Six Months in 1945: FDR, Stalin, Churchill, and Truman--from World War to Cold War [NOOK Book]

Overview

From the author of the best-selling One Minute to Midnight, a riveting account of the pivotal six-month period spanning the end of World War II, the dawn of the nuclear age, and the beginning of the Cold War.

When Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill met in Yalta in February 1945, Hitler’s armies were on the run and victory was imminent.  The Big Three wanted to draft a blueprint for a lasting peace—but instead set the stage for a ...
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Six Months in 1945: FDR, Stalin, Churchill, and Truman--from World War to Cold War

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Overview

From the author of the best-selling One Minute to Midnight, a riveting account of the pivotal six-month period spanning the end of World War II, the dawn of the nuclear age, and the beginning of the Cold War.

When Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill met in Yalta in February 1945, Hitler’s armies were on the run and victory was imminent.  The Big Three wanted to draft a blueprint for a lasting peace—but instead set the stage for a forty-four-year division of Europe into Soviet and western spheres of influence. After fighting side by side for nearly four years, their political alliance was rapidly fracturing. By the time the leaders met again in Potsdam in July 1945, Russians and Americans were squabbling over the future of Germany and Churchill was warning about an “iron curtain” being drawn down over the Continent.

These six months witnessed some of the most dramatic moments of the twentieth century: the cataclysmic battle for Berlin, the death of Franklin Roosevelt, the discovery of the Nazi concentration camps, Churchill’s electoral defeat, and the dropping of atomic bombs on Japan. While their armies linked up in the heart of Europe, the political leaders maneuvered for leverage: Stalin using his nation’s wartime sacrifices to claim spoils, Churchill doing his best to halt Britain’s waning influence, FDR trying to charm Stalin, Truman determined to stand up to an increasingly assertive Soviet superpower.

Six Months in 1945 brilliantly captures this momentous historical turning point, chronicling the geopolitical twists behind the descent of the iron curtain, while illuminating the aims and personalities of larger-than-life political giants. It is a vividly rendered story of individual and national interests in fierce competition at a seminal moment in history.
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Editorial Reviews

Library Journal
In February 1945, when Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin met in Yalta, the start of the Cold War lay only months away. Dobbs, a former Washington Post reporter who covered the fall of communism and authored the best-selling One Minute to Midnight, about 1960s nuclear brinkmanship, should have the perspective to cover this story. Lots of in-house enthusiasm.
The Washington Post - Keith Lowe
…the main thrust of Dobbs's argument remains elegant and convincing. In the end it is a paradoxical book: diverse yet well focused, detailed yet frustrating in its inability to follow up those details, inaccurate on specifics yet correct in its broad sweep. It covers well-trodden ground and yet makes it seem fresh; and even as one questions its reasoning, one cannot help being swept away by it. For all the flaws in its design, it is never less than compelling. That alone, regardless of the rest, makes this book worth reading.
Publishers Weekly
According to popular mythology, from February to August 1945 allied armies rolled to victory in WWII, but then ineffectual Western leaders caved in to Stalin, resulting in the cold war. Veteran journalist Dobbs (One Minute to Midnight) takes a more nuanced view and asserts that neither Russian nor Western leaders understood one another’s inner workings. In mapping a course for Europe, both Roosevelt, at Yalta in February 1945, and Truman, at Potsdam in July of that year, failed to sway Stalin from his desire to impose a Soviet sphere of influence on Eastern Europe. Critics labeled this a betrayal of democratic ideals, but the Red Army was on the spot, and no one supported a war to eject them. Skeptical of the great man theory of history, Dobbs thinks that the cold war was probably inevitable, and merely delayed by the presence of a mutual enemy. He says also that Stalin was not, like Hitler, purely autocratic, and operated within the Soviet Union’s own systemic constraints. His goal was to prepare for a new war with the West within the next 20 years, but Eastern Europe proved a persistent drain and the U.S.S.R.’s clunky command economy could not hope to satisfy its citizens. Dobbs offers an astute narrative of the six months that changed the world. 8 maps. Agent: Raphael Sagalyn, Sagalyn Literary. (Oct.)
From the Publisher
Praise for Michael Dobbs' Six Months in 1945

“Superb . . . Dobbs tells the story with the precision of a fine historian and the verve of a first-rate journalist.”
The Dallas Morning News
 
“Elegant and convincing. . . . Dobbs’s description of the fledgling relationship between the two superpowers is unerringly fascinating.”
The Washington Post
 
“[S]uperbly evocative . . . So vivid is the writing that you can practically feel the shuddering vibration and turbulence in what was then the state-of-the-art aircraft carrying Roosevelt on the first visit by an American president to the Soviet Union.”
San Francisco Chronicle
 
“A gifted storyteller and thorough researcher with an eye for detail . . . tension and suspense aplenty.”
Washington Times

“This extraordinary and well-documented account of a short period in history illustrates how just a few men in a closed room can influence history in a monumental and sometimes devastating way. Six Months in 1945 is an important book to read to better understand how such negotiations influence us for decades. It illustrates that events and decisions made on the world stage affect us all, without most of us being aware of the decisions.”
Free Lance-Star

“Elegantly written . . . Dobbs delivers engaging portraits of the national leaders . . . . A confident and rewarding survey of a hinge point in 20th century history.”
Kirkus Reviews

“Dobbs brings these ‘six months in 1945’ to life better than anyone before him. In brisk, engrossing chapters, he weaves between the Big Three decision-makers . . . and sketches their stratagems, illusions, strengths and weaknesses.”
Military Book Club

“Dobbs is a gifted writer. His characterizations of powerful men are well judged and rounded, as are his evaluations of the fateful choices they faced.”
Foreign Affairs

“Dobbs lends the subject an immediacy that will engage history readers. . . . a readily accessible presentation of the onset of the Cold War.”
Booklist

“An astute narrative of the six months that changed the world.”
Publishers Weekly

Library Journal
Dobbs persuasively locates the beginning of the Cold War in the period roughly between the Yalta Conference of February 1945 and the Potsdam Conference in July, when the victorious Allies met up against the intractable problems of reconciling their divergent interests and war aims. The later confrontations of the Cold War, he says, were adumbrated by early tests of will that took place even before the end of war. The end of the war in Europe, and the prospect of an atomic bomb, accelerated the wartime Allies' desire to consolidate and improve their respective positions before Japan surrendered. Using many primary sources, Dobbs sketches vivid portraits of the leaders who shaped events, or neglected to do so, and ably conveys the tension and uncertainty of the era. VERDICT Recommended for serious and lay military historians, and all readers seeking an understanding of the origins of the Cold War.—RF
Kirkus Reviews
A close look at one of the most consequential six-month periods of the last century. In the six months following the "Big Three" conference in Yalta in February 1945, Franklin Roosevelt died and was succeeded by Truman, Germany surrendered, the United Nations convened in San Francisco, Churchill was turned out, and the atomic bomb was tested and then dropped on Japan. Yalta seemed to produce broad agreements on strategies to end the war and cooperate in the occupation of a unified Europe. By the time the newly constituted Big Three met again in Potsdam in August, however, Germany and Europe were becoming irrevocably divided and world war was evolving into cold war, despite the intentions of all three leaders. In this elegantly written narrative, longtime journalist Dobbs (One Minute to Midnight: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and Castro on the Brink of Nuclear War, 2009, etc.) shows how the Allies' political and economic systems ultimately proved hopelessly incompatible. Words like "elections," "democracy," "fascism" and "freedom" meant very different things to the Soviets than they did to the Americans and British, leading each side to accuse the other of reneging on their commitments. Against a background of savage ethnic cleansing, Stalin imposed Soviet-style governments on territory held by the Red Army and pillaged surviving industrial equipment, while the Americans moved to keep German uranium and atomic scientists from falling into Soviet hands. When the Russians refused to supply Pomeranian grain and Silesian coal for western Germany and began interfering with access to Berlin, the alliance had clearly devolved into deadly rivalry. Dobbs delivers engaging portraits of the national leaders and often amusingly detailed accounts of their conferences, while demonstrating that "sometimes history has a mind of its own, riding roughshod over the decisions of the most charismatic personalities and moving in directions contrary to their desires." A confident and rewarding survey of a hinge point in 20th-century history.
The Barnes & Noble Review

On April 25, 1945, First Lieutenant Albert Kotzebue led an American platoon east of the Mulde River in central Germany. The countryside was in the full bloom of spring, creating a stark contrast with the misery of the refugees they met — old men, women, and children hauling the remnants of their lives. The Americans also encountered German soldiers desperate to surrender to anyone but the Soviets, as well as Allied POWs still dazed after their release from captivity. When they reached the edge of their patrol zone, Lt. Kotzebue and his men pushed on, betting they could be the first Americans to encounter Russian soldiers. With the American and British forces closing in from the West and the Red Army advancing from the East, it was just a matter of time before they met. In the village of Leckwicz, Lt. Kotzebue got his wish, exchanging terse greetings with a Red Army cavalryman conducting a scouting mission on horseback.

Lt. Kotzebue described the Russian as "reserved, aloof, suspicious, not enthusiastic." Those same words could be used to describe the Allies in their dealings with one another as World War II came to a close. In Six Months in 1945: FDR, Stalin, Churchill, and Truman — From World War to Cold War, Michael Dobbs takes as his subject the final stretch of the war. "Few historical turning points are as rich in drama as the six months between February and August 1945, a period bookended by the Big Three conference in Yalta and the bombing of Hiroshima," he writes. Wading into the contentious debate over when the Cold War started, Dobbs argues that the Allies became adversaries during the final six months of World War II. For Dobbs, there is no point after the war when it could have worked out differently. The course was set.

Dobbs deploys a technique in Six Months in 1945 that he used in One Minute to Midnight: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and Castro on the Brink of Nuclear War. The narrative emerges from historical snapshots that capture both big dramatic events and more intimate moments. It puts historical actors and their quirks front and center, making for a novelistic read. Dobbs says in his introduction that he's writing "the story of the people — presidents and commissars, generals and foot soldiers, victors and vanquished." We meet the familiar cast of World War II — Stalin, Molotov, Zhukov, Churchill, Eden, Bevin, Roosevelt, Truman, Brynes, Stimson — along with lesser-known figures like Lt. Kotzebue and Edwin Pauley, an American member of the Allied Reparations Commission. Pauley found himself on the wrong end of a Russian rifle when he got caught filming the Soviet looting operation in Berlin. Dobbs is at his best as a storyteller when he steps away from well-known personalities — and avoids a maddening tendency to rely on block quotes.

He begins the book by throwing the reader into the Yalta Conference, observing its deliberations through the eyes of Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin. Gossipy details abound, giving the reader a feel for what it was like to be at the high-stakes house party: the bedbugs, the flowing vodka, the twenty-course dinners, the temper tantrums, and the lack of proper bathroom facilities that had generals and admirals urinating in the garden behind a statue of Lenin. To streamline his narrative, Dobbs focuses on the discussion about the reconstitution of Poland at the expense of other issues, such as the genesis of the United Nations, denazification, and Soviet entry into the war with Japan.

The middle part of the book chronicles the final weeks of the war in Europe, as Nazi Germany surrendered and the Allies' alliance became increasingly strained. Dobbs offers a compassionate account of Roosevelt's final days and relays Truman's sense of being in over his head. He shows the ruthlessness of Stalin in establishing a pro-Soviet regime in Poland. Pity the poor Polish politicians who thought they had an opportunity to launch a democratic government, only to find themselves thrown into Moscow's notorious Lubyanka prison, subjected to show trials and more prison time.

The final section opens with the Potsdam Conference, where Stalin, Truman, and Churchill argued over the fate of Germany, the extent of reparations, and how to feed a devastated Europe — along with who could provide the best musical entertainment at the evening soirées. After accompanying Churchill on a tour of devastated Berlin, watching him poke through the rubble of the Reich Chancellery, Dobbs follows him back to London, where the prime minister receives the crushing news that his services are no longer required. The war with Japan finally makes an appearance in the form of discussions about a Soviet invasion and the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Dobbs nicely renders the pile-up of events that marked the final months of the war and reminds the reader of the fallible human beings who later became frozen in memory as stock World War II figures. But he stumbles when it comes to policymaking. The focus on grand milestones and personal eccentricities frequently comes at the expense of the issues under debate, issues that affected the lives of millions of people.

In opening chapters about Yalta, Dobbs pays more attention to Roosevelt's poor health than the reasons for the conference being called in the first place. There's little indication that the policies advocated by Churchill and Roosevelt, and later Truman, were sources of debate within their own governments. (Of course, one did not disagree with Stalin.) The dropping of the atomic bomb was and remains a hugely controversial issue, with Yalta and Potsdam not far behind, but those debates don't inform the narrative in a meaningful way. Historical actors making decisions are most compelling when they're seen in the context of actual outcomes — after all, that's what makes history dramatic.

One odd, and somewhat unnecessary choice: Dobbs pins part of his argument around Alexis de Tocqueville's assertion that the United States and Russia were destined to dominate the world stage and fulfill "the will of Heaven." There are plenty of big ideas driving World War II — capitalism, communism, fascism, totalitarianism — without having to invoke a long- deceased Frenchman as a framing device.

That said, Dobbs delivers a propulsive read, replete with the sort of telling details that bring his subjects into high resolution. There are stretches of Six Months in 1945 that read like a taut World War II thriller, and the reader walks away convinced that the final days of the war were among the most formative of the twentieth century. But if you like your character studies leavened by a nuanced consideration of policy and consequences, you might find yourself as frustrated as a Yalta attendee looking for the W.C.

Meredith Hindley is a historian living in Washington, D.C. She is a senior writer for Humanities, the magazine of the National Endowment for the Humanities, and her work also appears in Salon, Lapham's Quarterly, and The New York Times.

Reviewer: Meredith Hindley

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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780307960894
  • Publisher: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group
  • Publication date: 10/16/2012
  • Sold by: Random House
  • Format: eBook
  • Pages: 448
  • Sales rank: 233,906
  • File size: 12 MB
  • Note: This product may take a few minutes to download.

Meet the Author

Michael Dobbs was born and educated in Britain, with fellowships at Princeton and Harvard universities. Now a U.S. citizen, he spent much of his career as a reporter for The Washington Post, for which he covered the collapse of communism. Six Months in 1945 completes a Cold War trilogy that also includes One Minute to Midnight, on the Cuban missile crisis, and Down with Big Brother, on the final collapse of the Soviet Empire.  Dobbs lives in Bethesda, Maryland.
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Read an Excerpt

1

Roosevelt

February 3

   The big four-­engine airplane with the gleaming white star stood on the tarmac of the little airfield in Malta, ready to take Franklin Delano Roosevelt on a final mission. The new Douglas C-­54 Skymaster had been specially fitted with all the latest conveniences, including an elevator that could lift the president and his wheelchair off the ground and deposit him in the belly of the plane. FDR voiced his displeasure to the Secret Service agents who wheeled him up to the tiny elevator cage. “I never authorized that,” he muttered. “It’s quite unnecessary.” The embarrassed agents insisted that the device was required for security reasons. The alternative was a long ramp, a signal to enemy spies that the polio-­stricken president of the United States was about to arrive or depart. Roosevelt, who disliked needless fuss and expense, was unconvinced.

   The departure schedule had been planned with choreographic precision. Thirty military planes were lined up next to the small control tower, waiting for permission to take off. At ten-­minute intervals, the lead plane moved to the head of the darkened runway, shades drawn, exterior lights extinguished. As each plane roared into the Mediterranean sky, the next plane moved into position behind. The night was filled with the roar of Skymaster and York transports warming their engines for takeoff and the high-­pitched whine of fighter planes circling the airfield.

   Few people were aware of the existence of a presidential aircraft. Code-­named Project 51, its construction was such a closely guarded secret that those in the know referred to the plane as the Sacred Cow. Roosevelt had become the first U.S. president to travel by airplane two years earlier, in February 1943, when he took a Pan American flying boat to Casablanca for a conference with Winston Churchill. But commercial air travel was obviously impractical for a wartime president—­particularly one paralyzed from the waist down. The flying White House was ready for its inaugural trip.

   Roosevelt boarded the Sacred Cow at 11:15 on the evening of February 2, 1945. The plane was not scheduled to depart until 3:30 a.m., but his doctors had decided this was the best way for him to get a decent night’s rest. He was rolled straight to his stateroom, just aft of the wing. His black valet, Arthur Prettyman, helped him off with his clothes and made sure that he was lying comfortably on the plush three-­seat couch emblazoned with the presidential seal. Other amenities included a swivel chair, a conference table, several closets, a private toilet, and a panoramic bulletproof window twice the width of regular portholes that was framed by blue curtains. A console next to the window provided communication with the cockpit and other parts of the plane. The interior wall opposite contained a set of maps on rollers that could be pulled down for in-­flight briefings. A painting of a nineteenth-­century clipper tossing in the waves filled the wall above the couch, evoking Roosevelt’s love of the sea.

   The president was chronically tired. He had whiled away the twelve-­day crossing of the Atlantic on a U.S. Navy cruiser with endless rounds of gin rummy, deck games, and movies in the evening. He frequently slept twelve hours a night—­but however much rest he got, it never seemed enough. Much of his remaining energy had been spent on his last election campaign, riding in open limousines and braving a torrential downpour in New York in a desperate attempt to show he was fit enough to serve a fourth term. The campaign appearances were designed to remind the voters of the FDR of popular imagination—­strong, indomitable, optimistic—­but they concealed his rapidly deteriorating state of health. He had lost some forty pounds over the last few months and looked like a skeleton. His blood pressure was out of control, sometimes as high as 260 over 150. The man he had chosen as vice president, Harry S. Truman, was alarmed when they met for a symbolic photo-­taking session at the White House. “I had no idea he was in such a feeble condition,” Truman confided to an aide. “In pouring cream in his tea, he got more cream in the saucer than he did in the cup. There doesn’t seem to be any mental lapse, but physically he is going to pieces.”

   Roosevelt’s heart specialist, Howard Bruenn, slipped into the cabin shortly before takeoff. The president was already snoozing. The young navy lieutenant commander wanted to make sure his patient did not roll off the couch as the Sacred Cow accelerated down the runway. Knowing that Roosevelt would not have the strength to prevent himself from falling deadweight to the floor, Bruenn positioned himself on the swivel chair, its back against the couch. He would sleep sitting down, alert to the noises behind him.

   Bruenn was worried about FDR. When he first examined the president, at Bethesda Naval Hospital in March 1944, he knew at once there was something “terribly wrong” and gave him no more than a year to live. He was having trouble breathing, and suffering from bronchitis. His heart was greatly enlarged, no longer able to pump blood efficiently. The cardiologist prescribed a regimen of digitalis to control the heartbeat, an easily digestible diet, greatly increased rest, and a sharp cutback in the number of official visitors and duties. Roosevelt’s chief physician, Vice Admiral Ross McIntire, had resisted Bruenn’s recommendations because he did not want to disrupt the president’s routine, but eventually agreed to a scaled-­down version. On McIntire’s insistence, nobody outside a small circle of trusted White House doctors would know the facts about the boss’s medical condition. Even Roosevelt was kept in the dark. Averse to unpleasant news, he displayed little interest in finding out the truth.

   The roar of the engines and the shuddering of the aircraft frame as the Sacred Cow rose from the ground awoke the president from his fitful sleep. His nose and throat were stuffed up. Bruenn could hear FDR toss around on the couch behind him. His clinical notes recorded that Roosevelt “slept rather poorly” on the plane because of “noise and vibration” and was frequently woken by “a paroxysmal cough which was moderately productive.” Apart from that, “the patient” was doing better than expected. He had “thoroughly enjoyed” his two weeks of travel away from the United States—­“via train, ship, aeroplane and motor car”—­and had “rested beautifully” on the trip across the Atlantic, “sleeping late in the morning, resting in the afternoon, and retiring fairly early at night despite fairly rough seas.”

   After taking off from Malta, in the center of the Mediterranean, the Sacred Cow headed due east, cruising at a speed of two hundred miles per hour. The doctors had insisted that the unpressurized plane stick to an altitude of six thousand feet to minimize the president’s breathing problems. The plane danced in and out of the clouds. About an hour out of Malta, it hit bumpy weather. The head of the Secret Service contingent heard a noise in the president’s bedroom and went to investigate, but it was just a door slamming back and forth. The pilots shifted course northeast to avoid Crete, parts of which were still held by the Germans.

   Dawn broke as the Sacred Cow passed over Athens, clearly visible on the port side of the aircraft. Six P-­38 fighter planes appeared out of the clouds to escort the president’s plane onward across the Aegean Sea to the snow-­covered plains of northern Greece and Turkey, and finally the Black Sea. Roosevelt’s daughter, Anna, was already up to watch the “beautiful sunrise” and the “outlines of tiny villages” in the otherwise barren Greek islands. Everyone had been instructed to put their watches and clocks forward two hours overnight. The president was dressed and served his usual breakfast of ham and eggs an hour before landing.

   The Allied planes had been instructed to execute a ninety-­degree turn as they entered Soviet airspace, to identify themselves as friendly and avoid being shot down by antiaircraft defenses. The Sacred Cow followed the agreed routing along the railway track from the town of Eupatoria on the western edge of the Crimean Peninsula to the airfield at Saki. The landscape was flat and uninteresting, a seemingly endless expanse of snow. The president’s plane, now accompanied by five fighters (one had turned back because of engine trouble), circled the airstrip once and landed on schedule at 12:10 Moscow time, “bumping the full length of the short concrete-­block runway.”

   During twelve years as president, Franklin Roosevelt had helped rescue the United States from the depths of the Great Depression, persuaded a reluctant nation to support Great Britain in its hour of need, and assembled the mightiest military coalition in history to resist the assaults of Nazi Germany and imperial Japan. Victory in both wars was within sight. Allied troops had reached the frontiers of Germany and were rolling back Japanese gains in Asia. The dying commander in chief had decided to make a dangerous, potentially suicidal, voyage across the ocean just two days after his fourth inaugural because he was obsessed by two final goals. He wanted to make sure that victory was secured at the lowest possible cost in American lives. And he had promised Americans, exhausted by more than three years of war, “a lasting peace.”

   
   Prior to FDR’s arrival in the Crimea on Saturday, February 3, 1945, no serving U.S. president had set foot in Russia, much less the Soviet Union. None would do so again for nearly three decades.

   American attitudes toward Russia had veered wildly since the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. U.S. troops had intervened on the side of the Whites in the Russian civil war, battling the Reds in the snows of northern Russia before eventually retreating in disarray from Arkhangelsk with more than two thousand casualties. Americans were shocked by Stalin’s agreement with Hitler in 1939, the carving up of Poland, and the Soviet invasions of Finland and the Baltic states. But the pendulum swung back sharply when the German armies invaded the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, reaching the gates of Leningrad and Moscow within a few months. When the United States entered the war after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, Communist Russia became its most important military ally. Hollywood movies began portraying the Soviet Union as a land of brave soldiers, contented workers, and smiling commissars, a one-­hundred-­eighty-­degree turnaround from the thuggish buffoons depicted in the 1939 smash hit Ninotchka. The image of a mighty, trustworthy nation, under a strong yet benevolent leader, grew with every Red Army victory, with the active encouragement of the Roosevelt administration.

   There were some dissenting voices, particularly among the handful of American diplomats with firsthand experience of life in Russia. The U.S. ambassador to Moscow, Averell Harriman, complained that the Russian bear was turning into the “world bully.” He feared that Stalin would use “strong-­arm methods” to establish a “sphere of influence” in eastern Europe under his exclusive control. Harriman’s deputy, George Kennan, agreed that a division of Europe was inevitable. America and Russia had little in common—­other than a shared enemy. In a letter to his friend Charles E. Bohlen on the eve of the Yalta conference, Kennan urged the U.S. government to make the best of geopolitical realities: “Why should we not make a decent and definite compromise with [Moscow]—­divide Europe frankly into spheres of influence—­keep ourselves out of the Russian sphere and keep the Russians out of ours”?

   Dividing Europe with Russia was not at all what FDR had in mind when he risked his life to meet with Joseph Stalin and Winston Churchill in the Crimea in the waning days of World War II. Like most Americans, he was repulsed by anything that smacked of “empires,” “balance of power,” and “spheres of influence.” In the grand Rooseveltian scheme, a new world organization would assume primary responsibility for ensuring the “lasting peace” under the benign supervision of the victorious allies. The president wanted American soldiers to come home from Europe and Asia as quickly as possible.

   Stalin was not at Saki airport to greet Roosevelt. Instead, he had sent his foreign minister, Vyacheslav Molotov, who was pacing up and down on the tarmac in a heavy overcoat and fur hat, surrounded by Allied officials. Through the window of the president’s cabin, FDR and Anna could see knots of Russian women sweeping snow from the runway with brooms made out of birch twigs. They waited inside the warm plane until Churchill’s C-­54 Skymaster, a gift from the United States, landed twenty minutes later, accompanied by its own escort of six P-­38 fighters.

   Originally, Roosevelt and Churchill had planned to take only modest entourages with them to Yalta, consisting of thirty to thirty-five key aides. But the delegations grew in size as more and more officials deemed themselves “indispensable” to either the president or the prime minister, until they reached a combined total of some seven hundred people, support staff included. The Russians had erected large army tents, heated with wood-­fired stoves, to provide hospitality to the throng of field marshals, ministers, generals, ambassadors, and assorted aides-­de-­camp. New arrivals were invited inside for their first Russian breakfast, consisting of giant dollops of caviar, assorted garlic-­heavy cold cuts, smoked salmon, eggs, curd cake with a sour cream sauce, sweet champagne, Georgian white wine, vodka, and Crimean brandy, all washed down by tumblers of boiling tea.

Eventually, everybody shuffled into place for the arrival ceremony. After lowering the president to the ground in his elevator, Secret Service agents lifted him into an open lend-­lease jeep covered with rugs. A Red Army band played “The Star-­Spangled Banner,” “God Save the King,” and the new Soviet national anthem (“The Great Lenin lit our way / Stalin brought us up to serve the people”). Seated in the jeep in his dark navy cape, Roosevelt reviewed a goose-­stepping honor guard, flanked by Churchill and Molotov on foot. FDR seemed “frail and ill” to the prime minister. “He was a tragic figure.” His face was the color of parchment, waxlike and drained of energy. His right arm rested on the side of the jeep, the hand hanging limply downward. Churchill’s doctor, Lord Moran, described the scene:

   The PM walked by the side of the President, as in her old age an Indian attendant accompanied Queen Victoria’s phaeton. They were preceded by a crowd of camera-­men, walking backwards as they took snapshots. The President looked old and thin and drawn; he had a cape or shawl over his shoulders and appeared shrunken; he sat looking straight ahead with his mouth open, as if he were not taking things in. Everyone was shocked by his appearance and gabbed about it afterwards.

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  • Posted February 21, 2014

    more from this reviewer

    Highly recommend

    If you are a student of WWII and the beginning of the Cold War, this is a fascinating, "inside baseball" book. I found it well written and insightful. There were a few sections where the "action" slowed down but overall it has added to my historical understanding of the major players and the seeds of the Cold War.

    1 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 9, 2013

    boring, nothing added, pointless

    boring, nothing added, pointless

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  • Posted December 10, 2012

    For history readers this book is ok.

    Slow reading at times. I liked it and learn some new facts.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted November 28, 2012

    No text was provided for this review.

  • Anonymous

    Posted January 21, 2013

    No text was provided for this review.

  • Anonymous

    Posted January 1, 2013

    No text was provided for this review.

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