Party of the People: A History of the Democrats

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Party of the PeopleJules WitcoverAfter more than two centuries of sometimes stormy, always intriguing history, the Democratic Party of the United States survives as the oldest political organization in the world. In Party of the People, veteran political chronicler Jules Witcover traces the Democratic Party’s evolution, from its roots in the agrarian, individualistic concepts of Thomas Jefferson to its emergence as today’s progressive party of social change and economic justice. Witcover describes the Democrats' ...
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Overview

Party of the PeopleJules WitcoverAfter more than two centuries of sometimes stormy, always intriguing history, the Democratic Party of the United States survives as the oldest political organization in the world. In Party of the People, veteran political chronicler Jules Witcover traces the Democratic Party’s evolution, from its roots in the agrarian, individualistic concepts of Thomas Jefferson to its emergence as today’s progressive party of social change and economic justice. Witcover describes the Democrats' dramatic struggle to deÞne themselves and shares with us half a century of personal observation of the party through its most turbulent times.

First called, oddly enough, the Republican Party but later known as the Democratic-Republican Party and eventually the Democratic Party, this creature of Jefferson and James Madison evolved from an early ideological and personal struggle with the commerce-minded Alexander Hamilton. Seasoned by the populism of Andrew Jackson, the party was nearly undone by the “peculiar institution” of slavery in the South, which led to the birth of the rival Republican Party and to the Civil War. Half a century later, America emerged from World War I under Democrat Woodrow Wilson as a reluctant international player, and from World War II under Franklin Roosevelt as a liberal bastion and global superpower.
In the civil rights revolution, the party shed much of its racist past, but subsequent white middle-class resentments and the divisive Vietnam War opened the door to a rival conservatism that effectively demon-ized Democratic liberalism. Defensively, the party under Bill Clinton sought safer centristground and seemed on the brink of establishing a “third way," until the disastrous 2000 electoral college defeat of Al Gore left the Democrats shaken and splintered. As the new century emerges, they are debating whether to return to their liberal roots, setting themselves clearly apart from the Republicans, or press on with the centrist pursuit of a broader, less liberal constituency.

In Party of the People (a perfect companion to Grand Old Party by Lewis L. Gould, a history of the Republicans published simultaneously by Random House), Jules Witcover offers a rich and comprehensive popular history of the ideas, struggles, and key Þgures that have deÞned the Democratic Party over the past two hundred years and are nowJules Witcover has covered American politics, and the Democratic Party, for more than half a century as a reporter, syndicated columnist, and author. He has written ten books on politics and history, including a novel, and is coauthor of Þve other political books. Witcover has also attended every Democratic National Convention since 1964, when the party nominated Lyndon B. Johnson in Atlantic City. After writing 85 Days, the deÞnitive account of the last campaign of Robert Kennedy in 1968, he chronicled every presidential campaign from 1976 to 1992 and then offered a seething critique of the process in 1999 in No Way to Pick a President. A recipient of the Sigma Delta Chi Award for Washington correspondents, Witcover has written on national politics for the Newhouse Newspapers, the Los Angeles Times, The Washington Post, and The Washington Star, and since 1981 he has been a political columnist for the Baltimore Sun. He lives with his wife, Marion Elizabeth Rodgers, in Washington.“Party of the People is a fine popular history of the world’s oldest political party written by an astute veteran observer of American politics.”
-Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.
“Lively and well-written, Party of the People delves into the lives of the great leaders who framed the Democratic Party's ideals and provides cogent insight into the state of the Party today. Told with a veteran journalist's talent for pace and detail, Party of the People is an engrossing, dynamic account that should be required reading for anyone interested in American politics.”
-Congressman Richard A. Gephardt, Former House Democratic Leader
"The story of the Democratic Party is the story of America's willingness to work together toward a better future for all. In Party of the People, Jules Witcover tells this tale with clarity, insight, and elegance. His luminous and unblinking history captures the moments when the party's vision have pushed our country forward as well as those times when the Democrats fell short of their own ideals. Most impressively, Witcover has captured the essence of American politics and its unique amalgam of altruism and pragmatism. This is an invaluable work of political history."  
-Senator Thomas Daschle 
“They call journalism the first draft of history. What do you call history written by a journalist? In this case, you call it splendid! This book has all the virtues of a solid history book and the pleasures of journalism. It's readable and reliable and as exciting as the campaigns it covers." -Rick Shenkman, editor of the History News Network, George Mason University
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Editorial Reviews

Publishers Weekly
The Democrats are the oldest political party in the world, with a legacy stretching back to the infighting among members of George Washington's administration. Witcover's thick history devotes significant space to the party's perpetual struggle to define itself, with detailed accounts of intraparty rivalries and convention intrigues between geographical and ideological factions, as well as efforts throughout the 20th century to create a "brain trust" leadership. Like Lewis Gould's Grand Old Party (Forecasts, Aug. 11), this is essentially a history of presidents and also-rans with some attention to the congressional record (though House Speaker Tip O'Neill's opposition role during the Reagan years is a surprising omission). The FDR section inevitably serves as a centerpiece, encapsulating all the issues-social reform, government programs, race, international relations-with which the party has wrestled before and since, while underscoring the author's talent for tracking shifting political alliances. Although Witcover has a half-century's journalistic experience, much of it on the Democratic campaign trail, he rarely (and subtly) interjects personal observations, nimbly handling an unavoidable discussion of his own part in getting Thomas Eagleton off the 1972 ticket. The campaigns he witnessed are presented in colorful detail, but then so are those from the early 1800s, showing how the mud slung against Jefferson and Jackson compares to that thrown against Clinton. Between the two party histories, his is more dynamic and, despite the greater length, more readable as well, almost always forgoing overt analysis for illuminating description. 16 pages of b&w photos not seen by PW. (On sale Nov. 4) Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.
Library Journal
Witcover (political columnist, Baltimore Sun; No Way To Pick a President: How Money and Hired Guns Have Debased American Elections) has covered the American political scene for more than 50 years. In his latest book, he offers a comprehensive look at the evolution of the Democratic Party, from its origins in the earliest days of the Republic, through its many crises and mutations to remain an influential and balancing force in American government. Witcover shows that from Thomas Jefferson through William Jefferson Clinton, the Democratic Party has continually reinvented itself despite perpetual regional conflicts, surviving clashes over slavery, reconstruction, prohibition, racial strife, and various economic philosophies. He offers extensive biographical material on major and minor Democratic leaders while primarily focusing on the national party, especially presidential politics. Witcover relies on published historical, biographical, and news reporting sources, rather than primary source material, for the early historical periods and uses his personal experience and published material for events beginning in the 1950s. Although the book does not reveal new insights or uncover unknown intrigues or alliances, it remains consistent to the theme that throughout the party's 200-plus-year history, it has sought repeatedly to be the party of the "working masses, difficult to reach, more difficult to organize." An excellent resource for political science collections in public and academic libraries.-Jill Ortner, SUNY at Buffalo Libs. Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.
Kirkus Reviews
Right in time for the 2004 campaign: a sprawling, capable history of a party that, like its opposition (see Lewis Gould’s Grand Old Party, above), has long had trouble deciding just what its politics are. Baltimore Sun columnist Witcover (No Way to Pick a President, 1999, etc.), a seasoned newsman, knows a human-interest story when he sees it, and his account of the Dems’ long history is full of juicy tidbits, from Thomas Jefferson to William Jefferson Clinton—against whom the current crop of presidential hopefuls seems decidedly colorless. Witcover has a little trouble deciding just when Democratic history begins, and he locates the party’s origins in several strains, often conflicting, within the federalist-antifederalist debates of the early Republic. Federalist leader Alexander Hamilton grumbled that the proto-Democrats of 1800 were set to "lead a Revolution after the manner of Bonaparte" and were "hostile to the system" of "general [centralized] government"—which puts them about where the Republicans are today. When Jefferson famously said that "we are all republicans, we are all federalists," Witcover remarks, he was speaking not so much to a spirit of unity as to "a general erosion of firm ideological positions" following George Washington’s quasi-aristocratic reign; that erosion bred a provisional sort of politics, which perhaps explains why later generations of 19th-century activists could call themselves Democrats and be here proslavery, there ardent abolitionists, here all for civil war on behalf of either North or South, there champions of peace. Much of the long-standing equation of Democratic with "mob" rule, Witcover writes, traces to the era of Andrew Jackson,who was convinced that "mercantile considerations were a peril to the country"; whence, too, the equally long-standing notion that Democrats are anti-business. And so on to the present, where the Democratic Party, as two hundred years ago, represents an uneasy alliance, with some, Witcover writes in conclusion, arguing that it should "return to its roots," others that it eschew "the old confrontational class warfare in favor of a new, enlightened and pragmatic partnership between toilers and entrepreneurs in an era of massive technological and informational change." We’ll see, come 2004. In the meanwhile, a useful primer. Agent: David Black
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780375507427
  • Publisher: Random House Publishing Group
  • Publication date: 11/4/2003
  • Edition description: 1ST
  • Pages: 848
  • Product dimensions: 6.56 (w) x 9.28 (h) x 1.93 (d)

Table of Contents

Preface and Acknowledgments
1 An Unwanted Pregnancy, 1775-1792 3
2 The New Party Is Born, 1792-1796 23
3 A Heartbeat from Power, 1797-1800 49
4 The New Party Takes Over, 1800-1801 65
5 The Jeffersonian Era Begins, 1801-1809 83
6 The Party Stands Alone, 1809-1827 111
7 Jacksonian Democracy, 1828-1836 133
8 Jacksonianism without Jackson, 1837-1844 155
9 Manifest Destiny, War and Compromise, 1845-1852 175
10 The Party Self-Destructs, 1853-1860 191
11 Civil War and Peace Democrats, 1861-1868 213
13 On the Road to Party Recovery, 1881-1896 257
14 The Bryan Era, 1896-1912 279
15 Wilson and the New Freedom, 1912-1915 299
16 The Great War Tests the Party, 1916-1920 317
17 The Sidewalks of New York, 1920-1933 333
18 FDR and the New Deal, 1933-1939 359
19 The Democracy Fights Fascism, 1939-1945 383
20 Truman: The Buck Stops Here, 1945-1948 411
21 The Fair Deal, and End of an Era, 1949-1952 437
22 In the Shadow of a War Hero, 1953-1960 457
23 JFK: The Party Bounces Back, 1960 475
24 The Beginning and End of the New Frontier, 1961-1963 495
25 LBJ: Rise and Fall of the Great Society, 1963-1968 517
26 Democratic Cataclysm, 1968 545
27 Reform, but Not Revival, 1968-1974 571
28 Post-Watergate Interlude, 1974-1980 591
29 Bucking the Reagan Revolution, 1981-1984 615
30 A Time for Party Soul-Searching, 1985-1991 631
31 A Different Kind of Democrat, 1992 653
32 Looking Like America, 1993-1996 667
33 Democratic Phoenix, 1997-1999 681
34 Calamity in 2000 699
Epilogue: The Democratic Road Ahead 725
Notes 733
Bibliography 781
Index 791
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First Chapter

Chapter 1

AN UNWANTED PREGNANCY, 1775-1792

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY of the United States, the oldest existing in the world, was in a sense an illegitimate child, unwanted by the founding fathers of the American Republic. They had no intention of bringing about the birth of any such institution, and in fact the first president, George Washington, warned darkly against the conception of any political parties.

The American colonies had managed without them through their early political struggle for independence from the British, and in their first efforts to create governing mechanisms of their own in the newly declared independent states. The Continental Congress came and went without party structure, and the Articles of Confederation offered no provision for parties. They were widely regarded as hostile to the pursuit of a harmonious society and were seen as the agents of all manner of special interests. Thomas Jefferson once famously observed: "If I could not go to heaven but with a party, I would not go there at all."

This attitude was not surprising in a young nation that was being shaped out of a European tradition that had also essentially shunned political parties-organizations created to embrace and advance common positions across a broad range of public matters. Rather, it had been the practice for like-minded individuals to come together temporarily to advance specific, narrow interests and to disband upon the success or failure of such alliances. They were usually called "factions" or "interests," never "parties." Americans of the time were conditioned less by internal political differences than by their opposition to the British crown that ledto the American Revolution.

When independence was won, their most prominent political figures, largely patrician members of the landed and commercial gentry, found themselves engaged together in the heady and positive task of building a new government. Washington, the military hero of the Revolution, stood above politics and was universally recognized as the new nation's unifying figure.

But the fierce competition of ideas between two other brilliant men-Alexander Hamilton, the dashing, stylish aristocrat bent on shaping a national government of privilege based on the British model, and Jefferson, the unpretentious defender of the pioneer spirit determined to establish an unprecedented representative democracy-was at the core of the series of events that eventually led to the existence of parties and, ultimately, the Democratic Party of today. Many other men were involved in the fight, most notably James Madison, principal architect of the Constitution, as the chief ally of Jefferson. But in essence it boiled down to whether Hamilton or Jefferson would have his way.

Hamilton had a colorful if questionable pedigree. Derided by John Adams in his autobiography as "the bastard brat of a Scotch pedlar," Hamilton was born in 1755 on the island of Nevis in the Caribbean West Indies. His mother was a brilliant and attractive French Huguenot who recognized his talent as a writer as well as his industry and ambition. Sent to America at age fifteen to be educated, he attended King's College (later Columbia), fought in the Revolution, became an aide to Washington and a literary celebrity who gained entry into the world of aristocracy, of which he became an outspoken protagonist.

He was short and slender, with reddish hair on a large head of fair complexion. Historian Claude G. Bowers described him as "graceful and debonair, elegant and courtly, seductive and ingratiating, playful or impassioned, he could have fitted into the picture at the Versailles of Louis XV." But he also was, Bowers wrote, a vain egotist "singularly lacking in tact, offensively opinionated, impatient and often insulting to well-meaning mediocrity, and dictatorial. He did not consult-he directed. He did not conciliate-he commanded. . . . He was a failure in the management of men, and only his superior genius made it possible for him to dominate so long."

Jefferson was a contrast to Hamilton in heritage as well as political creed. Born in 1743, his mother was a Randolph, an aristocrat, but his father was a middle-class farmer in frontier Virginia, and the son preferred to dwell on that lineage. Dismissively, he observed of his mother's family that it traced its "pedigree far back in England and Scotland, to which let everyone ascribe the faith and merit he chooses." He started school with backwoods classmates, but adjusted easily to the aristocratic ways of the College of William and Mary, while still adhering to his frontier roots.

William E. Dodd, in Statesmen of the Old South, observed that it was not difficult "to see how the great principle of Jefferson's life-absolute faith in democracy-came to him. He was the product of the first West in American history; he grew up with men who ruled their country well, who fought the Indians valiantly. . . . Jefferson loved his backwoods neighbors and he, in turn, was loved by them."

Jefferson was also a far cry from Hamilton, his junior by twelve years, in appearance, manner and style. He was tall and slender, with red hair tied in back, a man who, in Bowers's description, "dressed conventionally, because men must, and was careless of his attire." He had a look, Bowers wrote, "more of benevolence than force, more of subtlety than pugnacity. Nor, in that day of lace and frills, was there anything in his garb to

proclaim him of the élite. . . . His tact was proverbial. He never sought to

overshadow or overawe. . . . Considerate of his foes, he never hurt the sensibilities of his friends through offensive methods."

Hamilton and Jefferson led the principal factions based on regional interests from which a party system would emerge. Although the party of Jefferson was not the first created-the short-lived Federalists of Hamilton preceded it-it would prove to be the most enduring. By the twenty-first century, it had survived with modifications for more than two hundred years, an existence unmatched anywhere in the world. In chronicling the birth and development of today's Democratic Party, however, it is essential at the outset to review the early dominance of the Federalist faction, opposition to which by Jefferson, Madison and others midwifed their new party and gave it its purpose and direction.

Long before the American Revolution, societal forces in the colonies had foreshadowed the existence of a two-party system. The earliest settlers in the piedmont locale of Virginia and other Eastern seaboard regions had established themselves not only in agriculture but also in commerce and trade, and took leading roles in what self-governing existed. Planters of tobacco were among the aristocrats of the time, tied closely to British tradition and lifestyle. Later arrivals, from Maine to Georgia, were obliged to move westward for land and a more primitive agrarian life, and were known-often disparagingly in the East-as backwoodsmen. In colonial affairs, they were underrepresented and overtaxed, more susceptible to Indian attacks and, saddled with debt, resentful of their more comfortable brethren often living in more favorable conditions under the Crown.

At first, these settlers of the Western regions were heavily Scotch-Irish who bought or squatted on land of Eastern speculators. They were practitioners of various Protestant religious sects outside the Congregational Church in New England and the Episcopal in the South, but often were taxed to support them, adding to their resentment of the older settlements of the East. The Scotch-Irish focused particularly on Pennsylvania. William Penn's secretary, James Logan, wrote in 1729 that "it looks as if Ireland is to send all its inhabitants hither, for last week not less than six ships arrived, and every day two or three arrive also."

Soon German immigrants were also moving west and south into Maryland, the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia. Their commitment to the soil, and local life, and their hostility toward the aristocrats of business and commerce in the Eastern towns, made them natural recruits against any centralized government in the colonies, be it British or colonial.

A hundred years before Jefferson penned the Declaration of Independence, some Virginia backwoodsmen fell in behind Nathaniel Bacon, the owner of a frontier plantation ravaged by Indians, and rebelled against Virginia's royal governor, Sir William Berkeley, an exploiter of the Indian fur trade. The so-called Bacon's Rebellion produced more protection and forced some social reforms, but when Bacon died the rebels paid for their behavior at the hands of vengeful piedmonters. The clash between the established settlers and the frontiersmen, between the men of commerce and farmers, in many cases between the wellborn and well-educated and the toilers of the soil, was a forerunner of the eventual factional struggle that was played out in the writing of the Constitution, and in the subsequent evolution of bona fide political parties.

Before that could happen, however, the oppression of both segments of the early American society by the British brought them together in the fight for independence. For the six years of the Revolutionary War, 1775-81, men of the seaboard and of the frontier joined forces against the foreign power that increasingly taxed them, intruded on their trade and on their liberties, until independence created the conditions wherein the old domestic factionalism inevitably reemerged.

A leading early defender of the backwoodsmen in that competition was William Findley of western Pennsylvania, a Scotch-Irish settler who challenged establishment in his state of the first Bank of North America in 1782, on grounds it benefited only the wealthy propertied class. A group of "Constitutionalists" gained control of the Pennsylvania assembly and threw out the bank. Similar clashes in other states heightened the interest of the propertied classes in establishing a national government that could check development in the states deleterious to them. The Articles of Confederation ratified in 1781 and the Continental Congress it created had proved in their eyes to be inadequate to the task, and pressure built for a stronger political framework among the states.

At the time, the new nation had a population of only about 5 million, of which nearly one person in five was black and in slavery. The bulk of all these new Americans lived along or near the Atlantic seaboard, overwhelmingly in rural towns and villages. The largest city was Philadelphia, with about 70,000 inhabitants, with New York next with 60,000 and Boston third with 25,000. Farming and shipping, over woeful roads, were the main occupations, and manufacturing was a minor undertaking. Schools were run by churches or the aristocracy, which also dominated politics.

In the 1780s, the Federalists (sometimes called the Nationalists) were the leading faction behind Hamilton, a patriot who nevertheless had a strong residual admiration for all things British, and John Adams of Massachusetts, a bald, portly, vain man of high temper twenty years his senior. The brilliance of Hamilton's mind and cunning compensated for the difference in age in establishing his dominance over Adams in the faction. The Federalists were propertied gentlemen of business and trade from seaboard New England, New York and other Eastern states, along with large landowners, all advocating a strong national government that would defend the caste system. Many had been officers in the Revolutionary army.

The Federalists were what the name implied-citizens who wanted greater concentration of power at the national level, with economic, banking, taxation and foreign policies controlled by the federal government, the better to protect their property and wealth. As their leader, Hamilton had what amounted to contempt for the basic concept of democracy, if that meant equality of rights and power between the aristocracy he represented and the common man, on the farm or in the town. He preferred a government on the model of the British monarchy, to the point of favoring a president-for-life with broad and arbitrary powers.

The Federalists' opposite numbers, known simply at first as anti-Federalists, were men of agrarian interests largely from the backwoods South, as well as small farmers and business operators, all of whom favored decentralized government. Most foot soldiers in the Revolutionary army found their political home here. The anti-Federalists were more locally oriented farmers and townspeople, often debt-ridden, and defenders of individual and states' rights who looked to a central government as oppressive, much as they had viewed the British crown. They often referred to Federalists as "Tories," after the British party, and after fighting for and winning independence from England, they did not want to come under the thumb of any other national entity.

Although Jefferson was a champion of the interests of agriculture and the workingman, and was cool to any Federalist national government benefiting the wealthy and wellborn, he never cast himself as an anti-Federalist. Indeed, he took pains to dissociate himself from that faction, which he saw as merely reactive to the Federalists. He adopted a more positive posture, looking to the sort of democracy that he believed was the goal of revolutionists in France, where he had served with great personal relish as American minister. His purpose in public life, he wrote on one occasion, was to eradicate "every fibre of ancient or future aristocracy." It was easy to see why Hamilton and Jefferson would soon find themselves on a collision course in charting the political framework of the new nation.

While Hamilton could be said to have fathered the Federalists as the first American political party, they did not survive as a real force beyond the early 1800s. As for the anti-Federalists, they were pathfinders for, but not the founders of, Jefferson's party, which in its evolution has far outlived not only the Federalists but also such other subsequent parties as the Whigs, the Know-Nothings, the Progressives and a host of lesser entities. By the time of the birth of the Republican Party of today in 1856, what by then had come to be known as the Democratic Party was already seventy-three years old.

The post-Revolution competition between the older, landed and commercial interests and the frontier agrarians was at times bitter and fierce. The seaboard mercantile class continued to impose harsh and unjust burdens on farmers, particularly in debt collection that brought with it the threat of squalid debtors' prison. In Massachusetts in 1786, a Revolutionary War officer named Daniel Shays led raids on state courts to disrupt debt judgments against farmers, and tried to seize arms from a Continental arsenal. The raid was put down but what came to be known as Shays's Rebellion did produce some reforms.

In the late spring of 1787, both the Federalist and anti-Federalist factions-not yet organized parties in any real sense-became involved in the sensitive labors leading to the writing of the Constitution and its ratification by the original thirteen states. A convention for the purpose was called in Philadelphia with Washington as its president and delegate from Virginia. The Federalists greatly outnumbered the anti-Federalists and took the lead from the start. They had local chapters in key Eastern states, and were experienced in politics through colonial assemblies, state legislatures and town meetings, notably in New England.

Copyright© 2003 by Jules Witcover
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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 28, 2005

    Excellent look at a party

    Great book! A must read for anyone interested in American politics and/or history. Jules Witcover writes in a way that is both entertaining and informative.

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