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Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State: Why Americans Vote the Way They Do [NOOK Book]

Overview

On the night of the 2000 presidential election, Americans watched on television as polling results divided the nation's map into red and blue states. Since then the color divide has become symbolic of a culture war that thrives on stereotypes--pickup-driving red-state Republicans who vote based on God, guns, and gays; and elitist blue-state Democrats woefully out of touch with heartland values. With wit and prodigious number crunching, Andrew Gelman debunks these and other ...

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Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State: Why Americans Vote the Way They Do

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Overview

On the night of the 2000 presidential election, Americans watched on television as polling results divided the nation's map into red and blue states. Since then the color divide has become symbolic of a culture war that thrives on stereotypes--pickup-driving red-state Republicans who vote based on God, guns, and gays; and elitist blue-state Democrats woefully out of touch with heartland values. With wit and prodigious number crunching, Andrew Gelman debunks these and other political myths.

This expanded edition includes new data and easy-to-read graphics explaining the 2008 election. Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State is a must-read for anyone seeking to make sense of today's fractured political landscape.

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Editorial Reviews

Library Journal

As the 2008 election season reaches its peak, media pundits will speak gravely of the deep ideological divisions reflected in a political map of red and blue states, but according to Gelman (statistics & political science, Columbia Univ.), much of the analysts' glib assessments is misguided and does little to advance our understanding of why Americans have voted as they have. He crunched U.S. survey and election data as far back as 1952; compared his data where appropriate to similar data from Mexico, Canada, and other countries; and discovered that the economic status of individuals and the economic conditions of each state as a whole lead to two different conclusions: on the one hand, the less wealthy a voter is, the more likely the voter is to cast a ballot for a Democrat; the better-off the voter, the more likely he or she is to vote Republican. Yet states with a higher average income are more likely to support a Democratic presidential candidate. He discovered that wealthy voters in a poor state (e.g., Mississippi, with many poor) consistently support Republicans, while Connecticut, with many wealthy, regularly backs Democrats. Ohio is near the center of income distribution and alternates between the parties. This seeming paradox is lost on the media's talking heads because they focus only on the state-level data, leading them to the simplistic red-blue paradigm, ignoring the importance of individual voters' decisions. Gelman finds that the above relationships hold on a county level as well. After examining other factors such as religiosity and cultural values for clues to explain voting behavior, he offers suggestions about how the Democratic Party can improve its chances inthe 2008 election. This is a fascinating, well-written, and thoroughly researched work that deserves a wide audience. Highly recommended for all libraries.-Thomas J. Baldino, Wilkes Univ., PA

Freakonomics blog
Gelman works his way, state by state, to help us better understand the relationship of class, culture, and voting. The book is a terrific read and offers much insight into the changing electoral landscape.
— Sudhir Venkatesh
Times Higher Education
The thesis of this topical book is that how Americans vote depends on where they live as well as who they are. Gelman makes this argument clearly and repeatedly in colloquial language, in black and white graphics and in maps coloured red and blue. . . . A major strength of the book is that it shows the importance of changes in America in the past half century.
Science
The most creative analyses in Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State use Gelman's multilevel methods. But the technical background is nearly invisible: Here there are no equations and few numbers—rather, one finds dozens of revealing graphics, all of which are very clear. The book is unusual in aiming to enlighten the general lay reader through a step-by-step analysis, not merely to engage in a debate with other political scientists. Through a clear and crisp writing style, it quotes and refutes many widespread views of journalists and political pundits, even as it builds on the political science literature . . . this fun-to-read book may become a minor classic.
— Terry Nichols Clark and Christopher Graziul
New York Observer
The aim of this book, Mr. Gelman tells us, is to debunk the media's oversimplified account of what happened in red and blue states in the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections. Writing in the same spirit as Freakonomics authors Steven Levitt and Stephen Dubner, Mr. Gelman sets out to 'correct' the received wisdom. . . . This is the Freakonomics-style analysis that every candidate and campaign consultant should read.
— Robert Sommer
Washington Post Book World
Commentators on both the left (Thomas Frank) and the right (David Brooks) have theorized about why working-class Kansas farmers and latte-sipping Maryland suburbanites vote against their economic interests. Gelman says, 'Both sides on this argument are trying too hard to explain something that's simply not true.' The real paradox, he says, is that while rich states lean Democratic, rich people generally vote Republican; while poor states lean Republican, poor people generally vote Democratic.
— Alan Cooperman
Civilian Reader
Full of interesting arguments and insights that will turn many deep-seated beliefs about American politics on their head, and make a lot of people reconsider their assumptions and biases.
— Stefan Fergus
Journal of Public and International Affairs
Gelman provides an invaluable corrective and an excellent launching pad for future research on the reasons why people vote and affiliate with the parties as they do.
— Katherine Cramer Walsh
The Fly Bottle
If you're interested in understanding the state of the art in the geography and demographics of American public opinion as we head down the final stretch of the presidential race (and who isn't!), this is a book you shouldn't miss.
— Will Wilkinson
The New Yorker
Attempting to explain 'why Americans vote the way they do,' Gelman and a group of fellow political scientists crunch numbers and draw graphs, arriving at a picture that refutes the influential one drawn by Thomas Frank, in What's the Matter with Kansas?, of poor red-staters voting Republican against their economic interests. Instead, Gelman persuasively argues, the poor in both red states and blue still mostly vote Democratic, and the rich, nationally speaking, overwhelmingly vote Republican.
— Leo Carey
The Hartford Courant
Looking at the numbers as far back as 1952, this book debunks much of what we think we know about voting trends. Buy one today! Amuse your friends! Annoy your enemies! Bring cocktail party conversations to a grinding halt.
— Susan Campbell
From the Publisher

"If you're interested in understanding the state of the art in the geography and demographics of American public opinion as we head down the final stretch of the presidential race (and who isn't!), this is a book you shouldn't miss."--Will Wilkinson, The Fly Bottle

"Gelman works his way, state by state, to help us better understand the relationship of class, culture, and voting. The book is a terrific read and offers much insight into the changing electoral landscape."--Sudhir Venkatesh, Freakonomics blog

"Attempting to explain 'why Americans vote the way they do,' Gelman and a group of fellow political scientists crunch numbers and draw graphs, arriving at a picture that refutes the influential one drawn by Thomas Frank, in What's the Matter with Kansas?, of poor red-staters voting Republican against their economic interests. Instead, Gelman persuasively argues, the poor in both red states and blue still mostly vote Democratic, and the rich, nationally speaking, overwhelmingly vote Republican."--Leo Carey, The New Yorker

"The thesis of this topical book is that how Americans vote depends on where they live as well as who they are. Gelman makes this argument clearly and repeatedly in colloquial language, in black and white graphics and in maps coloured red and blue. . . . A major strength of the book is that it shows the importance of changes in America in the past half century."--Times Higher Education

"The most creative analyses in Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State use Gelman's multilevel methods. But the technical background is nearly invisible: Here there are no equations and few numbers--rather, one finds dozens of revealing graphics, all of which are very clear. The book is unusual in aiming to enlighten the general lay reader through a step-by-step analysis, not merely to engage in a debate with other political scientists. Through a clear and crisp writing style, it quotes and refutes many widespread views of journalists and political pundits, even as it builds on the political science literature . . . this fun-to-read book may become a minor classic."--Terry Nichols Clark and Christopher Graziul, Science

"The aim of this book, Mr. Gelman tells us, is to debunk the media's oversimplified account of what happened in red and blue states in the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections. Writing in the same spirit as Freakonomics authors Steven Levitt and Stephen Dubner, Mr. Gelman sets out to 'correct' the received wisdom. . . . This is the Freakonomics-style analysis that every candidate and campaign consultant should read."--Robert Sommer, New York Observer

"According to Gelman, much of the analysts' glib assessments is misguided and does little to advance our understanding of why Americans have voted as they have. He crunched U.S. survey and election data as far back as 1952 . . . and discovered that the economic status of individuals and the economic conditions of each state as a whole lead to two different conclusions: on the one hand, the less wealthy a voter is, the more likely the voter is to cast a ballot for a Democrat; the better-off the voter, the more likely he or she is to vote Republican. Yet states with a higher average income are more likely to support a Democratic presidential candidate. . . . This is a fascinating, well-written, and thoroughly researched work that deserves a wide audience. Highly recommended for all libraries."--Thomas J. Baldino, Library Journal

"Commentators on both the left (Thomas Frank) and the right (David Brooks) have theorized about why working-class Kansas farmers and latte-sipping Maryland suburbanites vote against their economic interests. Gelman says, 'Both sides on this argument are trying too hard to explain something that's simply not true.' The real paradox, he says, is that while rich states lean Democratic, rich people generally vote Republican; while poor states lean Republican, poor people generally vote Democratic."--Alan Cooperman, Washington Post Book World

"Looking at the numbers as far back as 1952, this book debunks much of what we think we know about voting trends. Buy one today! Amuse your friends! Annoy your enemies! Bring cocktail party conversations to a grinding halt."--Susan Campbell, The Hartford Courant

"Andrew Gelman's Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State can be summed up with extreme concision: Rich people vote Republican, but rich states vote Democratic. Poor people vote Democratic, but poor states vote Republican. That's pretty weird. But to Gelman, it's worse than weird. It's unknown. . . . At the most basic level, this is an argument for complexity. The country is not as simple as some would have it, and if that means political discussion segments need to be lengthened from two minutes to four minutes, then tough. But it's also an argument for data, and for increased rigor among the chattering class."--Ezra Klein, Barnes and Noble Review

"Full of interesting arguments and insights that will turn many deep-seated beliefs about American politics on their head, and make a lot of people reconsider their assumptions and biases."--Stefan Fergus, Civilian Reader

"Gelman provides an invaluable corrective and an excellent launching pad for future research on the reasons why people vote and affiliate with the parties as they do."--Katherine Cramer Walsh, Journal of Public and International Affairs

The Barnes & Noble Review
Andrew Gelman's Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State can be summed up with extreme concision: Rich people vote Republican, but rich states vote Democratic. Poor people vote Democratic, but poor states vote Republican. That's pretty weird.

But to Gelman, it's worse than weird. It's unknown. Even by the people who are paid good money to know things like that. And it's that troubling fact which seems to have spurred Gelman to write this book. His introduction begins with a quote from pundit Tucker Carlson: "Here's the fact that nobody ever, ever mentions -- Democrats win rich people. Over $100,000 in income, you are likely more than not to vote for Democrats." As Gelman goes on to explain, there are no fewer than two large falsehoods in that statement. First, lots of people mention that "fact." Gelman quotes a number of them at length, ranging from left-wing populists like Thomas Frank to right-wing culture warriors like Michael Barone. Second, the statement is false. As Gelman says, "If poor people were a state, they would be 'bluer' even than Massachusetts; if rich people were a state, they would be about as 'red' as Alabama, Kansas, the Dakotas, or Texas."

There are a variety of reasons for the confusion, but the empirically interesting cause comes in the form of what Gelman calls his "supergraph." This graph is important for the book, so it's worth describing in some detail. One axis tracks the income of voters; the other axis tracks the probability of voting for Bush. Gelman plotted three states across these metrics. One, Mississippi, is a low-income state. The next, Ohio, is a middle-income state. And the third, Connecticut, is high-income. "Our original thinking," writes Gelman, "was that some states were more Republican than others, but that there would be a consistent pattern of income and voting within each state." It was not to be. Connecticut exhibits a gentle slope. The rich are more Republican, but not by much. Ohio is a steeper incline. The rich are a fair bit more Republican than the poor. And Mississippi shoots sharply upward. The rich are far more Republican than the poor. Why should rich states be less sharply polarized than poor states?

It's an interesting puzzle, and one that Gelman spends much of the book trying to solve. The basic answer is that Marx was wrong: Class ain't everything. "With growing political polarization," writes Gelman, "parties have started to take ownership of social and religious issues, such as abortion, that used to straddle the political divide...low-income voters are pretty similar in their political attitudes, but high-income voters show much more geographic variation, with rich red-staters being clearly more conservative on social issues than rich blue-staters." The rich in red states, as it turns out, are likely to be evangelical Christians. The rich in blue states are not. This matters. Race is a big part of it, too. African Americans are disproportionately poor. They're also disproportionately Democratic. When you're looking at Mississippi, say, this will make the class divide look incredibly sharp. But, in part, you're seeing a racial divide.

"The division," concludes Gelman, "is not simply between rich and poor voters, or religious and secular, or rich and poor states. Each of these factors is important, but the true differences lie in subsets of the population. Rich versus poor voters in poor states, high-income religious versus high income secular voters, red states versus blue states among rich voters...the rich-poor divide is a superposition of many changes."

At the most basic level, this is an argument for complexity. The country is not as simple as some would have it, and if that means political discussion segments need to be lengthened from two minutes to four minutes, then tough. But it's also an argument for data, and for increased rigor among the chattering class.

Gelman, for one, is bothered by the fact that so simple a question -- How do rich people, on average, vote? -- is so frequently misunderstood. Searching for an answer, he settles on the existence of "availability bias." Availability bias is the term used for the human tendency to generalize based on nearby information. For instance: If I were governor of Alaska, a state that runs on oil revenues, I might think economic governance in general was quite easy and required few tradeoffs and I was fully prepared to do that task on a larger scale. I'd be wrong, but it would have tracked with the nearby information. Similarly, most journalists are well educated, have high incomes, and live in rich states (broadly speaking, California, New York, Maryland, DC, and Virginia). And most of their friends and colleagues vote Democratic. But this is not the norm. As Gelman notes, "richer counties tend to support the Democrats within the media center states of Maryland, Virginia, New York, and California but not, in general, elsewhere. And richer voters support the Republicans everywhere, but this pattern is weaker -- and thus easier to miss -- within these richer states."

What Gelman does not engage is that this mistake is also quite convenient. Journalists, after all, have access to the same exit polls Gelman is using. They could look this up. So, too, could producers and editors. Those who misstated the facts could be censured. But they are not. Rather, they advance rapidly through the ranks. This is due to the profession's preference for narratives it understands, knows, and promotes. One such narrative is that Democrats are the party of elites. Start with the presumption that that's true, and though most rich people actually vote for Republicans, the idea that they vote for Democrats is, in Stephen Colbert's memorable term, truth-esque. That's not availability bias. It's professional bias. And you can't solve it with a graph. --Ezra Klein

Ezra Klein is a staff writer at The American Prospect.

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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9781400832118
  • Publisher: Princeton University Press
  • Publication date: 12/7/2009
  • Sold by: Barnes & Noble
  • Format: eBook
  • Edition description: Expanded
  • Pages: 256
  • Sales rank: 780,134
  • File size: 8 MB

Meet the Author

Andrew Gelman is professor of statistics and political science at Columbia University. His books include "Teaching Statistics: A Bag of Tricks". He received the Presidents' Award in 2003, awarded each year to the best statistician under forty.
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Table of Contents

PART I: THE PARADOX 1
Chapter 1: Introduction 3
Chapter 2: Rich State, Poor State 8
Chapter 3: How the Talking Heads Can Be So Confused 24

PART II: WHAT'S GOING ON 41
Chapter 4: Income and Voting over Time 43
Chapter 5: Inequality and Voting 58
Chapter 6: Religious Reds and Secular Blues 76
Chapter 7: The United States in Comparative Perspective 94

PART III: WHAT IT MEANS 109
Chapter 8: Polarized Parties 111
Chapter 9: Competing to Build a Majority Coalition 137
Chapter 10: Putting It All Together 165
Afterword The 2008 Election 179
Notes and Sources 197
Index 241

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