Render Unto Caesar: Serving the Nation by Living our Catholic Beliefs in Political Life [NOOK Book]

Overview

“People who take God seriously will not remain silent about their faith. They will often disagree about doctrine or policy, but they won’t be quiet. They can’t be. They’ll act on what they believe, sometimes at the cost of their reputations and careers. Obviously the common good demands a respect for other people with different beliefs and a willingness to compromise whenever possible. But for Catholics, the common good can never mean muting themselves in public debate on foundational issues of human dignity. Christian faith is always personal ...
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Render Unto Caesar: Serving the Nation by Living our Catholic Beliefs in Political Life

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Overview

“People who take God seriously will not remain silent about their faith. They will often disagree about doctrine or policy, but they won’t be quiet. They can’t be. They’ll act on what they believe, sometimes at the cost of their reputations and careers. Obviously the common good demands a respect for other people with different beliefs and a willingness to compromise whenever possible. But for Catholics, the common good can never mean muting themselves in public debate on foundational issues of human dignity. Christian faith is always personal but never private. This is why any notion of tolerance that tries to reduce faith to private idiosyncrasy, or a set of opinions that we can indulge at home but need to be quiet about in public, will always fail.”
—From the Introduction

Few topics in recent years have ignited as much public debate as the balance between religion and politics. Does religious thought have any place in political discourse? Do religious believers have the right to turn their values into political action? What does it truly mean to have a separation of church and state? The very heart of these important questions is here addressed by one of the leading voices on the topic, Charles J. Chaput, Archbishop of Denver.

While American society has ample room for believers and nonbelievers alike, Chaput argues, our public life must be considered within the context of its Christian roots. American democracy does not ask its citizens to put aside their deeply held moral and religious beliefs for the sake of public policy. In fact, it requires exactly the opposite.

As the nation’s founders knew very well, people are fallible. The majority of voters, as history has shown again and again, can be uninformed, misinformed, biased, or simply wrong. Thus, to survive, American democracy depends on an engaged citizenry —people of character, including religious believers, fighting for their beliefs in the public square—respectfully but vigorously, and without apology. Anything less is bad citizenship and a form of theft from the nation’s health. Or as the author suggests: Good manners are not an excuse for political cowardice.

American Catholics and other persons of goodwill are part of a struggle for our nation’s future, says Charles J. Chaput. Our choices, including our political choices, matter. Catholics need to take an active, vocal, and morally consistent role in public debate. We can’t claim to personally believe in the sanctity of the human person, and then act in our public policies as if we don’t. We can’t separate our private convictions from our public actions without diminishing both. In the words of the author, “How we act works backward on our convictions, making them stronger or smothering them under a snowfall of alibis.”

Vivid, provocative, clear, and compelling, Render unto Caesar is a call to American Catholics to serve the highest ideals of their nation by first living their Catholic faith deeply, authentically.
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Editorial Reviews

From the Publisher
“Archbishop Chaput has made a unique and significant contribution to the Church and the nation at a time when voices like his are needed to be raised and heard.”
–Very Reverend David M. O’Connell, C.M., president, the Catholic University of America

“This isn’t just a book for Catholics; it’s for anyone who cares about the state of America’s soul.”
–John L. Allen Jr., NCR and CNN senior Vatican correspondent

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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780385528597
  • Publisher: The Doubleday Religious Publishing Group
  • Publication date: 8/12/2008
  • Sold by: Random House
  • Format: eBook
  • Pages: 304
  • Sales rank: 681,911
  • File size: 2 MB

Meet the Author

CHARLES J. CHAPUT, O.F.M. Cap., is the archbishop of Denver, a Capuchin Franciscan, and a former member of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. He lives in Denver, Colorado. He is the author, previously, of Living the Catholic Faith: Rediscovering the Basics.
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Read an Excerpt

1.

STARTING AT THE SOURCE

I wrote this book for two reasons. The first is simple. A friend asked me to do it.

My friend is a young attorney. In 2004, he ran for the Colorado General Assembly on the Democratic Party ticket. He did surprisingly well. He lost by a small margin in a heavily Republican district. But it was an odd experience. He was barely thirty and new to campaigning. His older opponent had an advantage as the incumbent. Worse, he was a political “blue,” but running in traditionally red territory.

Even his own party saw him as a strange creature. My friend believed then and believes now that Roe v. Wade is bad law. Thus, he had trouble with some of his own Democratic colleagues from the day he chose to run. He found out how hard it is to raise money. He felt the same heavy pressure all candidates feel to adjust their principles to win support. What he discovered--like many others--is that being a faithful Catholic in political life is often easier said than done. Some months after the election, he asked me to write down my thoughts about Catholics in public service to help people considering a political career. I agreed.

The irony, though, is this: A very good guide to Catholic citizenship and public leadership already exists. The pastoral statement Living the Gospel of Life, issued in 1998 by the U.S. Catholic bishops--though it had to survive a great deal of internal friction and wrangling first--remains, in my view, the best tool anywhere for understanding the American Catholic political vocation.1 Catholics already know that politics exists to serve the common good. But what is the common good? It’s a thorny question. Some problems are more complicated than others. Some issues have more gravity than others. Some methods to achieve a good end are wrong in themselves. We can never choose them without coarsening the society we inhabit.

Public officials have a special responsibility in sort­ing these things out. This is why the health of our public life requires men and women of strong moral character in political service. No community understands this ­bet­ter than the Catholic Church, from centuries of both good and ugly experience. The genius of Pope John Paul II’s great 1995 encyclical, Evangelium Vitae (The Gospel of Life), is not that it gives us a specific, sectarian blueprint for building a moral society. It doesn’t. Rather, it offers a common architecture for humane political thought and boundaries for government action that cannot be crossed without brutalizing human dignity. When the U.S. bishops issued Living the Gospel of Life, they applied the best of John Paul’s encyclical to the American experience. Not surprisingly, no other document ever issued by the American bishops on political responsibility has the clarity, ­coherence, and force of Living the Gospel of Life. The only sadness is that so few Catholics seem to know about it. In fact, if this book does nothing more than lead more people to read and act on Living the Gospel of Life, it will have partly served its purpose.

The second reason for this book is more personal. Like many other pastors, I deal with the human problems that drive public policy every day: homelessness, poverty, abortion, immigration, and a dozen other issues. No one addresses these problems more directly or effectively than the Catholic Church and other religious communities. Over the past decade I’ve grown increasingly tired of the church and her people being told to be quiet on public issues that urgently concern us. Worse, Catholics themselves too often stay silent out of a misguided sense of good manners. Even those of us who are bishops can sometimes seem more concerned with discretion and diplomacy than speaking plainly and acting clearly. Do not misunderstand me. Discretion and diplomacy are essential skills--but not if they lead to a habit of ­self-­censorship. ­Self-­censorship is an even bigger mistake than allowing ourselves to be lectured by people with little sympathy for our beliefs.

Let me explain what this book will not do. It will not endorse any political party or candidate. Both major U.S. political parties have plenty of good people in their ranks. Neither party fully represents a Catholic way of thinking about social issues. One of the lessons we need to learn from the last fifty years is that a preferred American “Catholic” party doesn’t exist. The sooner Catholics feel at home in any political party, the sooner that party begins to take them for granted and then to ignore their concerns. Party loyalty is a dead end. It’s a lethal form of laziness. Issues matter. Character matters. Acting on principle matters. The sound bite and the slogan do not matter. They belong to a vocabulary of the herd, and human beings deserve better. Real freedom demands an ability to think, and a great deal of modern life seems deliberately designed to discourage that.

This book will not feed anyone’s nostalgia for a Catholic golden age. The past usually looks better as it fades in the rearview mirror. Art Buchwald once said that if you like nostalgia, pretend today is yesterday and then go out and have a great time. I agree. After listening to some ten thousand personal confessions over ­thirty-­seven years of priesthood, I’m very confident that the details of daily life change over time, but human nature doesn’t. We’ve seen better and worse times to be Catholic in the United States than the present. But today is the time in which we need to work.

This book will not be an academic study or a work of formal scholarship. I’ve included endnotes where I believe them to be useful or necessary, but they are not exhaustive. On the other hand, this book certainly does claim to be a statement of common sense amply supported by history, public record, and fact. Readers will also notice that I reference Joseph Ratzinger in various ways throughout this book, but not because of his election in 2005 as Pope Benedict XVI. At least, this is not the main reason. In fact, popes serve, contribute, fade like everyone else and recede into the memory of the church. People usually assume that popes, and all pastors, have far more “power” over events than they actually do.

As successor of Peter, Joseph Ratzinger is a pastor for all Catholics, including American Catholics. But equally important, the course of his life and the development of his thought--as an author, intellectual, and teacher; from his time as a seminarian in the Third Reich, to young theologian, to bishop, to cardinal, to confidant and close adviser to John Paul II, to his own election as pope--offer a unique window on the course of Catholic life in the twentieth and early ­twenty-­first centuries. He belongs to an extraordinary generation of Catholic leaders who lived through war and genocide, remained faithful to Jesus Christ, never lost their love for the church, and struggled hard to renew her mission to the world; a generation we should learn from and which, when it passes, will not come again.

Finally, this book doesn’t offer any grand theory. It does offer thoughts based on my nineteen years as an American Catholic bishop and my interest in our common history. I believe that our nation’s public life, like Christianity itself, is meant for everyone, and everyone has a duty to contribute to it. The American experiment depends on the active involvement of all its citizens, not just lobbyists, experts, think tanks, and the mass media. For Catholics, politics--the pursuit of justice and the common good--is part of the history of salvation. No one is a minor actor in that drama. Each person is important.

I grew up in Concordia, Kansas. It’s a typical small farming community of fewer than seven thousand people. But in those days--the 1950s--Concordia was also the hometown of Senator Frank Carlson, who played a major role in Congress. So it wasn’t unusual for people in Concordia to think they had something valuable to say about politics and life in Washington, D.C. That’s the way it should be. That’s what the founders and framers of our country intended. Every reasonably intelligent person--which means just about all of us--has something important to add to the discussion of our nation’s future. In this book, I speak as a Catholic citizen to fellow American Catholics and other interested Christians. But I hope many other people of good heart will see the importance of these issues and find value in these pages. Ultimately, I believe that all of us who call ourselves American and Catholic need to recover what it really means to be “Catholic.” We also need to find again the courage to be Catholic Christians first--not in opposition to our country, but to serve its best ideals.

Archbishop John Ireland, who liked a good fight, said many decades ago that “if great things are not done by Catholics in America, the fault lies surely with themselves--not with the republic.”2 I sometimes wonder how Ireland might have answered Ted Turner’s famous crack that Christianity is a religion for losers.3 It would be a debate worth paying to see.

Ireland served as a chaplain in the Civil War. He was a forceful, opinionated, energetic man; more than a match for any ­Turner-­style media czar. He was an early supporter of racial equality. Presidents William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt called him a friend. And he was a strong booster of the American experiment--in fact, too strong a booster, which caused him friction with the Holy See and many of his brother bishops. If he were alive today, I suspect Ireland would still be bullish on America. But he might be baffled by our nation’s weirdly divided heart about religion over the last fifty years. The crude ­anti-­Catholic bigotry of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries--the kind so familiar to Archbishop Ireland--has mutated into something different. In our age, it involves an elitist contempt for religion in general, but Christianity in particular.

The late historian Christopher Lasch saw that today, “it is [the leadership classes]--those who control the international flow of money and information, preside over philanthropic foundations and institutions of higher learning, manage the instruments of cultural production and thus set the terms of public debate--that have lost faith in the values” of the American experiment and Western culture in general. In their ­self-­reliance and overconfidence, our “thinking classes have seceded not just from the common world around them but from reality itself.”4

I remember those words from Lasch every time someone warns me that Catholics shouldn’t try to “impose their beliefs” on society. I recall his words whenever I read yet another unhappy opinion columnist urging Christians to respect--revere is often closer to the intended meaning--the separation of church and state.

In fact, Catholics strongly support a proper and healthy separation of the civil and religious dimensions in our national life. History is a great teacher, and one of its lessons is that when religion and the state mingle too intimately, bad things can happen to both. But of course, everything depends on what people mean by a proper and healthy separation. Some persons do sincerely and deeply worry about religion hijacking public life. I respect their views. I also find their worries excessive. I agree that religious people who act or speak rashly can cause such fears. But too often, I find that both of these slogans--“don’t impose your beliefs on society” and “the separation of church and state”--have little to do with fact. Instead, they’re used as debating tools; a kind of verbal voodoo. People employ them to shut down serious thought, like the four legs good, two legs bad chorus in Orwell’s novel Animal Farm. George Orwell had little love for the Catholic Church. But he had even less for the debasement of facts through ­pious-­sounding political slogans. The truth is, no one in mainstream American politics wants a theocracy. No one in mainstream public life wants to force uniquely Catholic doctrines into federal law. So we need to see these slogans for what they frequently are: foolish and sometimes dishonest arguments that confuse our national memory and identity.

The “God question” is part of our public life, and we simply can’t avoid it. Does God exist or not? Each citizen answers that in his or her own way. But the issue is not theoretical. It goes to first premises. It has very practical implications, just as it did at our country’s founding. If we really believe God exists, that belief will inevitably color our personal and public behavior: our actions, our choices, and our decisions. It will also subtly frame our civic language and institutions. If we really believe God exists, excluding God from our public life--whether we do it explicitly through Supreme Court action or implicitly by our silence as citizens--cannot serve the common good because it amounts to enshrining the unreal in the place of the real.

People who take God seriously will not remain silent about their faith. They will often disagree about doctrine or policy, but they won’t be quiet. They can’t be. They’ll act on what they believe, sometimes at the cost of their reputations and careers. Obviously the common good demands a respect for other people with different beliefs and a willingness to compromise whenever possible. But for Catholics, the common good can never mean muting themselves in public debate on foundational issues of faith or human dignity. Christian faith is always personal but never private. This is why any notion of tolerance that tries to reduce faith to a private idiosyncrasy, or a set of opinions that we can indulge at home but need to be quiet about in public, will always fail. As a friend once said, it’s like asking a married man to act single in public. He can certainly do that--but he won’t stay married for long.

The actor James Purefoy once played the early Roman leader Mark Antony. He told an interviewer that he had been stunned, in studying for his role, by the routine brutality of ­pre-­Christian Rome.5 Very few moderns can grasp what ancient society was like, he said, because “even if you are agnostic, even if you’re an atheist,” Christian morals profoundly frame the way you think and live. The Christian system of values is “written all the way through all our actions, all the time.” Christianity has so deeply shaped our environment that we take it for granted. Even people who have no faith at all live in a world largely created by the Christian faith.

I mention this because it connects in an odd way with an experience a friend of mine related while I was working on this book. On April 7, 2007, she returned a book to a local library. It was a Saturday. On the library door she saw a little sign that said, Closed Sunday. That struck her as strange. The libraries in her metro area are always open on Sunday. She drove to another library. She found the same sign. In the end, she visited seven different libraries in three different library districts. All of them typically open their doors on Sunday. All of them had similar Closed Sunday signs, but no explanation.

Of course April 8, 2007, was Easter Sunday. Easter is an inescapably Christian feast. It can’t be fully secularized, no matter how many chocolate bunnies and painted eggs pile up around it. The Resurrection, coming on the heels of a very unpleasant execution, is not an easily tamed story. And exactly this story--the fact of Jesus Christ’s crucifixion and resurrection from the dead--is the starting point, the source, the seed that became the faith, the moral code, the sense of human dignity, the culture, and the civilization we now take for granted every day.

Classical thought, Judaism, and the Enlightenment also played important roles in forming the American mind. But Christians, in a uniquely powerful way, did the building of the American nation. At its best, that nation is an open and humane one, with plenty of room for ­other-­believers and nonbelievers. But if we repudiate the source of our identity--if we treat the religious dimension of our shared public life as a word we don’t mention in explaining a civic holiday--we’re headed for real confusion.

Maybe the libraries my friend visited were afraid of Americans United for the Separation of Church and State. Maybe thousands of other libraries across the country do, in fact, celebrate Easter; but if they do, there’s nothing theocratic about it, and the founders would fully understand.

Like it or not, American Catholics are part of a struggle over our country’s identity and future. If this book helps some of us rediscover what it really means to be Catholic--the purpose of our time in the world, the lessons of our history, the responsibilities of citizenship, and the implications of the Christian faith we claim to believe--then it succeeds. We have obligations as believers. We have duties as citizens. We need to honor both, or we honor neither.

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Table of Contents

1 Starting at the Source 1

2 Men Without Chests 13

3 Why We're Here 34

4 Constantine's Children 55

5 The American Experiment 77

6 A New Dispensation 97

7 What Went Wrong 119

8 Conscience and Cowardice 138

9 A Man for All Seasons 158

10 What Needs to Be Done 177

11 Faithful Citizens 198

12 Afterword: Some Final Thoughts 221

Acknowledgments 235

Notes 237

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Sort by: Showing all of 11 Customer Reviews
  • Posted May 4, 2011

    more from this reviewer

    A defense of Catholic positions in political sphere

    Every two years or so, whenever the US electoral cycle gets back in full swing, there seems to be a renewed interest and controversy concerning the Catholic attitudes and positions in the electoral process. The media seems to be obsessing over the conflicts, real and imaginary, between Catholic politicians and their Church. The lay Catholics seem to be confused and torn between their support for a politician or a cause, and the official teaching of their Church. Various civil liberties groups decry the undue influence that religion has on the political process, and spend considerable time and effort at silencing those who dare to use their faith in the public square. It is partly this cacophony of voices that Charles Chaput, OFM Cap, the current Archbishop of Denver, has in mind when he chose to write "Render Unto Caesar." It is a book that had a particular relevance during the 2008 election season, but will continue to have significance for many years to come. Archbishop Chaput is very clear and exacting when it comes to stressing the importance of certain core Catholic moral beliefs in context of the political sphere, most importantly in case of value and dignity of human life. He is also a vocal defendant of the role of religion in public sphere, and supports his argument from both Christian beliefs and traditions, and from a purely secular point of view. He is also very careful to give a nuanced position on the response of bishops to catholic politicians who publicly defy the teachings of the Church and endorse and support policies that go clearly against those teachings.

    Overall, this is a very well written and informative book that would be invaluable to all Catholics in guiding them to form their own political positions.

    4 out of 5 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted August 17, 2008

    Provocative and a must read

    Chaput is an adroit thinker and an excellent writer. His grasp of American and Catholic history and today's political issues is strong, and his arguments are skillful. This is a very readable, and very persuasive, case for the role religious faith should play in public affairs.

    2 out of 2 people found this review helpful.

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  • Posted October 14, 2011

    Excellent Clear and Courageous

    This is a refreshingly clear and simple book that lays out for Catholics how we are called to live the public dimension of our faith. In a world that is increasingly darkened by rampant secularism and a mentality of "keep your faith private," this book stands out as a light and a beacon of hope. Indeed, we are called to live our faith openly and without apology. Indeed, we are called to engage our full faculties of reason and faith in harmony with each other. Indeed, we are called to be publicly Catholic so as to contribute uniquely and positively to the public aspects of this world which we have been given by our Creator, to whom we are ultimately accountable. Archbishop Chaput's writings here are extremely useful. I highly recommend this book.

    1 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted September 24, 2011

    Highly Recommended

    All politicians need to read this book.

    1 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Posted July 30, 2011

    Getting to know Archbishop Charles Chaput

    If Joseph Ratzinger was "God's Rottweiler" during his time in the Roman Curia under Pope John Paul II, I think he has hopes that Archbishop Charles Chaput will be his lap dog in Philadelphia. I hope not - we don't need a "mini-me" in this city. "Render unto Caesar" is one long convoluted lecture directed at the Catholic laity, especially in America for failing to live up to his standards for Roman Catholics. He has written off France and Italy, and probably all of Europe for their anti-clericalism, but I resent his treatment of Americans in his demeaning chapter "Men without chests". Chaput really unloads on Americans on pages 120-21, quoting a blistering analysis in 1947 by Rev. John Hugo, a theologian with Dorothy Day's Catholic Worker, and says that his words ring true today! Later, on pages 132-33 he delights in quoting writer David Brook's description of Americans as Bobos - short for bourgeois-bohemians. It is astonishing! The only relief in the entire book is his final thoughts in Chapter 12 - especially on the political dimension of the abortion issue - he offers some good advice. Unfortunately, he doesn't address the issue of ecclesiastical corruption in the church, but maybe the archbishop will write a sequel to this book called, "And to God, the things that are God's".

    1 out of 7 people found this review helpful.

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  • Posted October 23, 2008

    Catholic, Christian, Compelling

    If Christians take their faith seriously, they must manifest that faith in every aspect of their life -- even in voting. This is the fundamental assumption, as applied specifically to Catholic Christians, of Archbishop Chaput's latest book. The Gospel of Jesus Christ is to be lived in the fullness of the New Life the Christian receives in Him. The new life of Christ implies, does it not, that human life is of extraordinary value, as intended by God from the beginning. If our politics devalues life at any stage, are those secular beliefs consistent with the faith we profess? Catholics believe that all human life is indeed precious, from conception to natural death. Human rights have no value unless the essential right to life is recognized as the foundational human right. Catholics are obligated to vote and advocate for the right to life of the unborn, the weak, the elderly, the disabled, the poor, and the sick. Party cannot trump the right to life. Union membership cannot take priority over protection of the unborn.

    1 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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    Posted August 9, 2011

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    Posted December 28, 2008

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