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Sailing from Byzantium: How a Lost Empire Shaped the World

Sailing from Byzantium: How a Lost Empire Shaped the World

3.5 2
by Lloyd James (Narrated by), Colin Wells

A gripping intellectual adventure story, Sailing from Byzantium sweeps you from the deserts of Arabia to the dark forests of northern Russia, from the colorful towns of Renaissance Italy to the final moments of a millennial city under siege....Byzantium: the successor of Greece and Rome, this magnificent empire bridged the ancient and modern worlds for more


A gripping intellectual adventure story, Sailing from Byzantium sweeps you from the deserts of Arabia to the dark forests of northern Russia, from the colorful towns of Renaissance Italy to the final moments of a millennial city under siege....Byzantium: the successor of Greece and Rome, this magnificent empire bridged the ancient and modern worlds for more than a thousand years. Without Byzantium, the works of Homer and Herodotus, Plato and Aristotle, Sophocles and Aeschylus, would never have survived. Yet very few of us have any idea of the enormous debt we owe them.The story of Byzantium is a real-life adventure of electrifying ideas, high drama, colorful characters, and inspiring feats of daring. In Sailing from Byzantium, Colin Wells tells of the missionaries, mystics, philosophers, and artists who against great odds and often at peril of their own lives spread Greek ideas to the Italians, the Arabs, and the Slavs.Their heroic efforts inspired the Renaissance, the golden age of Islamic learning, and Russian Orthodox Christianity, which came complete with a new alphabet, architecture, and one of the world's greatest artistic traditions. The story's central reference point is an arcane squabble called the Hesychast controversy that pitted humanist scholars led by the brilliant, acerbic intellectual Barlaam against the powerful monks of Mount Athos led by the stern Gregory Palamas, who denounced "pagan" rationalism in favor of Christian mysticism.Within a few decades, the light of Byzantium would be extinguished forever by the invading Turks, but not before the humanists found a safe haven for Greek literature. The controversy of rationalism versus faith would continue to be argued by some of history's greatest minds. Fast-paced, compulsively readable, and filled with fascinating insights, Sailing from Byzantium is one of the great historical dramas-the gripping story of how the flame of civilization was saved and passed on.

Editorial Reviews

Publishers Weekly
In this deft synthesis of scholarship, classicist Wells shows how the Byzantines exerted a profound influence on all neighboring civilizations. Concrete examples still exist that testify to that influence-such as Sant'Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, Italy-but this book focuses on the more ineffable products of culture that traveled from the Bosporus, influencing Western, Islamic and Slavic cultures. The story of Renaissance Europe's embrace of pagan learning is familiar, but Wells tells of a fascinating intellectual circuit that begins with the transmission of Greek learning to the newly powerful Arabs and leads to Averro s's commentary on Aristotle, Aquinas's use of this commentary and finally to the Byzantine Cydones's translation of Aquinas in the 14th century. By then, the dominant Orthodox movement of Hesychasm deemed pagan learning incompatible with Christian faith, forcing many humanists to the Catholic West. Wells devotes much space to the Hesychasts and blames them for this betrayal of Greek heritage and for weakening the empire before its final collapse in 1453, but duly credits them with shaping the Russian Orthodox Church and positioning Moscow as the Third Rome. This volume, which contains a useful glossary of historical figures, detailed maps and a time line, is a superb survey of Byzantium's many cultural bequests. (July 25) Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information.
Library Journal
Wells, an independent scholar specializing in Greek, Latin, and Byzantine topics, considers how Byzantium, the Eastern, Greek-language Roman Empire of the Middle Ages, influenced three successor civilizations Western Europe, Islam, and the eastern Slavic world of the Balkans and Russia. In Part 1, Wells relates how Byzantine scholars and teachers, many fleeing the Turks, settled in 15th-century Italy, where they introduced ancient Greek literature to Western scholars and helped launch the humanist movement that contributed to the Italian Renaissance. In Part 2, he looks at Byzantium's contribution to Islamic thought the scholars and translators who would introduce the Arab Muslims to Greek philosophy, medicine, and science, leading to a golden age of Arab science, which would eventually be repudiated by Islamic fundamentalists who sought to suppress the rational inquiry that was the basis of Greek philosophy and science. Next, Wells looks at the religious legacy that Byzantium transmitted to the eastern Slavic world the Orthodox Christianity of the Slavic churches, resulting from tireless missionary work, which may be the most enduring legacy of Byzantium. This history is a needed reminder of the debt that three of our major civilizations owe to Byzantium. Highly recommended for public and academic libraries. Robert J. Andrews, Duluth P.L., MN Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information.
Kirkus Reviews
Comprehensive examination of the formative influence of Byzantine culture and scholarship on Western Europe, the Islamic world and the Slavic nations. First-time author Wells breaks up the saga of Constantinople (Byzantium to the ancient world) into three sections based on the principle cultures it helped shape from the time of Emperor Justinian's rule in the sixth century a.d. until the year 1453, when the Turks finally overwhelmed the legendary walled city and made it their capital. Each section overlaps the other two yet contains its own formidable cast of characters, including obscure ecclesiasts, and exhaustive examinations of philosophical nuances particular to its culture. Readers get considerable help in deciphering this relatively esoteric material from the book's front matter: capsule biographies of key personages; a comparative timeline covering all three regions; and eight historical maps. While the aim is to make available to a general audience what has been a rarified area of scholarship, readers will need incentive to plow through it all. The rewards are incisive perspectives on the all-but-forgotten roots of an elemental ideological clash between Faith and Reason that still resonates today. If Byzantine scholars had not preserved ancient Greek culture, Wells establishes, Western Europe might well never have recovered the pillars of literature, philosophy and science upon which to build the Renaissance. Plutarch, the so-called father of humanism, may not quite have mastered the 56 different noun types and other complexities of ancient Greek, but Florentine scholars of the golden Quattrocentro were all over it a few generations later, the author reminds us. Islamicthinkers came to Byzantium to worship the legacy of Aristotle centuries before Wahabism overcame the quest for knowledge in a declining society. The emerging Slavs, particularly Bulgars and Russians, literally begged for Christian missionaries, thereby assuring Byzantium's Greek Orthodox religion a place in posterity. Eye-opening in its vast cache of references.
From the Publisher
"Wells's arguments are delivered with scholarly precision by Lloyd James…. James reads with the passion that Wells has for his subject." ---AudioFile

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Sailing from Byzantium

By Colin Wells

Random House

Colin Wells
All right reserved.

ISBN: 0553803816

Chapter One

Chapter One

Toward a Parting of the Ways

Travel to Italy, and you'll find that Byzantium is never more than a stone's throw away. Even that short distance is closed, discreetly but persistently, when you step into the painting galleries, the museums, and especially the churches. In these places Byzantium swirls gently around you like a mist, muting the hum of German, American, and Japanese voices: in Venice's Basilica di San Marco, for example, built with the help of Byzantine artisans, modeled on Constantinople's long-lost Church of the Holy Apostles, and adorned with loot from Venice's conquest of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade; or in San Vitale at Ravenna, where the famous mosaics of the Byzantine emperor Justinian and his wife, the notorious stripper-turned-empress Theodora, each with their retinues, gaze limpidly at each other across fifteen yards of apse and as many centuries.

Byzantium comes to life in the monuments of Italy as nowhere else in Europe, and in the monuments of Ravenna as nowhere else in Italy. Venice certainly has more of a Byzantine feel today, but it's the feel of a much later period, and anyway Venice's Byzantium is generally either lifted or copied. Ravenna's Byzantium is primal. Built long before the Venetians sank their first piling, its swampy environs more easily defensiblethan Rome, Ravenna in the early Middle Ages was the capital of the Byzantine administration in Italy.

Then came the barbarians--Vandals, Goths, and others--whose turbulent arrival and usurpation of political power we know as "the fall of Rome." Determined to reclaim the lost territory, in the middle of the sixth century Justinian carried out a ruthless and grueling Reconquest of Italy and other parts of the Western empire. Having completed the long war, he built San Vitale to celebrate his victory.

A few minutes' walk from San Vitale, mosaics in the church of Sant'Apollinare Nuovo offer a very different message from the bland, assertive gaze of the imperial couple and their retinues. Built by the Gothic king and statesman Theoderic the Great just before Justinian came to the throne, Sant'Apollinare Nuovo precedes San Vitale by a generation. It proclaims in the most buoyant terms the Goths' arrival on the Roman scene. Two extended series of mosaics face each other on the church's long interior walls: a grand cityscape of Ravenna featuring Theoderic's palace on the south wall and a view of the nearby port of Classis on the north wall.

The cityscape on the south wall once included portraits of Goths, members of Theoderic's Amal dynasty or other nobles; after the Reconquest, just as they had painstakingly rooted the Goths out of Italy, the Byzantines prised out and replaced the mosaic stones constituting the Gothic figures. A visitor today can clearly make out the dappled areas where the new stones, which don't quite match, were applied. On the edges of columns depicted next to the palace, between which billowing curtains replaced the original Gothic figures leaning against them, you can still see a few fingers: they are remains left by the revision, too delicately embedded to chip away from the mosaic columns, so that it looks as if the last of the Goths hide there behind them, waiting to spring out through the curtains. On the wall nearby, what appears to be a portrait of Theoderic has had his name excised from the legend and that of Justinian written in.

Sant'Apollinare Nuovo reflected a widespread state of affairs in Europe at the time, a civilization really, but a clumpy one that scholars have given the name "sub-Roman": the part-Roman, part-barbarian cluster of cultures, like the Goths, that arose in the West over the fragmented course of the fourth and fifth centuries. These yeasty little worlds were the earliest signs of the Western Europe to come, and appeared first in the former Roman colonies from Spain through Gaul to Germany and down into the Balkans, and then eventually in Italy itself.

In Italy under the Goths, however, there wouldn't be time for the brew to ferment properly; the vessel would soon be shattered for good by Justinian's vain attempt to grab it back. Not only the Goths would suffer, for virtually the entire peninsula would be wrecked, its people deeply traumatized by what was theoretically their rescue.

It was not the barbarian invasions at all, but the havoc of this brutal Byzantine Reconquest that ended the ancient world in the West.

Yet, Theoderic's reign in Italy, which came right before the Reconquest, had an air of optimism. The early fifth century had been violent and unsettling in the West, with Roman rule petering out and the incoming barbarians taking over in uneasy partnership with the now rudderless Roman local elites: Vandals ending up in Africa, Visigoths in Spain, Franks in Gaul. Rome itself was twice laid open to barbarian armies, in 410 and again in 455. The crumbling of Roman power had led a Christian bishop and writer from Roman Africa, one Augustine of Hippo, to turn away from the earthly landscape and point his readers toward the City of God, whose pristine invulnerability stood in splendid contrast to Rome's decay. However, within a few short decades the West turned a corner.

The year 476, later seen as the end of the empire in the West, in fact passed unremarked by contemporaries. The absence of imperial power had by then lost its fearsome aspect. In the last decade of the century, the Byzantines invited Theoderic--himself raised and more or less educated in Constantinople--to occupy Italy with his followers. The Goths set themselves up in an uneasy alliance with the old Roman senatorial elites, ruling Italy in the name of good government and of the "Roman" emperor in Byzantium.

Procopius, the main Byzantine historian of this era, describes Theoderic as popular and dignified. The Gothic king, we are told, "was exceedingly careful to observe justice, he preserved the laws on a sure basis, he protected the land and kept it safe from the barbarians dwelling round about, and attained the highest possible degree of wisdom and manliness." Though in time Theoderic himself could be considered "in name a tyrant," Procopius goes on, "in fact he was as truly an emperor as any who have distinguished themselves in this office from the beginning."

Procopius' description hints at a few of the intriguing ambiguities that characterize this shifting world. What made a barbarian? A tyrant? A king? Indeed, an emperor? Byzantines and Italians would soon begin to come up with conflicting answers to such questions as they slowly went their separate ways. The long divergence--marked by tiny, imperceptible steps rather than huge, irrevocable ones--stretched over the whole thousand-year history of Byzantium.

Boethius and Cassiodorus

To start us on the path to this parting of the ways, we shall call on two learned Roman gentlemen of Theoderic's day, Boethius and Cassiodorus. Like double-faced Janus, the Roman god of arrivals and departures, each looks in two directions at once, harkening back to the fading world of antiquity and beckoning us forward into the emerging world of the Middle Ages.

Modern scholars invariably introduce Boethius as "the last of the Romans and the first of the Scholastics."* What this comes down to is that Boethius was the last Western European of cultural consequence to know Greek and Greek philosophy for a very long time. He wasn't the absolute last--there were a number of stragglers, certainly more than used to be thought--but he was the last heavyweight, at the very least until Thomas Aquinas and other Scholastics rediscovered Aristotle starting in the twelfth century, some seven centuries later. Even then few if any Scholastics had Boethius' knowledge of ancient Greek; knowledge on that level in the West would have to wait nearly a thousand years, for the Renaissance scholars of quattrocento Florence.

It isn't certain how Boethius learned his Greek, or where he learned it, though it's possible from hints in the sources that he studied in Athens or Alexandria, or both, as a young man. If so, it wasn't much longer that such sojourns, once standard practice for a vanishing Mediterranean-wide

* Scholasticism was the major intellectual movement in Europe before the rise of humanism, and it, too, was stimulated by the discovery of ancient literature--in this case, the partial recovery of Aristotle's thought in the twelfth century. It is closely associated with the rise of universities or "schools." The greatest scholastic was St. Thomas Aquinas, whose thought was incorporated into Catholic doctrine after his death. Scholasticism stressed the use of reason and dialectical disputation in the formulation of theology.

Quattrocentro, Italian for "four hundreds," refers to the fifteenth century and its cultural innovations in Italy.

upper class, would be possible. Boethius' father died when he was still a boy, and he was adopted by an older relative, Symmachus, a leading figure in Rome who also had strong ties to the literary culture of the Greek East. The refined Symmachus, it turns out, nursed an ambitious plan for restoring Italian familiarity with the Greek classics, and this may have been among his reasons for sponsoring his brilliant younger relative. Under Symmachus' guidance, Boethius undertook the almost unbelievably audacious project not only of translating into Latin the entire works of Plato and Aristotle, with commentary, but also of reconciling their often divergent philosophical views. And he planned to do this in his spare time, since from the age of about twenty he was writing prodigiously as well as filling increasingly important political positions for Theoderic.

Theoderic clearly valued Boethius' wide-ranging intellect, making it part of plans he had for revitalizing higher Roman culture and fixing in place its Gothic veneer. But he also had worldly reasons for promoting Greek learning in Italy. Boethius' learning had a practical side, and the king took full advantage of it in promoting his domestic and foreign prestige agendas: fulsomely flattering letters exist in which he asks Boethius to devise a tamper-proof system of weights and measures, to find a skilled harpist to send to Clovis, king of the Franks, and to come up with two timepieces, one a sundial and the other a water clock, as impressive gifts for Gundobad, king of the Burgundians. The letters present a pretty picture of peaceful coexistence, cooperation even, between the Roman senatorial class--of which Boethius was a member--and its new Gothic masters in Ravenna.

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From the Publisher
"Wells's arguments are delivered with scholarly precision by Lloyd James…. James reads with the passion that Wells has for his subject." —-AudioFile

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Colin Wells is Professor of Classical Studies, Trinity University.

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