Patriot Sage: George Washington and the American Political Tradition

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Overview

The only book published in commemoration of the bicentenary of George Washington's death, Patriot Sage offers a fresh portrait of the remarkable life of the father of our nation. Forrest McDonald, William Allen, Victor Davis Hanson and other accomplished scholars and writers explain why the myth of the hero Washington rings true.
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Editorial Reviews

Dallas Morniing News
Readers who have forgotten [Washington's] contributions to the revolution, the founding of the new nation, the creation of the presidency and the formation of the American character are urged to investigate this anthology.
National Review
In an age in which we are all encouraged to act like adolescents, it's understandable that Washington's popularity has waned. But in offering a corrective, this work...is much more than a dose of moral castor oil.
Human Events
"[A] masterful composite portrait of the leader James Thomas Flexner described as 'the indispensable man.
Library Journal
These three volumes are part of the nation's commemoration of the 200th anniversary of Washington's death. Hannaford's and Murray's books are slight both in size and substance. In The Essential George Washington, Hannaford has collected verbal "snapshots," brief comments on Washington made by sundry poets, politicians, journalists, and others, including Abigail Adams, James Fenimore Cooper, Newt Gingrich, and George Will. Murray's Washington's Farewell takes as its starting point a December 4, 1783, meeting of Washington and his officers, at which he bade farewell to his men and prepared to return to private life. Murray sketches the lives and characters of the officers who were at this convocation and discusses Washington's military career. Both books tend toward hagiography, and Patriot Sage is not far off. It opens with a preface by William J. Bennett, former Secretary of Education, U.S. drug czar, and chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities, which states the conservative agenda of the essays collection: because the United States is in moral and political decline, it behooves us to emulate Washington in our public and private lives. The book's 12 essays touch on most facets of Washington's life--his management of Mount Vernon, his military strategies and tactics, his forging of the presidency, and his trustworthy character. One of the strongest essays is by Richard Brookhiser, author of one of the best recent biographies of Washington (Founding Father: Rediscovering George Washington, LJ 2/1/96). His prose is so buoyant it nearly leaps from the page. Unfortunately, none of these three books represents a significant advance in our knowledge or appreciation of our first president. Readers interested in Washington are advised to consult books like Brookhiser's. Patriot Sage is recommended for larger public libraries; the Murray and Hannaford books are not essential purchases.--Thomas J. Schaeper, St. Bonaventure Univ., NY Copyright 2000 Cahners Business Information.
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9781882926381
  • Publisher: ISI Books
  • Publication date: 12/1/1999
  • Edition description: New Edition
  • Pages: 369
  • Lexile: 1450L (what's this?)
  • Product dimensions: 5.86 (w) x 8.56 (h) x 1.53 (d)

Read an Excerpt

Patriot Sage

George Washington and the American Political Tradition

ISI Books

Copyright © 2007 Gary L. Gregg II Matthew Spalding
All right reserved.

ISBN: 978-1-882926-38-1


Chapter One

Today's Indispensable Man Forrest McDonald

The men who established the American republic were acutely aware that they lived in a pivotal era in human history, and they eagerly rose to the occasion. They were all impelled by a love of liberty, but a large number were, in addition, driven by a desire for immortal Fame-the grateful remembrance of a distant posterity. To put it simply, they wanted to remain alive and be cherished in your memory and mine.

It may be that the Founders were as unlucky in their choice of posterity as they were lucky in their choice of time in which to live, for the American people are notoriously lacking in a knowledge of the past. But until Goals 2000 ensures that our children will learn nothing of our past, we still can assume that there is one American of the Founding generation whose name everybody knows: George Washington. And yet, knowledge of just what he did is far from widespread. Beyond the cherry tree episode (which never happened) and the fact that he was the first president, most Americans do not know why they should remember and cherish him. What I propose to do is to describe what he was like and thereby help us cherish his memory.

Let us begin with an overview. No historian doubts that Washington was the Indispensable Man of the epoch. By sheer force of character he created the Continental Army and held it together, under extremely adverse circumstances, for the eight years it took to win independence. His awesome prestige created the atmosphere in which the Philadelphia Convention of 1787 could draft a constitution that the states would ratify; and it is certain that the office of president was created only because he was available to fill it. Moreover, he never abused or sought to aggrandize his power, and he voluntarily surrendered power when a job was done, though he might easily have held it for life.

On the opposite hand, no scholar who has studied Washington would maintain-as schoolchildren used to be taught-that the man was flawless. As a soldier he was capable of rashness and poor judgment. He was addicted to gambling, indulged in a good deal of wenching, and was said to be a "most horrid swearer." He was vain, a bit pretentious, and hot tempered; and though he was a perfect gentleman in public, he was sometimes not in private.

Yet he was respected, admired, even revered by his countrymen, and he was the most trusted man of the age. What is more, and different, he was the most trustworthy man. Why he was so trusted, and why he came to be so trustworthy-in revolutionary circumstances of a kind that almost invariably breed Caesars, Cromwells, Castros, and Stalins-are questions that must be examined if we are to understand Washington's true legacy.

In regard to his being trusted, it is easy to overlook a crucial ingredient, that Americans sorely needed someone to trust. Partly this need arose from the perilousness of the undertaking on which they embarked in 1776. They had no way of knowing whether they would be founders or failures: the winners in such circumstances are called Patriots, the losers are hanged as traitors. But there is more to it than that. Difficult as it may be to imagine, Americans were a monarchical people, a people who loved their kings. George III had been especially beloved, and when he betrayed Americans by making war on them, they reacted by embracing republicanism and by refusing to entrust executive power to anyone. And yet the craving for a symbol to embody the nation remained. In this diverse new entity-the United States of America-it was not enough to have leaders, no matter how virtuous or capable; there had to be one above all others. As Americans had earlier referred to George III as the Father of his People, they now needed someone to call the Father of his Country, if there were to be a country, and not thirteen separate countries.

Washington satisfied this need, and not least because he looked the part. Tall and powerfully built, he was "the most graceful figure ... on horseback," as Thomas Jefferson put it, and was instantly recognized as the commander in chief even by soldiers who had never seen him before. When Abigail Adams finally met him in 1789 she was moonstruck. She gushed, as had the Queen of Sheba when first setting eyes on Solomon, "the half was not told me."

His physical appearance was complemented by an aura, not merely of strength, but of invincibility. His immunity to gunfire seemed almost supernatural. Early in his career a treacherous guide fired at him from point-blank range-and missed. Once he rode between two columns of his own men who were firing at one another by mistake and struck up their guns with his sword-the musket balls whizzed harmlessly by his head. Time and time again during the Revolutionary War musket balls tore his clothes, knocked off his hat, shredded his cape; horses were killed under him; but he was never touched. What mortal could refuse to entrust his life to a man whom God obviously favored? What country could refuse to do so?

But if it was his natural gifts that made others prone to trust him, there remains the question, how did he come to be worthy of trust? The answer is, he made himself that way. To understand how he did it, we must turn to the prevailing ideas about the nature of the human animal. Virtually every American at the time believed in God-the God of both the Old Testament and the New-which meant that, while they believed in the possibility of redemption in the hereafter, they also believed in original sin, in the inherent baseness of man.

And yet, though man could not escape his nature, there were a number of ways he could improve himself. All of them rested on the premise that the social instinct is a primary force; the desire to have the approval of one's peers ranked with the physical appetites in motivating people. A perceptive person could turn this instinct into an engine for self-improvement, which is what Washington did. As a child he devoutly wished to become a country gentleman (a status he was by no means born to) and toward that end he recorded and followed 110 Rules of Civility and Decent Behaviour in Company and Conversation. These rules were a manual of etiquette for circumstances ranging from being at the dinner table ("Being Set at meat Scratch not neither Spit Cough or blow your Nose-except there's a Necessity for it") to being "In Company of those of Higher Quality than yourself."

Notice the adolescent Washington's phraseology: "those of Higher Quality than yourself." Eighteenth-century Virginia society was highly stratified, as was society throughout Europe. Washington was acutely conscious of his own social position, for as a teenager he had been taken under the wing of a wealthy, titled family, the Fairfaxes. From watching them, and also from a play he saw for the first time in his late teens, he learned to aim higher than just seeking the approval of his peers. The play was Joseph Addison's Cato, and its message was clear: Addison advised young Washington to follow precisely the opposite course from that recommended by Shakespeare's Polonius. In Hamlet, Polonius says: "This above all: to thine own self be true, and it must follow, as the night the day, thou canst not then be false to any man." Shakespeare put those words in the mouth of a prattling fool, and Addison's message is that, for public men, they are foolish words. Rather, he says: Do not trust in your own righteousness. Instead, be true to others; seek the esteem of the wise and the good, and it follows that you cannot then be false to yourself-or to your country.

Washington made that a guiding star for his own conduct. Later, when circumstances and his achievements made it possible, he aimed his sights even higher, and he sought by conscious design to earn the esteem of posterity, of generations of discerning and virtuous people yet unborn.

That was one way Washington improved himself. Another was through the concept of character. The term "character" was rarely used in the eighteenth century as we use it, to refer to internal moral qualities. Rather, at least in polite society and among people in public life, it referred to a persona or mask that one deliberately selected and always wore: one picked a role, like a part in a play, and sought to act in that role unfailingly, ever to be in character. If one chose a character with which one was comfortable, and if one played it long enough and consistently enough, it became a "second nature" that in practice superseded the first. One became what one pretended to be.

The results, for good or ill, depended upon the character or characters chosen and upon how well one acted the part. Washington chose to play a progression of characters, each grander and nobler than the last, and he played them so successfully that he ultimately transformed himself into a man of almost extrahuman virtue.

The first character to which he aspired was that of the country gentleman. This entailed becoming a successful commercial farmer. Washington's inheritance was small, but he worked skillfully as a tobacco planter and steadily increased his holdings. It did not hurt that he married a wealthy widow, whose property was greater than his. (As an aside I must point out that Washington, like his neighbors, employed slave labor. At the time, slavery was legal in almost every country on earth. Washington's duty, he believed, was merely to treat his slaves humanely. He gradually changed his mind, however, and in his will he freed his slaves. Though many other Virginians, including Jefferson, talked about the evils of slavery, none followed Washington's example. Moreover, Washington made provision for supporting his former slaves who were too old to support themselves. His estate was paying pensions to them as late as 1833.)

The key to Washington's success as a farmer was that, in an age in which scientific farming was in its infancy, he became the scientific farmer par excellence. He read every book and journal on the subject, and he exchanged letters with experts throughout Europe. He conducted endless experiments and made endless calculations (my favorite is that he determined that there were 13,411,000 grains in a bushel of timothy). He invented a plow that automatically dropped seeds in the furrows. He was his own architect in the construction of Mount Vernon. He conducted time and motion studies a century and a half before efficiency experts introduced the concept into American manufacturing. And he became an immensely wealthy man by the time of the Revolution.

Already, however, he had aspired to and succeeded in his first public character, that of a military hero. At the age of twenty-two he was entrusted with command of Virginia troops sent to the back country in what turned out to be the beginnings of the French and Indian War. He took to warfare enthusiastically. "I heard the bullets whistle," he wrote to a younger brother, "and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound." He made mistakes, but in the crucial Battle of the Wilderness, he offered his commanding British general advice which, had it been followed, would have saved the day. Instead the British employed conventional tactics-and were slaughtered. Washington emerged as a hero, and was regarded throughout the colonies as a man destined to do great things.

His opportunity came twenty years later, when the Continental Congress convened to defend American liberties against British encroachments. Washington was the obvious choice for commander in chief, partly because he was the only American with an intercolonial reputation as a fighting man, partly because as a Virginian in charge of New England troops he would give the army a "national" flavor. However, lest Congress overlook the obvious, Washington attended its sessions dressed in a splendid general's uniform designed especially for the occasion. On the motion of John Adams, he was given the command.

Washington and his men drove the British out of Boston early in 1776, but soon thereafter things began to go badly. The Americans failed to defend New York, and Washington's army was forced to retreat to Pennsylvania. Part of the army disbanded; the remainder was a shambles. Making everything worse was that large numbers of civilians, upon seeing the British, suddenly lost their taste for independence and went over to the enemy. (Indeed, Washington's mother was a Loyalist.)

Washington headed off disaster by a bold stroke. On Christmas night, 1776, he crossed the ice-choked Delaware River and successfully attacked the British garrison in Trenton. Popular morale improved, and many volunteers joined the army. Yet by the summer of 1777 Washington knew that he would never have enough strength to defeat the British head-on. Instead, he would have to maneuver carefully and wait, possibly for years, until the British made a blunder that would enable him to strike the decisive blow.

But the waiting game required patience and discipline-traits that the Americans did not have and that Washington himself would have to teach them. Moreover, it cost a great deal of money to keep an army in the field, and the Congress had very little. Congress raised funds by printing paper money, backed merely by a vague promise to repay some day; the paper rapidly lost its value until it was worth nothing at all (giving rise to the expression, "not worth a continental").

In the fall of 1777, General Horatio Gates won a major victory in upstate New York, but out of jealousy of Washington he declined to cooperate with the main army, and as a result the enemy took Philadelphia. Washington's army retreated to Valley Forge, where it endured a winter quite as dreadful as legend depicts. A single brushstroke conveys the whole: Congress declared a day of "Continental Thanksgiving," and ordered that each soldier be fed a special "dinner," consisting of "half a gill of rice and a tablespoon full of vinegar."

Somehow, by one means and another, Washington kept the army together for three more years-a task made more difficult by his refusal to commandeer supplies from civilians. The British, meanwhile, steadily expanded the territory under their control. The low point came on January 1, 1781, when 2,400 veterans of the Pennsylvania line rose in mutiny. With difficulty they were persuaded to return to their duties. Then after ten more anxious months Washington got his opportunity. The British general Cornwallis made the blunder of encamping in Yorktown, with his back to the sea and without naval cover. A combined American and French force besieged the town, and Cornwallis had no option but to surrender. Suddenly the war was won.

Even so, danger persisted. A peace treaty had to be negotiated, and the army was held in Newburgh, New York, in readiness to fight again if the negotiations failed. The soldiers were restless and eager to go home, but they had not been paid in years and did not want to disband without some of their overdue pay or their promised bonuses. Grumbling increased alarmingly and reached a climax early in 1783, when anonymous pamphlets were circulated among the officers calling for a meeting where "plans" would be made to seek "justice." This was a perilous situation, one that could easily end in a military dictatorship.

To the surprise of the mutinous officers Washington showed up at the meeting. He had written a short speech, and when he took it from his coat pocket, he also drew out a pair of eyeglasses, which only his aides and closest friends knew he needed. He began, "Gentlemen, you will permit me to put on my spectacles, for I have not only grown gray, but almost blind, in the service of my country." He went on to shame the officers for betraying the Revolution, and reduced them, literally, to tears. The mutiny dissolved.

When Washington was finally able to retire to his beloved Mount Vernon, he was the most famous man in the Western world. He was idolized by his countrymen, praised throughout Europe, regarded as the greatest man of the age even in Britain. But Washington had considerable cause for uneasiness, nonetheless: he now lived in a goldfish bowl, as it were, with all eyes upon him, and he had to live up to the almost impossibly high standards that he had set for himself.

His situation was made doubly uncomfortable by the ongoing current of public affairs. Upon retirement, he had announced that he would never again emerge from private life. He was greatly concerned, however, that the Union was likely to fall apart. To prevent that he sent a circular letter to Congress and the governors of the states, urging that the Articles of Confederation be altered to create a central government adequate to the nation's needs. Otherwise, he predicted, the states would drift into anarchy.

(Continues...)



Excerpted from Patriot Sage Copyright © 2007 by Gary L. Gregg II Matthew Spalding. Excerpted by permission.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

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Table of Contents

Foreword
Introduction 1
1 Today's Indispensable Man 23
2 "The Western Cincinnatus": Washington as Farmer and Soldier 39
3 General Washington and the Military Strategy of the Revolution 61
4 George Washington and the Standing Oak 99
5 Washington and the Origins of Presidential Power 123
6 Foreign Policy and the First Commander in Chief 141
7 The Symbolic Dimensions of the First Presidency 165
8 Washington's Farewell Address and the Form of the American Regime 199
9 Making Citizens: George Washington and the American Character 217
10 "Our Illustrious Washington": The American Imaging of George Washington 241
11 George Washington and the Religious Impulse 267
12 Eulogy on Washington: "First in the Hearts of his Countrymen" 287
Afterword: The Forgotten Character of George Washington 299
Notes on Contributors 309
Notes 315
Index 341
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  • Anonymous

    Posted September 6, 2002

    Rediscovering GW

    Patriot Sage, by Gary Gregg and Mathew Spalding (Foreward by William J. Bennett)contains several outstanding essay's worth the time and energy to read--carefully. 'Sage' may not advance our knowledge of George Washington, however, the book's essayists do provide opportunities for discovery and/or renewed, if not greater, appreciation of the "indespensible man" George Washington, Father of Our Country. Mackubin Owen's essay on GW and military strategy is insightful and refreshing. His syllogistic approach to the subject may spark a new perspective. Mark Rozell's cogent prose in "Washington and the Origins of Presidential Power" sheds light on executive privilage like no one else has in a very long time. Gary Gregg, and Matthew Spalding do a bang-up job detailing the achetypal administration of Geroge Washington. They identify many his many presidents, leaving the reader with a sort of symbolic dementional ontology, as it were, to be analyzed, synthesized, and appreciated once again. To the same degree, Spalding sites Washington's influence on the development of a national character able to "distinguish between oppression and lawful authority, and 'to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness--cherishing the first, avoiding the last.'" Virgina Arbery's essay ...the Form of the American Regime, is so well done, frankly, I'd like to meet her in person and shake her hand. Her essay is well thought-out, organized, and exquisitley provocative. Richard Brookhiser always dose a great job, of course. If you're a GW fan, you'll want to read his "Founding Father." In sum, serious students of GW never seem to have enough bookshelf space. If you are a serious student, you already have several volumes at your disposal. Patriot Sage, dosen't take much space. It's concise, precise and to the point; a welcome addition to any library, personal or public. I've rediscovered GW--again. Whether you're from the minions of the PC, or from the old-fashioned shoot-from-the-hip crowd, be advised, there isn't a dull page in "Sage." Enjoy!

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