Reefer Madness: Sex, Drugs, and Cheap Labor in the American Black Market

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Overview

America’s black market is much larger than we realize, and it affects us all deeply, whether or not we smoke pot, rent a risqué video, or pay our kids’ nannies in cash. In Reefer Madness the best-selling author of Fast Food Nation turns his exacting eye on the underbelly of the American marketplace and its far-reaching influence on our society. Exposing three American mainstays—pot, porn, and illegal immigrants—Eric Schlosser shows how the black market has burgeoned over the past several decades. He also draws ...

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Overview

America’s black market is much larger than we realize, and it affects us all deeply, whether or not we smoke pot, rent a risqué video, or pay our kids’ nannies in cash. In Reefer Madness the best-selling author of Fast Food Nation turns his exacting eye on the underbelly of the American marketplace and its far-reaching influence on our society. Exposing three American mainstays—pot, porn, and illegal immigrants—Eric Schlosser shows how the black market has burgeoned over the past several decades. He also draws compelling parallels between underground and overground: how tycoons and gangsters rise and fall, how new techonology shapes a market, how government intervention can reinvigorate black markets as well as mainstream ones, and how big business learns—and profits—from the underground.
Reefer Madness is a powerful investigation that illuminates the shadow economy and the culture that casts that shadow.

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Editorial Reviews

From Barnes & Noble
The Barnes & Noble Review
In Fast Food Nation, Eric Schlosser changed how we look at a hamburger with a scathing narrative that featured descriptions of hazardous butchering facilities and exploited minimum-wage workers. This latest book promises to do the same with the way we think about, if not use, marijuana, handpicked fruit, and pornography. In a series of essays, Schlosser examines the United States' underground economy, or black market, which in his estimate represents as much as 10 percent of the nation's gross domestic product. He illustrates how mandatory drug sentencing not only fails to diminish substance abuse but also results in nonviolent pot growers serving more time than killers. He depicts the hardscrabble existence of California's largely illegal immigrant strawberry pickers, some of whom sleep in caves just a few miles away from affluent homes. And he observes that some of the largest profits from the pornography go to the hotel-owning conglomerates that rake it in from in-room pay-per-view charges. As a whole, the collection comes off as a compendium of Schlosser's earlier magazine articles rushed into book form (indeed, much of the book was published originally in Atlantic Monthly, Rolling Stone, and U.S. News & World Report), but it is an eye-opening read from an author who has the magical ability to make us think. Katherine Hottinger
The New York Times
Schlosser's argument walks a difficult, winding path. Porn, he says, should be made legal across the board, and pot as well. Both actions would throw light upon the darkness of the black market and thus reduce America's gross national pretense of virtue. At the same time, though, he writes, ''All those who now consider themselves devotees of the market should take a good look at what is happening in California. Left to its own devices, the free market always seeks a work force that is hungry, desperate and cheap.'' Which is true enough. As Schlosser smartly notes: ''The sort of black market labor once narrowly confined to California agriculture is now widespread in meatpacking, construction and garment manufacturing. The growth of the underground has lowered wages, eliminated benefits and reduced job security in these industries.'' — Sam Difton
Time Magazine
Schlosser isn't attacking the pot industry here; he's going after the institutional hypocrisies that force it underground while leaving far more damaging practices, like the abuse of migrant workers, to fester openly. What ties Reefer Madness together is Schlosser's passionate belief that America is deeply neurotic, a nation divided against itself into a sunny, whitewashed mainstream and a lusty, angry, deeply denied subconscious. He just might be the shrink America needs. — Lev Grossman
The Los Angeles Times
At its most compelling, Reefer Madness is a great, muckraking ride. There's no hype in Schlosser's prose. Instead, he lets a cascade of facts make his points. — Emily Bazelon
The Washington Post
Schlosser attacks this big theme with admirably thorough reporting and a refreshingly clear, no-nonsense writing style. — Philippe Bourgois
Publishers Weekly
From the bestselling author of Fast Food Nation comes this captivating look at the underbelly of the American marketplace. In three sections, Schlosser, an Atlantic Monthly correspondent, examines the marijuana, migrant labor and pornography trades, offering compelling tales of crime and punishment as well as an illuminating glimpse at the inner workings of the underground economy. The book revolves around two figures: Mark Young of Indiana, who was sentenced to life in prison without parole for his relatively minor role in a marijuana deal; and Reuben Sturman, an enigmatic Ohio man who built and controlled a formidable pornography distribution empire before finally being convicted of tax evasion, after beating a string of obscenity charges. Through recounting Young's and Sturman's ordeals, and to a lesser extent, the lives of migrant strawberry pickers in California, Schlosser unravels an American society that has "become alienated and at odds with itself." Like Fast Food Nation, this is an eye-opening book, offering the same high level of reporting and research. But while Schlosser does put forth forceful and unique market-based arguments, he isn't the first to take aim at the nation's drug laws and the puritanical hypocrisy that seeks to jail pornographers while permitting indentured servitude in California's strawberry fields. Nevertheless, this is a solid-and timely-second effort from Schlosser. As world events force Americans to choose values worth fighting for, Schlosser reminds readers, "the price of freedom is often what freedom brings." Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.
Library Journal
Atlantic Monthly correspondent Schlosser made a muckraking splash with Fast Food Nation: The Dark Side of the All-American Meal (an LJ Best Book of 2001). He continues to extend the investigative reporting tradition in this episodic expos of America's black economy. In turn, he takes on the (now largely domestic) marijuana business, California big agriculture's reliance on Mexican migrant workers, and the adult video and bookstore industry. Schlosser follows one specific story within the wider framework of his subjects, and the first one, about a hapless pothead whose incompetent ambition and pride got him a life sentence, is as compelling a read as any thriller. From there the energy flags somewhat; brevity would have better served the tale of one innovative pornographer's rise and fall. Still, even when piling it on, Schlosser has produced a provocative book-this despite a certain na vet in the author's claims about the innocence of pot and porn, both of which he favors fully legalizing. Even dedicated civil libertarians with a bacchanalian bent might argue that recreational drugs and commercial sex provide greater opportunities for exploitation and violence than Schlosser admits into evidence. On balance, however, this book is essential for all public and academic libraries. [Previewed in Prepub Alert, LJ 1/03.]-Scott H. Silverman, Bryn Mawr Coll., PA Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.
Kirkus Reviews
The journalist who gave us the bestselling Fast Food Nation (2001) now investigates selected aspects of that nation’s underground economy. Practitioners of subterranean economics, CD pirates, gun smugglers, check kiters, and tax cheats comprise--but don’t account for--a huge part of our gross domestic product, states Schlosser, admitting that neither he nor anybody else is quite sure exactly how huge it is. Three disparate essays demonstrate how the off-the-books world thrives with pot, porn, and poor farmworkers. First, the author considers marijuana’s history in America and our government’s frequently ambivalent, always cynical attitude toward it. Marijuana farming, indoor and al fresco, is a major cash crop, especially in the heartland. Judging from these interviews, lots of stand-up folk are in the business . . . or in the clink. Schlosser recommends decriminalizing recreational use while keeping it illegal to supply dope, but he doesn’t fully explore how fostering legal demand for illegal supplies would work. Another significant cash crop, handpicked strawberries, keeps Mexican pickers and California growers in a symbiotic embrace, so long as the pickers stay migrant and undocumented. Farm operators insulate themselves with sharecroppers and middlemen. The underpaid, overworked pickers are defenseless, and the author suggests little to help beyond piercing the operators’ free-market cover. He then turns to the free market of pornography, which feeds nice profits to blue-chip corporations as well as dirty old men. In its present state, the industry was the brainchild of one Ruben Sturman, the Disney of Porn, whose lifelong battle with the Feds is engagingly reported. Lots of dirtypictures and nasty books would evaporate, pornographer Larry Flint suggests, if the reformers would just withdraw. Until then the illicit economy flourishes. Schlosser’s pieces remain stubbornly disparate, though individually they make fine reading. Three kinds of muck, raked by an adroit reporter. Author tour
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780618446704
  • Publisher: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt
  • Publication date: 4/1/2004
  • Series: Edition 001 Series
  • Edition description: Reprint
  • Pages: 352
  • Sales rank: 308,208
  • Product dimensions: 5.50 (w) x 8.25 (h) x 0.75 (d)

Meet the Author

Eric Schlosser

Eric Schlosser has been a correspondent for the Atlantic Monthly since 1996. His work has also appeared in Rolling Stone, Vanity Fair, the Nation, and The New Yorker. He has received a National Magazine Award and a Sidney Hillman Foundation Award for reporting. In 1998 Schlosser wrote an investigative piece on the fast food industry for Rolling Stone. What began as a two-part article for the magazine turned into a groundbreaking book: Fast Food Nation: The Dark Side of the All-American Meal (2001). The book helped to change the way that Americans think about what they eat. Fast Food Nation was on the New York Times bestseller list for more than two years, as well as on bestseller lists in Canada, Great Britain, and Japan. It has been translated into more than twenty languages. Schlosser's second book, Reefer Madness: Sex, Drugs, and Cheap Labor in the American Black Market (2003), explored the nation's growing underground economy. It also became a New York Times bestseller. In 2003, Schlosser's first play, Americans, was produced at the Arcola Theatre in London. Hoping to counter the enormous amount of fast food marketing aimed at children, Schlosser decided to write a book that would help young people understand where their food comes from, how it's made, how it affects society, and how it can harm their health. Co-written with Charles Wilson, Chew on This: Everything You Don't Want to Know About Fast Food became a New York Times bestseller in the spring of 2006. Later that year, Fox Searchlight Pictures released a major motion picture based on Fast Food Nation, directed by Richard Linklater and co-written with Schlosser. "It's a mirror and a portrait," the New York Times said of the film, "as necessary and nourishing as your next meal." Schlosser is currently at work on a book about America's prison system.

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Read an Excerpt

THE UNDERGROUND
Adam Smith believed in a God that was kind and wise and all-powerful. The
great theorist of the free market believed in Providence. "The happiness of
mankind," Smith wrote, "seems to have been the original purpose intended by
the Author of nature." The workings of the Lord could be found not in the
pages of a holy book, nor in miracles, but in the daily, mundane buying-and-
selling of the marketplace. Each purchase might be driven by an individual
desire, but behind them all lay "the invisible hand" of the Divine. This invisible
hand set prices and wages. It determined supply and demand. It represented
the sum of all human wishes. Without relying on any conscious intervention
by man, the free market improved agriculture and industry, created surplus
wealth, and made sure that the things being produced were the things people
wanted to buy. Human beings lacked the wisdom, Smith felt, to improve
society deliberately or to achieve Progress through some elaborate plan. But
if every man pursued his own self-interest and obeyed only his "passions,"
the invisible hand would guarantee that everybody else benefited, too.
Published in 1776, The Wealth of Nations later had a profound
effect upon the nation born that year. The idea that "life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness" were unalienable rights, endowed by a Creator, fit
perfectly with the economic theories of Adam Smith. "Life, liberty and estate"
was the well-known phrase that Thomas Jefferson amended slightly for the
Declaration of Independence. The United States was the first country to
discard feudal and aristocratic traditions and replace them with a republican
devotion to marketplace ideals. More than two centuries later, America's
leading companies—General Motors, General Electric, ExxonMobil,
Microsoft, Wal-Mart, Boeing, et al.—have annual revenues larger than those
of many sovereign states. No currency is more powerful than the U.S. dollar,
and the closing prices on Wall Street guide the financial markets of Tokyo,
London, Paris, and Frankfurt. The unsurpassed wealth of the United States
has enabled it to build a military without rival. And yet there is more to the
U.S. economy, much more, than meets the eye. In addition to America's
famous corporations and brands, the invisible hand has also produced a
largely invisible economy, secretive and well hidden, with its own labor
demand, price structure, and set of commodities.
"Black," "shadow," "irregular," "informal," "illegal," "subterranean," "u
nderground"—a variety of adjectives have been used to describe this other
economy. Although defined in numerous ways, at its simplest the American
underground is where economic activities remain off the books, where they
are unrecorded, unreported, and in violation of the law. These activities range
from the commonplace (an electrician demanding payment in cash and failing
to declare the payment as income) to the criminal (a gang member selling
methamphetamine). They include moonlighting, check kiting, and fencing
stolen goods; street vending and tax evading; employing day laborers and
child laborers; running sweatshops and chop shops; smuggling cigarettes,
guns, and illegal immigrants; selling fake Rolexes, pirating CDs. Economists
disagree about the actual size of the underground economy and how to
measure it. Some studies look at the discrepancy between the amount of
personal income declared on tax returns and the amount of money that is
actually spent. Other studies examine changes in currency supply, the
velocity of money, levels of electricity usage. Each of these methodologies
has its merits. All have produced conclusions that are debatable. There is
general agreement, however, on two points: America's underground economy
is vast—and most of its growth occurred in the past thirty years.
Any estimate of illegal economic activity is bound to lack
precision, since it attempts to quantify things that people have carefully tried
to hide. Nevertheless, the best estimates convey a sense of scale and
proportion. In 1997 the Austrian economist Friedrich Schneider calculated the
rise of America's "shadow economy" by tracing changes in the demand for
currency. According to Schneider, in 1970 the size of the underground was
between 2.6 and 4.6 percent of America's gross domestic product (GDP). By
1994 it had reached 9.4 percent of the GDP—about $650 billion. Using a
different methodology in 1998, Charles Rossotti, the commissioner of the
Internal Revenue Service, told Congress that during the previous year
Americans had failed to pay about $200 billion of federal taxes that were
owed, an amount larger than the government's annual spending on Medicare.
Assuming an average federal tax rate of 14 percent, that means Americans
somehow neglected to report almost $1.5 trillion in personal income. The IRS
estimate did not include undeclared earnings from criminal activity.
Two other periods in modern American history were marked by
thriving underground economies. From 1920 to 1933, the prohibition of
alcohol led to widespread trafficking and the rise of organized crime. At the
height of Prohibition, Americans spent about $5 billion a year on alcohol
(roughly $54 billion in today's dollars). This black market constituted about 5
percent of the U.S. gross national product at the time. When Prohibition
ended, some bootleggers became well-respected businessmen. During the
Second World War, the imposition of rationing and price controls created
even larger black markets. A system designed to distribute scarce
commodities fairly had some unanticipated effects: a burgeoning trade in
ration books and a hidden cash economy. Perhaps 5 percent of the nation's
gasoline and 20 percent of its meat were soon bought and sold illegally.
According to one estimate, by the end of the war Americans were failing to
report as much as 15 percent of their personal income. The underground
subsided amid the prosperity of the Eisenhower era. Wages increased, tax
evasion decreased, and no illegal commodity generated the sort of profits
once supplied by bootleg alcohol. And then at some point in the mid- to late
1960s the underground economy began to grow. Conservative economists
point to high income tax rates and excessive government regulation as the
fundamental causes. Liberals contend that declining wages, unemployment,
union busting, and the business deregulation of the Reagan years were much
more responsible for shifting economic activity underground. The
explanations offered by the left and the right are not mutually exclusive. A
stagnant economy prompted Americans of every background to work off the
books. The hippie counterculture of the 1960s and the anti-tax movement of
the late 1970s shared common ground in their dislike of government,
encouraging defiance of the IRS. A new drug culture provided new
opportunities for organized crime. The expansion of America's underground
economy over the last thirty years stemmed not only from economic hardship
and a desire for illegal profits, but also from a growing sense of alienation,
anger at authority, and disrespect for the law.
During roughly the same period similar phenomena occurred
throughout the western industrialized world. The underground economy of the
European Union may now be larger than that of the United States. Years of
high unemployment, high tax rates, illegal immigration, and widespread
disillusion with government have created enormous undergrounds. According
to Friedrich Schneider's estimates, these shadow economies range in size
from an estimated 12.5 percent of GDP in Great Britain to an estimated 27
percent of GDP in Italy. Countries that were once part of the Soviet Union
have even larger black markets. In Estonia the underground is now
responsible for an estimated 39 percent of GDP; in Russia, for an estimated
45 percent; in Ukraine, for an estimated 51 percent. The underground is
sometimes the most vibrant sector of these transition economies, the place
where free enterprise has finally bloomed. But in many ways the growth of
black markets in the developed world represents a step backward. An
expanding underground economy is often associated with increased
corruption and a greater disparity in wealth. For years government officials
and members of the Communist Party secretly profited from the Soviet
Union's "second economy," offering services and commodities unavailable
through the mainstream. The largest undergrounds are now found in the
developing world, where governments are corrupt and laws are routinely
ignored. In Bolivia the underground economy is responsible for an estimated
65 percent of GDP. In Nigeria it accounts for perhaps 76 percent.
The U.S. dollar now serves as the unofficial currency of this new
global underground. During the late 1960s and early 1970s American
economists began to notice that the amount of currency in circulation had
grown much larger than the amount ordinary citizens were likely to use in
their everyday transactions. The discovery led to the first inklings that an
underground economy was emerging in the United States. While business
publications heralded the advent of a cashless, credit-based economy, the
use of banknotes quietly soared. The $100 bill soon became the underground
favorite, not just in the United States, but overseas as well, thanks to its high
face value and the relative stability of the dollar. During the late 1970s the
outflow of currency from the United States averaged about $2 billion a year.
By the 1990s, about $20 billion in U.S. currency was being shipped to foreign
countries every year. Today approximately three-quarters of all $100 bills
circulate outside the United States.
The supremacy of the dollar in the global underground has proven
a boon to the American economy. The outflow of U.S. currency now serves,
in essence, as a gigantic interest-free loan. Every time the U.S. Treasury
issues new banknotes, it purchases an equal value of interest-bearing
securities. Those securities are liquidated only when the currency is taken
out of circulation and put into a bank. In 2000 the U.S. Treasury earned an
estimated $32.7 billion in interest from its banknotes circulating overseas.
The 1996 redesign of the $100 bill was partly motivated by fears that Middle
Eastern counterfeiters had created a convincingly real $100 bill, a "supernote"
that might threaten the role of U.S. currency in unofficial transactions. The
latest threat to the $100 bill comes not from organized crime figures, but from
the central bank of the European Union. The new 500-euro note is perfect for
black market activity. It has roughly five times the value of a $100 bill,
allowing drug dealers and smugglers to lighten their suitcases. Portugal has
banned the 500-euro note for those reasons, and its acceptance in other
foreign undergrounds is not yet certain.
The three essays in this book shed light on different aspects of
the American underground—and on the ways it has changed society, for
better or worse. "Reefer Madness" looks at the legal and economic
consequences of marijuana use in the United States. Pot has become a
hugely popular black market commodity, more widely used throughout the
world than any other illegal drug. The enforcement of state and federal laws
regarding marijuana guides its production, sets the punishments for its users,
and suggests the arbitrary nature of many cultural taboos. Americans not
only smoke more marijuana but also imprison more people for marijuana than
any other western industrialized nation.
"In the Strawberry Fields" examines the plight of migrant workers
in California agriculture, who are mainly illegal immigrants. The state's
recruitment of illegals from Mexico started a trend that has lately spread
throughout the United States. Many employers now prefer to use black
market labor. Although immigrant smuggling looms as a multi-billion-dollar
business in its own right, the growing reliance on illegals has far-reaching
implications beyond the underground, affecting wages, working conditions,
and even the practice of democracy in the rest of society.
"An Empire of the Obscene" traces the history of the pornography
industry through the career of an obscure businessman and his successors.
It describes how a commodity once traded only on the black market recently
entered the mainstream, turning behavior long thought deviant into popular
entertainment. Profits from the sale of pornography that used to be earned by
organized crime figures are now being made by some of America's largest
corporations. The current demand for marijuana and pornography is deeply
revealing. Here are two commodities that Americans publicly abhor, privately
adore, and buy in astonishing amounts.
Linking all three essays is a belief that the underground is
inextricably linked to the mainstream. The lines separating them are fluid, not
permanently fixed. One cannot be fully understood without regard to the
other. The vastness and complexity of the underground challenge the
mathematical certainties of conventional economic thinking. Hard numbers
suddenly appear illusory. Prices on Wall Street rise or fall based on
minuscule changes in the rate of inflation, the unemployment rate, the latest
predictions about the GNP. Billions of dollars may change hands because an
economic measurement shifts by one-tenth of a percent. But what do those
statistics really mean, if 20 percent, 10 percent, or even 5 percent of a
nation's economy somehow cannot be accounted for? America's great
economic successes of the past two decades—in software,
telecommunications, aerospace, computing—are only part of the story.
Marlboro, Camel, and Philip Morris are familiar names, and the tobacco
industry is one of the most powerful lobbies in Washington, D.C. But
Americans now spend more money on illegal drugs than on cigarettes.
The proper role of the state and the proper limits on the free
market are central themes of this book. The political system of the United
States and the economic system proposed by Adam Smith are ostensibly
dedicated to freedom. Since 1776 Americans have been willing to fight and to
die for freedom. You will search long and hard to find an American who thinks
freedom is a bad thing. The question that has been much more difficult to
answer is: Freedom for whom? Should the government be protecting the
freedom of workers or employers? Of consumers, or manufacturers? Of the
majority who live one way, or the minority who choose to live differently? In
the abstract, freedom is always easy to celebrate. But adherence to that lofty
ideal seems impossible to achieve. Despite the best of libertarian intentions,
giving unchecked freedom to one group usually means denying it to another.
What happens in the underground economy is worth examining
because of how fortunes are made there, how lives are often ruined there,
how the vicissitudes of the law can deem one man a gangster or a chief
executive (or both). If you truly want to know a person, you need to look
beyond the public face, the jobs on the résumé, the books on the shelves,
the family pictures on the desk. You may learn more from what's hidden in a
drawer. There is always more to us than what we will admit. If the market
does indeed embody the sum of all human wishes, then the secret ones are
just as important as the ones that are openly displayed. Like the yin and
yang, the mainstream and the underground are ultimately two sides of the
same thing. To know a country you must see it whole.

Copyright © 2003 by Eric Schlosser. Reprinted by permission of Houghton
Mifflin Company.
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Table of Contents

The Underground 1
1 Reefer Madness 11
2 In the Strawberry Fields 75
3 An Empire of the Obscene 109
Out of the Underground 211
Afterword: More Madness 223
Notes 241
Bibliography 303
Acknowledgments 313
Index 315
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Customer Reviews

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( 80 )
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  • Anonymous

    Posted June 3, 2011

    Recommend it if you like porn.

    This book has three parts to it. The first about weed, the second about illegal immigration and how strawberries are grown and the third about porn. While reading the weed section one will be some what frustrated and angry because the way the author writes it is to bring up some of the absurdities the government has over their priorities of who is a dangerous criminal. So even though you may be angry while reading this part it is very well written for that purpose because it makes you angry. This section makes you angry because the author compares how people who got caught selling weed, never stolen, rapped, molested or killed anyone, have longer sentences then people who are a real danger to society such as rapist and murders, who usually get out of jail sooner. It is ridiculous that many jails are over crowing due to people who was in possesion or sold weed while the real criminals such as rapists, molesters, murders or even people who sell harder drugs like heroin or cocaine are being led out free on the streets for less than half the time some one caught with weed is. THe second part is really sad becuase if brings you up front with the living conditions of the illegal immigrants in the united states. It also teaches you a lot on how farmers grow strawberries and which ones to eat, which are the smaller ones. Then finally out of the three sections this section is probably the biggest and about 2/3rds of the book is about porn. I personally did not like reading about porn becuase I am not a big fan of it but if you are then totally go for this book. They talk about the early history of porn and how it got started including the very first commercial porn flick called deep thought. If you like this subject then you will enjoy reading all the interesting magazine names this person Surman sold all over the world. There really are some crazy names. so if you like porn then be my guest but if you dont then dont read it.

    1 out of 2 people found this review helpful.

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    Posted August 12, 2014

    To all children

    This is NOT a public forum for you to spam the reviews section.

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    Posted July 23, 2014

    Hkvj

    Vvvb

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  • Anonymous

    Posted July 20, 2014

    Painful to read

    Detail after detail, this book was painful to read. No narrative arch.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted April 7, 2014

    Diamond

    Walks in

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    Posted April 6, 2014

    Rose

    *She nods.* "Yeah. Anywase, I have to go. My existance is no-linger needed on my NOOK or at least several books." *She dissapoofs.*

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    Rides in inside his limousine

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 31, 2014

    Lighting

    Nods in thanks and wentvto er aparme

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 28, 2014

    Fire

    Wow

    0 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 27, 2014

    Josie

    "Okay."

    0 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 26, 2014

    Misty

    Hey. Im part of the WCPD. Spade: no swering. This... this... thing! No killing. Not even for a good reason. Who cares if the guys beimg a ***********. Live with it. Move on. B&N might find out and shut down this whole thing. You and the clans.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 26, 2014

    Outsider to spade.

    Im into a lot of things but prefer small clans. Good or evil doesnt matter

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 26, 2014

    Alexander

    "Never mind"he said while he walks out "i will be coming back to see who needs to be killed and i just might killl one of you"he runs out of the place back to his hidden camp

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 27, 2014

    Zoe

    Walks in sharpening her dagger

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 26, 2014

    Echo

    "Get me out!" The nude girl whimpers, her eyes looking around in terror.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 26, 2014

    Maddie

    Looked at cole. Do you know of any male slaves here?

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 26, 2014

    Fern

    Im bac

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 25, 2014

    Bree

    She doesn't understand how they're so tired. Today was such an excitig day! She gets up and shows off her curve to the crowd.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted April 2, 2014

    Sierra

    "Okay. And here's something to remember me by." She kissed his cheeks.

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