Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881-1999

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"Righteous Victims, is a comprehensive and objective history of the long battle between Arabs and Jews for possession of a land they both call home." "Professor Morris finds the roots of this conflict in the deep religious, ethnic, and political differences between the Zionist immigrants and the native Arab population of Palestine." "Tracing the successes and failures of politicians, generals, and diplomats in both camps, he regards their actions and plight with accuracy and empathy, drawing on archival materials, memoirs, and secondary works to
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Overview

"Righteous Victims, is a comprehensive and objective history of the long battle between Arabs and Jews for possession of a land they both call home." "Professor Morris finds the roots of this conflict in the deep religious, ethnic, and political differences between the Zionist immigrants and the native Arab population of Palestine." "Tracing the successes and failures of politicians, generals, and diplomats in both camps, he regards their actions and plight with accuracy and empathy, drawing on archival materials, memoirs, and secondary works to give a vivid account of each major military encounter - and of the vicissitudes of peace efforts from the post-1948 negotiations through the Camp David (1977-79), Oslo (1993-95), and Wye River Plantation (1998) accords." Righteous Victims ends with Mr. Morris's analysis of the current state of play, when the election of Ehud Barak as prime minister (May 1999) has opened the door to a renewal of negotiations between Israel and its Palestinian and Syrian neighbors.
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Editorial Reviews

Ethan Bronner
A significant history of Zionism.... A first-class work of history, bringing together the latest scholarship. It is likely to stand for some time as the most sophisticated and nuanced account of the Zionist-Arab conflict from its beginnings in the 1880's....Morris is almost never judgmental and takes great pains to show complexity, coincidence and skepticism.
New York Times Book Review
Publishers Weekly - Publisher's Weekly
Like Avi Shlaim (see above), Morris is a revisionist historian working to deflate the heroic-romantic Zionist view of Israeli history. A professor of history at Israel's Ben-Gurion University, Morris (The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem) offers readers a more scholarly, rigorous book than either Shlaim or the authors of The Fifty Years War (see above). He also takes a longer and a deeper view, detailing relations between Israel and the Arabs since the beginning of the modern Zionist movement in the late 19th century and digging beneath politics and diplomacy to get at the broader social and cultural history of Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews. One of his central points is that the very success of Israel as a state has allowed the Palestinians to appropriate the identity of history's victims--an identity once central to Israelis' view of themselves. Morris makes very clear how Israel's military and economic successes have slowly forced most of the Arab world to accept a Jewish state. At the same time, he notes the irony that the triumph of Zionism helped create a distinct Palestinian national identity that didn't previously exist. His view of Zionism is almost detached as he documents its successes. He has no trouble calling Zionism a "colonizing" movement, but he doesn't strongly condemn it for being so. His harsh judgment that a "fragmented, venal political elite" retarded the Palestinian cause does not make him deny the merits of the cause. Crisply written, balanced and comprehensive, this is an indispensable work of history. History Book Club alternate selection. (Sept.) Copyright 1999 Cahners Business Information.
Library Journal
This ambitious book seeks to cover more than a century of Zionist-Arab conflict in a single volume. Morris (history, Ben-Gurion Univ.), the author of several books on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, relies on a vast array of sources in Hebrew, Arabic, and English to write a meticulously researched, admirably balanced, and highly readable tome. All major events in the tortuous history of the Arab-Israeli conflict are covered. The author displays a remarkable grasp of the history of the Zionist-Arab conflict and an analytical style that is devoid of the polemics that have characterized so many books on this subject. Essential reading for anyone interested in the Arab-Israeli conflict and in the future of the peace process in the region.--Nader Entessar, Spring Hill Coll., Mobile, AL Copyright 1999 Cahners Business Information.
Booknews
Presents a detailed and objective history of the long battle between Jews and Arabs for possession of a land they both call home. Finds the root of this conflict in the deep religious, ethnic, and political differences between Zionist immigrants and the native Arab population of Palestine, and describes population movements, wars, and the rise of fundamentalist religious movements on both sides. Traces the successes and failures of generals, politicians, and diplomats, drawing on archival materials, memoirs, and secondary works to give a vivid account of military encounters and peace negotiations. Ends with an analysis of the impact of the May 1999 election. The author is a professor of history at Ben-Gurion University, Israel. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com)
Kirkus Reviews
A highly interesting, quite comprehensive, yet also at times jaundiced history of the military and diplomatic aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Morris (History/Ben-Gurion Univ., Israel; The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949, not reviewed), Israel's leading revisionist historian, continues to debunk some of his country's most cherished myths. Concerning Israel's War of Independence, for example, he notes that, contrary to the popular belief, the fledgling nation enjoyed clear military and strategic superiority. His coverage of the recurrent military conflicts is clear, detailed, and otherwise outstanding. But Morris's highly critical view of the Zionist movement and the Jewish state is highly problematic, particularly because it involves a selective marshaling of some historical evidence. For example, he claims that David Ben-Gurion and many other Zionist/Israeli leaders favored the "transfer" of Arabs out of Palestine. The expulsion of tens, and possibly hundreds, of thousands of Palestinian Arabs unquestionably did take place during the War of Independence and Six Day War. Yet as Morris himself makes clear, the term "transfer" conflates advocacy of a planned, possibly compensated exchange of populations and an abrupt expulsion of Arabs. In addition, Morris demonstrates that there was, at best, an inconsistent, often only rhetorical advocacy of transfer. While relating Israeli human-rights violations and atrocities against Arabs, Morris also scants corresponding Palestinian and other Arab acts. Thus, there is almost no mention of the fact that, during the Jordanian occupation of the old city of Jerusalem, all synagogues and other Jewish holy sites were desecrated.Morris generally has a fine sense of historical narrative and, at times, a knack for a telling phrase (he notes of the Arab states that "in 1973 and 1992, they ultimately managed to turn limited military defeat into limited political victory"). Yet his long history of the Arab-Israeli conflict, well documented, highly informative, and fluidly composed as it is, lacks the balance that a less polemical historian might produce. (For another Israeli revisionist history, see Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall, p. 1294.) (History Book Club alternate selection)
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780679421207
  • Publisher: Knopf Publishing Group
  • Publication date: 9/21/1999
  • Pages: 768
  • Product dimensions: 6.32 (w) x 9.26 (h) x 1.52 (d)

Meet the Author

Benny Morris is Professor of History at Ben-Gurion University, Beersheba, Israel, and is the author of a number of books on Middle Eastern history, including The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947 - 1949.
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Read an Excerpt

Many of the villages fought a continual if low-key battle against the Bedouin, who periodically sortied into the settled areas of Palestine from the desert east of the Jordan, from the Negev, and from the Sinai. There were also protracted land and water disputes between villages and sometimes between clans within villages. These feuds, and rivalries between leading urban families and between various towns, such as Jerusalem and Hebron, were to serve as continuous elements of division and weakness in Palestinian Arab society.

Agriculture was primitive, with little irrigation. During the first half of the nineteenth century, land was usually owned by the villagers privately or collectively. The second half of the century saw the growing impoverishment of the villagers, in large part owing to more efficient Ottoman taxation, and a great deal of rural land was bought up by urban notable families (in Arabic, a'yan ), who had accumulated their new wealth as Ottoman agents, especially in tax collection, and through commerce with the West. By the early twentieth century, villagers in dozens of localities no longer owned their land but continued to cultivate it as tenant farmers.

Almost all the large landowners (effendis) were urban notables, some of them living outside Palestine, many in Beirut, Amman, Damascus, and Paris. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, Zionist land purchases from effendis contributed to the roster of dispossessed villagers. The second half of the century witnessed the rapid growth of citrus cultivation, mainly in the humid coastal plain, the produce destined for highly profitable export to Europe. Land became a more attractive investment,and the concomitant price rises led to further sales by impoverished fellahin.

By 1881 a third of Palestine's population was urban -- up from only 22 percent in 1800. Most of the Jews and Christians lived in the towns, making their relative weight there decidedly greater than in the country as a whole. By 1880 Jerusalem's population numbered 30,000, of whom about half were Jews; Gaza's population was 19,000, Jaffa's 10,000, and Haifa's 6,000. The notables in the towns were nurtured by the Ottoman Empire, which gave them various local positions and tax-collecting functions, and by the British authorities after 1917 - 18. The elite families -- the Khalidis, Husseinis, and Nashashibis in Jerusalem; the Ja'bris and Tamimis of Hebron; the Nabulsis, Masris, and Shak'as of Nablus, and others -- supplied municipal officials, judges, police officers, religious officials, and civil servants. Inevitably, given their wealth, power, and influence with the imperial authorities, the a'yan emerged as the Palestinian Arabs' local and eventually "national" leadership. A vast gulf -- based on disparities in educational level and social, economic, and political position -- separated the a'yan from the largely illiterate masses.

The second half of the nineteenth century saw a gradual modernization of the country, accompanying the growing urbanization. While most villages and towns were connected by footpaths rather than paved roads, and people and goods still moved on foot or by horse, camel, or mule rather than in wheeled vehicles, a carriage-road, the first in Palestine, was constructed in 1869 between Jaffa and Jerusalem. The first railroad was laid down in 1892 (also between these two towns), and a second railroad, connecting Haifa and Deraa, running through the Jezreel Valley, was constructed in 1903 - 05.

The century also witnessed a steady increase in literacy. It is estimated that around 1800 only 3 percent of the non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine were literate (mostly elder sons of the a'yan). As the century progressed, an education "system" emerged, mostly owing to the penetration of European missionaries rather than to Ottoman or local Arab initiative.

During the first half of the nineteenth century, lighting was provided by candles and the burning of olive oil. In the 1860s, naphtha was introduced, and generator-produced electricity reached Palestine during the first decade of the twentieth century. Through the nineteenth century the population was plagued by diseases such as malaria, trachoma, dysentery, cholera, and typhoid fever. Water supplies were inadequate and frequently impure. But the first pharmacy opened its doors in 1842; and the first European hospital, in Jerusalem, in 1843. By the end of the century, there were fifteen hospitals in the town, making it the center of European medicine in Palestine and beyond.

The Turkish Administration

The Ottoman Empire, which ruled Palestine from 1517 to 1917 - 18, was aware of the land's importance as the cradle of Judaism and Christianity but never made it a separate, distinct administrative district. In the 1870s Palestine was part of the province (vilayet) of Syria, which was ruled by a governor (wali) stationed in Damascus. The province was subdivided into districts (sanjaks), three of them in Palestine: Acre, including Haifa, the area of today's Hadera, the Jezreel and Jordan Valleys, the Sea of Galilee, Safad, and Tiberias; Nablus, including Beisan, Jenin, and Qalqilya; and Jerusalem, which included Jericho, Jaffa, Gaza, Beersheba, Hebron, and Bethlehem. The sanjaks in turn were divided into subdistricts, administered by local governors called kaymakams.

In 1887 the sanjak of Jerusalem became an independent mutasarriflik (subgovernorate) answerable directly to Constantinople rather than to Damascus. The following year, the rest of Palestine -- the sanjaks of Nablus and Acre -- were separated from the vilayet of Sam (Syria) and became the responsibility of a newly created vilayet of Beirut. The new entity, which consisted of the area of much of present-day Lebanon, thus also controlled the northern half of Palestine.

During a decade of Egyptian rule in Palestine (1831 - 40), the authorities had managed to impose more or less centralized government. The powerful Egyptian army, led by Ibrahim 'Ali, brushed aside most of the local magnates who had managed to carve out de facto fiefdoms in different areas of the country. They also staved off the Bedouin incursions from the eastern and southern deserts that had done so much to keep Palestine insecure and poor.

On their return, the Turks instituted a wide range of reforms (tanzimat) -- economic, administrative, legal, military, and political -- but with mixed results. The new, more efficient and centralized taxation resulted in massive impoverishment of the rural population, which in turn led to the steady depopulation of villages and an influx into the towns. Efforts to conscript villagers into the Turkish army, a return of brigandage on the roads, and renewed Bedouin incursions -- all had the same effect. The village rulers, or sheikhs, who before the Egyptian conquest had had considerable authority, lost much of it as their role as tax collectors for the central government passed into the hands of Ottoman officials and urban notables.

At the same time economic conditions as well as law and order in the towns vastly improved. Trade with the West picked up. The urban notables became wealthier and acquired more land. Turkish reforms of local government, both in Palestine and Syria, including the appointment of town councils, also resulted in increasing the power of the a'yan and religious leaders (the ulema) at the expense of Ottoman governors and subgovernors. These reforms proved to be milestones on the road to the emergence of centrifugal Arab "nationalisms." In other ways, too, the tanzimat -- which aimed at centralization and unity -- contributed to disunity in the Arab provinces of the empire. The impoverishment of the countryside and the growing prosperity of the towns drove a wedge between townspeople and the fellahin, or peasantry. And the Sublime Porte's firmans (decrees) of 1839 and, more decisively, of 1856 -- equalizing the status of Muslim and non-Muslim subjects -- resulted in short order in the dramatic alienation of Muslims from Christians. The former resented the implied loss of superiority and recurrently assaulted and massacred Christian communities -- in Aleppo in 1850, in Nablus in 1856, and in Damascus and Lebanon in 1860. Among the long-term consequences of these bitter internecine conflicts were the emergence of a Christian-dominated Lebanon in the 1920s - 40s and the deep fissure between Christian and Muslim Palestinian Arabs as they confronted the Zionist influx after World War I.

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgments
Preface
1 Palestine on the Eve 3
2 The Beginning of the Conflict: Jews and Arabs in Palestine, 1881-1914 37
3 World War I, the Balfour Declaration, and the British Mandate 67
4 The Arabs Rebel 121
5 World War II and the First Arab-Israeli War, 1939-49 161
6 1949-1956 259
7 The Six-Day War, 1967 302
8 The War of Attrition 347
9 The October War, 1973 387
10 The Israeli-Egyptian Peace, 1977-79 444
11 The Lebanon War, 1982-85 494
12 The Intifada 561
13 Peace at Last? 611
14 Ehud Barak's 19 Months 652
Conclusions 676
Notes 695
Selected Bibliography 737
Index 753
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