out of 32 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
The Republican Party is in search for leadership, and this book does a great job filling that vacuum. It is the mantra of the true traditional values of America rooted back to its founding with the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. This content of this book comes straight from the heart, as it opens our eyes to see how morphed and derailed our country has become. This book lays down the blueprint for how we will restore the original principles that our great country was founded on.
24 out of 30 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted March 31, 2009
IN READING THIS BOOK,I REALIZE HOW FAR OUR COUNTRY HAS DRIFTED TO THE FAR LEFT OF CENTER,OUR FOUNDING FATHERS KNEW THAT LIMITED GOVERNMENT WAS ESSENTIAL FOR A FREE NATION,AND MR. LEVIN'S BOOK CLEARLY DEMONSTRATES THIS
POINT THROUGH OUT.
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Posted February 26, 2009
I Also Recommend:
I find it laughable that Mr. Levin can possibly defend or make a case for conservatism, especially after the last 8 years where we had a failed conservative president and congress. The author promotes conservatism as a way to freedom and liberty and yet, under conservative rule, this country has never seen so much of our civil rights and "freedoms" go down the toilet. With Conservative talk show hosts like Mr. Levin and "Fox Noise" running things, misinformation is running wild.
22 out of 263 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted April 2, 2009
I think every high school and college student should be required to read this book. It is well written, well reseached and very educational.
21 out of 26 people found this review helpful.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.