Presidential Ambition: How the Presidents Gained Power, Kept Power, and Got Things Done

Overview

In this timely, provocative, illuminating, and often shocking book. New York Times bestselling author Richard Shenkman provides a vital context for understanding the American presidents, today and throughout history.

Combining a potent narrative with persuasive and compelling insights, Shenkman reveals that it is not just recent presidents who have been ambitious—and at times frighteningly overambitious, willing to sacrifice their health, family, loyalty, and values as they ...

See more details below
Available through our Marketplace sellers.
Other sellers (Hardcover)
  • All (38) from $1.99   
  • New (4) from $4.00   
  • Used (34) from $1.99   
Close
Sort by
Page 1 of 1
Showing All
Note: Marketplace items are not eligible for any BN.com coupons and promotions
$4.00
Seller since 2009

Feedback rating:

(162)

Condition:

New — never opened or used in original packaging.

Like New — packaging may have been opened. A "Like New" item is suitable to give as a gift.

Very Good — may have minor signs of wear on packaging but item works perfectly and has no damage.

Good — item is in good condition but packaging may have signs of shelf wear/aging or torn packaging. All specific defects should be noted in the Comments section associated with each item.

Acceptable — item is in working order but may show signs of wear such as scratches or torn packaging. All specific defects should be noted in the Comments section associated with each item.

Used — An item that has been opened and may show signs of wear. All specific defects should be noted in the Comments section associated with each item.

Refurbished — A used item that has been renewed or updated and verified to be in proper working condition. Not necessarily completed by the original manufacturer.

New
1999-01-27 Hardcover New in Like New jacket Brand new hardcover book in also mint jacket. MendoPower Employment Services will immediately and carefully pack this book in ... high-quality bubble lined, envelopes. Then we send you a confirmation e-mail. We appreciate your business and welcome any questions. Read more Show Less

Ships from: Fort Bragg, CA

Usually ships in 1-2 business days

  • Canadian
  • International
  • Standard, 48 States
  • Standard (AK, HI)
  • Express, 48 States
  • Express (AK, HI)
$6.90
Seller since 2015

Feedback rating:

(85)

Condition: New
006018373X Only 1 copy left. Clean, unmarked copy. Hardcover, with dust jacket- In great shape! I can send expedited rate if you chose; otherwise it will promptly be sent via ... media rate. Have any questions? Email me; I'm happy to help! We recommend selecting Expedited Shipping to get your book as fast as possible. Read more Show Less

Ships from: Los Angeles, CA

Usually ships in 1-2 business days

  • Canadian
  • International
  • Standard, 48 States
  • Standard (AK, HI)
  • Express, 48 States
  • Express (AK, HI)
$12.00
Seller since 2007

Feedback rating:

(329)

Condition: New
1st Edition, Fine/Fine- Price clipped, o.w. clean, tight and bright. No ink names, tears, chips, foxing etc. ISBN 006018373X

Ships from: Troy, NY

Usually ships in 1-2 business days

  • Standard, 48 States
  • Standard (AK, HI)
  • Express, 48 States
  • Express (AK, HI)
$45.00
Seller since 2015

Feedback rating:

(217)

Condition: New
Brand new.

Ships from: acton, MA

Usually ships in 1-2 business days

  • Standard, 48 States
  • Standard (AK, HI)
Page 1 of 1
Showing All
Close
Sort by
Sending request ...

Overview

In this timely, provocative, illuminating, and often shocking book. New York Times bestselling author Richard Shenkman provides a vital context for understanding the American presidents, today and throughout history.

Combining a potent narrative with persuasive and compelling insights, Shenkman reveals that it is not just recent presidents who have been ambitious—and at times frighteningly overambitious, willing to sacrifice their health, family, loyalty, and values as they sought to overcome the obstacles to power—but they all have. This volcanic ambition, Shenkman shows, has been essential not only in obtaining power but in facing—and attempting to master—the great historical forces that have continually reshaped the United States, from Manifest Destiny and Emancipation to immigration, the Great Depression, and nuclear weapons.

As Shenkman describes the lives and careers of the most representative and colorful presidents from Washington to Nixon, he shows that those who succeeded in reaching the White House, whatever their flaws, were complicated human beings, idealistic as well as ambitious. Over time, however, they began to make increasingly troubling compromises, leading to a decline in t he mortal tone of American politics.

What drove politics downward? In a stunning conclusion, Shenkman demonstrates that it wasn't a decline in presidential character that was responsible, but change—the dramatic transformation of the United States from a country of four million in Washington's day to more than a quarter billion today—that made running the country more complicated and difficult. Instead of things getting better and better they got worse and worse as people became used to increasingly promiscuous political practices.

First John Adams played politics with national security. Then James Polk lied the country into war. James Buchana tolerated the bribing of congressmen. Ulysses S. Grant ignored shocking corruption. Rutehrford B. Hayes became the first of several presidents to win election through vote stealing. Grover Clevland pandered to immigrants. Teddy Roosevelt precipitated an international crises to improve his chances of election. FDR used the IRS to go after his political enemies. Harry Truman faked a war scare. John Kennedy played God with nuclear missiles. And Lyndon Johnson lied and lied and lied.

Sympathetic but balanced in his presentation of the presidents' behavior, in his richly detailed portraits Shenkman shows just how resourceful they had to be to survive and succeed. Presidential Ambition—dramatic, lively, and nakedly honest—is a book that will permanently alter the way we think about past, present, and future American presidents.

Read More Show Less

Editorial Reviews

Publishers Weekly - Publisher's Weekly
Shenkman practices the breed of historical revisionism that some call anti-American history. This is a genre prone to suggesting that most traditional American heroes--especially heroic white males--were made of tin. Training his fire on the world's largest collection of prominent white males, Shenkman discounts Lincoln's soaring rhetoric, Washington's shrewd pragmatism and FDR's grand strategies for combating economic catastrophe. According to Shenkman's analysis, what counts most in the success of presidents is "luck--plain, ordinary, dumb luck." (In one instance, Shenkman points to the luck of being born rich and socially advantaged, despite such exceptions to the rule as Lincoln, Coolidge, Truman, Eisenhower, Nixon and Clinton.) It comes as a revelation for Shenkman that our presidents have been ambitious; ambition, he implies, is not an altogether good thing. In portraits designed to shock and disillusion, Shenkman puts each chief executive in his place. Psychoanalyzing Theodore Roosevelt, for example, Shenkman finds that Teddy was nothing more than a "skinny, asthmatic rich kid," anxious to overcompensate for his self-perceived shortcomings by bullying smaller powers with the Great White Fleet. Many readers may prefer their presidents as painted by Stephen Ambrose, Arthur Schlesinger and other chroniclers. Shenkman shows no nuanced understanding (as exemplified by Robert Caro in his two-volume biography of LBJ) of how ambition and genuine idealism can coexist in one person. (Feb.)
Library Journal
From the author of the best-selling Legends, Lies, and Cherished Myths.
Kirkus Reviews
A timely look at the seamy side of presidential power. Many believe the morals of American presidents have recently plunged to all-time lows, reflecting path-breaking abilities to lie and manipulate in the craven pursuit of power. Investigative journalist Shenkman ("I Love Paul Revere, Whether He Rode or Not," 1991) reassures us that, while there has been a gradual decline over time, in fact presidents have behaved this way all along. Our misperception is based on a relative lack of knowledge about earlier presidents, and he sets out to correct the record. The fundamental issue is that ascending to the presidency requires overwhelming ambition, an ambition that calls for setting aside moral niceties to achieve desired ends. As the country and government became larger and more complex, so did the need for amoral ambition to become president. This is not all bad: an effective president must act forcefully and be willing to do whatever it takes to achieve public goals. Unfortunately, history is not filled with such men who are careful to distinguish between public and personal goals. Consider the records of presidents who have sent Americans to die in wars: to acquire a great expanse of territory, Polk repeatedly lied to provoke the Mexican-American War; Wilson ran for reelection in 1916 on the slogan "He Kept Us Out of War" despite knowing the US would soon be engaged in WWI; Franklin Roosevelt copied Wilson in 1940 by flirting with isolationism rather than honestly admitting that entry into WWII was inevitable; from the very beginning, Vietnam turned Johnson into "the greatest liar in American history." Shenkman's scanning of a list of common political sins-election fraud,manipulation of the media, dirty tricks in political campaigns, toleration of corruption, lying to the public-reveals no recent innovations. Not a pretty picture, but a realistic one. (Author tour) (For another look at presidential ethics, see Marvin Olasky, God, Sex, and Statesmanship, p. 1779) .
Read More Show Less

Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780060183738
  • Publisher: HarperCollins Publishers
  • Publication date: 1/27/1999
  • Pages: 400
  • Product dimensions: 6.12 (w) x 9.25 (h) x 1.25 (d)

Meet the Author

Richard Shenkman is an associate professor of history at George Mason University and the New York Times bestselling author of six history books, including Presidential Ambition; Legends, Lies & Cherished Myths of World History; and Just How Stupid Are We? Facing the Truth About the American Voter. The editor and founder of George Mason University's History News Network website, he can be seen regularly on Fox News, CNN, and MSNBC.

Read More Show Less

Read an Excerpt

Chapter One
In the Garden of Eden

How George Washington, alone among the presidents, was able to gain power and get things done without compromising himself or his principles

There was a touching scene at the outset of his presidency that was almost too good to be true. When Charles Thomson, the secretary of the Congress, arrived at Mount Vernon to tell Washington he had been elected president, the two men withdrew to the main room of the house and delivered little speeches to each other. Thomson told Washington that the Congress was delighted he had agreed "to sacrifice domestic ease and private enjoyments to preserve the happiness of your country." Washington responded that he had accepted in deference to the public's desires. He couldn't promise to be a great president, he added, but "I can promise . . . to accomplish that which can be done by honest zeal." It was almost comically stilted, like one of those scenes out of a 1930s Frank Capra movie in which Jimmy Stewart stands up and delivers a sincere and selfless sermon on patriotism. But it happened. And Washington came off looking exceptionally decent.

He hadn't always seemed so decent.

As a young man there was a certain crassness about him that was almost palpable. Though he was a born aristocrat he was very much a man on the make. Land was everything in Washington's youth, the symbol of wealth and prestige, and he had set out to acquire as much of it as he could. Through inheritance he had received Mount Vernon and about two thousand acres. But that hadn't come nearly close to satisfying his appetite. He didn't want just a lot of land. He wanted more land thananybody else. Which was, apparently, the prime factor in his decision to court Martha. She was, even though youthful, neither particularly pretty nor particularly socially adept. And Washington didn't love her (not at first anyway); as he admitted in a letter at the time of his engagement, he was actually in love with Sally Fairfax, his best friend's wife. "You have drawn me," he wrote Sally, "into an honest confession of a simple Fact." But keep it a secret: "The world has no business to know the object of my Love, declared in this manner to you, when I want to conceal it."

But Martha was not without her attractions. One of the richest widows in North America, she possessed thousands of acres of land. Under the laws then in effect, her land became his upon marriage, instantly turning Washington into one of the richest men in America. Through Martha he received a hundred slaves, another six thousand acres, and enough money to buy thousands and thousands of acres more.

Not even all that was enough to satisfy him. In 1767, eight years after his marriage, he made a grab for land expressly set aside for the Indians. It happened to be illegal under laws promulgated by the Crown. Washington didn't care. He told his surveyor "to keep this whole matter a profound secret." If anybody asked the surveyor what he was up to, Washington instructed, the surveyor was to lie. Over the next few years he was to acquire another twenty thousand acres from the British government in return for his service as a colonel in the Virginia militia. He wasn't really entitled to the land; in fact when he had signed up the government had made it clear that the property was supposed to go to soldiers, not officers. But Washington had dextrously arranged for the officers to receive land, too. As the leader of his regiment, Washington had the responsibility of deciding who received which parcels (two hundred thousand acres of land were to be handed out). Washington saw to it that he received the best, "the cream of the Country," as he subsequently boasted.

But then the Revolution had come. It changed Washington as it did many of the leading figures in the colonies. Suddenly Washington, the "inveterate land grabber," as historian John Clark called him, became Washington, the enlightened revolutionary. Acquiring land was no longer enough. Being rich was no longer enough. Believing himself to be in a position to affect history, Washington lifted his sights and became something no one had any right to expect he would. Now, instead of acquiring land, he would seek to acquire what people in the eighteenth century called fame.

In our time fame has taken on a pejorative meaning. But in his day fame was far more sublime. To be famous was to be immortal. It was believed at the time that there were many ways to gain fame. But the most honorable way of all, it was felt, was to found a commonwealth. Thus did Washington, as fired by ambition as ever, decide to dedicate himself to the patriot cause, inspiring his fellow Americans as no one else did.

He didn't prove to be a brilliant general. In fact, he never won any major battles. But he kept the army together during awful times, and by strength of character was able to command the people's respect. At the end of the war he was held in such high esteem that he might very well have been able to crown himself king--as a lot of people wanted. But Washington refused, wouldn't even consider the subject. All he wanted to do was return to Mount Vernon. When friends in the army demanded that he make himself dictator after Congress refused to pay the soldiers their back wages, he looked upon the proposal with sheer horror.

When the war finally ended and the British evacuated the country Washington, like Cincinnatus, his Roman hero, laid down his sword and went back to his plow. It was his intention to remain at his plow for the remainder of his life. But events intervened: The Confederation collapsed, the Constitution was adopted, and Washington was drafted for president.

Presidential Ambition. Copyright © by Richard Shenkman. Reprinted by permission of HarperCollins Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. Available now wherever books are sold.

Read More Show Less

Table of Contents

Introduction
Prelude
1 In the Garden of Eden 1
2 The Birth of the Two-Party System 16
3 The Revolution in the Suffrage 37
4 Manifest Destiny 69
5 The Story of Franklin Pierce 78
6 The Slavery Crisis 95
7 The Story of Abraham Lincoln 121
8 The Birth of Industrial Capitalism 169
9 The Birth of Machine Politics 182
10 The Story of Chester A. Arthur 194
11 The Arrival of the Immigrants 211
12 The Media 225
13 World Power: I 242
14 World Power: II 260
15 World Power: III 272
16 FDR: The Great Depression 286
17 FDR: World War II 304
18 The Cold War 315
Conclusion 335
Table of Presidents 339
Acknowledgments 341
Notes 343
Index 351
Read More Show Less

Customer Reviews

Be the first to write a review
( 0 )
Rating Distribution

5 Star

(0)

4 Star

(0)

3 Star

(0)

2 Star

(0)

1 Star

(0)

Your Rating:

Your Name: Create a Pen Name or

Barnes & Noble.com Review Rules

Our reader reviews allow you to share your comments on titles you liked, or didn't, with others. By submitting an online review, you are representing to Barnes & Noble.com that all information contained in your review is original and accurate in all respects, and that the submission of such content by you and the posting of such content by Barnes & Noble.com does not and will not violate the rights of any third party. Please follow the rules below to help ensure that your review can be posted.

Reviews by Our Customers Under the Age of 13

We highly value and respect everyone's opinion concerning the titles we offer. However, we cannot allow persons under the age of 13 to have accounts at BN.com or to post customer reviews. Please see our Terms of Use for more details.

What to exclude from your review:

Please do not write about reviews, commentary, or information posted on the product page. If you see any errors in the information on the product page, please send us an email.

Reviews should not contain any of the following:

  • - HTML tags, profanity, obscenities, vulgarities, or comments that defame anyone
  • - Time-sensitive information such as tour dates, signings, lectures, etc.
  • - Single-word reviews. Other people will read your review to discover why you liked or didn't like the title. Be descriptive.
  • - Comments focusing on the author or that may ruin the ending for others
  • - Phone numbers, addresses, URLs
  • - Pricing and availability information or alternative ordering information
  • - Advertisements or commercial solicitation

Reminder:

  • - By submitting a review, you grant to Barnes & Noble.com and its sublicensees the royalty-free, perpetual, irrevocable right and license to use the review in accordance with the Barnes & Noble.com Terms of Use.
  • - Barnes & Noble.com reserves the right not to post any review -- particularly those that do not follow the terms and conditions of these Rules. Barnes & Noble.com also reserves the right to remove any review at any time without notice.
  • - See Terms of Use for other conditions and disclaimers.
Search for Products You'd Like to Recommend

Recommend other products that relate to your review. Just search for them below and share!

Create a Pen Name

Your Pen Name is your unique identity on BN.com. It will appear on the reviews you write and other website activities. Your Pen Name cannot be edited, changed or deleted once submitted.

 
Your Pen Name can be any combination of alphanumeric characters (plus - and _), and must be at least two characters long.

Continue Anonymously

    If you find inappropriate content, please report it to Barnes & Noble
    Why is this product inappropriate?
    Comments (optional)