Social Context and Fluency in L2 Learners: The Case of Wales

by Lynda Pritchard Newcombe

Overview

Social context, an often-neglected dimension in L2 learning/use, can play a vital role in sustaining learners’ initial motivation. As researchers have begun to shift their focus from teaching to learners and learner variables, what happens to learners when they practise their new skills in the community, has become an important area of concern. Using data on Welsh learners’ experiences outside the classroom, the author argues that, in order to learn a second or foreign language successfully, learners require regular interaction in the target language in a setting in which they feel comfortable. The impact on learners of native speakers’ switch to a language of wider communication, their speed of speech, use of dialect and identity issues are explored as are the relevance of practical issues such as time and opportunity and affective factors such as anxiety.

Product Details

ISBN-13:	9781788920902
Publisher:	Multilingual Matters Ltd.
Publication date:	08/07/2007
Series:	New Perspectives on Language and Education , #5
Sold by:	Barnes & Noble
Format:	eBook
Pages:	162
File size:	3 MB

About the Author

Dr Lynda Pritchard Newcombe is from South Wales and lives in Cardiff. She learned Welsh, her ancestral language as an adult and has extensive experience of teaching Welsh and German to adults. She has been involved in various research projects on L2 learning/use and bilingualism, most of which have been qualitative in nature; she has, however, collaborated in some quantitative studies with her husband, Professor Robert G. Newcombe. She also works as a freelance writer.

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The focus for this book is adults learning Welsh in Wales, a country where the majority of the population speaks English – not Welsh – as their first language. A central theme is the experience of learners outside the safety of the classroom. In the tradition of writers such as Norton (1998), R.O. Jones (1999), Norton and Toohey (2001), MacIntyre et al. (2001) and Tarone (2004), great emphasis is placed on the learner as a social being whose processing of the second language (L2) depends to a large extent on their ability to negotiate entry into the social networks of target language speakers.

The issues I will be discussing in relation to Wales, however, have clear implications for a wide range of other situations where the population is bilingual or multilingual and where communication takes place in a language of wider communication, for example, in English in the Netherlands or Scandinavia, and in French in Francophone Africa. Although most speakers from outside the language community in question choose to use a language of wider communication in settings of this kind, those who make the effort to learn the local language often feel frustrated and discouraged when local people reply in the language of wider communication. This frustration is intensified in locations such as Wales, Friesland, and the Basque country, where those who speak the minority language have equal or nearly equal proficiency in the language of wider communication.

The basic thesis of this book is that successful language learners require regular interaction in the target language in a setting in which they feel comfortable. For many people, however, this aim is extremely difficult to achieve. In many situations, native speakers of the target language are reluctant to provide the necessary practice for learners. Language learners in the United States, for instance, despite the availability of English speakers, sometimes report acquiring conversational English from television programmes and advertisements rather than real life interlocutors (Liu, 1984). It requires time and patience on the part of the native speaker to hold a conversation with a second language learner, because of the latter's accent and time taken to recall.

English-speakers wishing to learn another language face additional challenges. Such is the appeal of learning English that many interlocutors will persist in using English rather than their mother tongue, despite the best efforts of the English-speaking learner. This has certainly been my personal experience. A fairly fluent German speaker, I kept a diary on visits to Germany and noted that most Germans who were able switched to English. A great deal of determination was required to persuade interlocutors to converse in German (Newcombe, 2001). Ann Allen (2004) reported similar experiences when learning Arabic in the Sudan as colleagues were eager to improve their English skills. Yet naturalistic practice is vital if L2 learners are to become fluent L2 speakers. Loveday's (1982) studies of Spanish and Italian immigrants to Germany noted that the most important factor in their mastering the German language was contact with Germans, more important even than the length of time they had been in Germany or their age on arrival.

Learners of Lesser-Used Languages

Welsh is one of a very large number of 'lesser-used languages' and the fact that it is used by a relatively small number of speakers creates special challenges for language learners. Recent decades have, however, witnessed an increased interest in the preservation of lesser-used languages. As N. Jones (1992: 126) comments: 'All over Europe there is a surge of adults learning minority languages seeking "small is beautiful"'. Even Luxemburgian, spoken by fewer than 300,000 as a first language, is now held in higher regard and the production of literature for adults has grown considerably since the early 1980s, despite the high prestige in which French and German are held in Luxembourg (Fehlen, 1999). Moreover, intensive programmes are set up to teach lesser-used languages such as Basque and Catalan (Beardsmore, 1993: 49). There has also been interest in the renewed promotion of dialects, for example Plattdeutsch [Low German] in Northern Germany (Unidentified, Institut für Niederdeutsche Sprache, 1982).

Even North America, known for its widely held 'English Only' Weltanschauung, has witnessed a renewed interest in preserving and promoting some of the threatened languages of the First Peoples. For instance, at the University of California, Macri (2004) has set up a programme to promote Native American languages and, in Canada, the First Peoples' Cultural Foundation (2003) has established an on-line programme to help preserve and revitalise the languages of aboriginal peoples. In New Zealand, there is an increase in the use of the Maori language amongst young people (Benton & Benton, 2001) brought about mainly by the emergence of Maori-medium (immersion) schools inaugurated and managed by the Maori since the 1980s (May, 2000). O. Davies (1992: 76) is probably right in anticipating that as a result of 'a battle being fought all over the world we are entering a new age in which what is local, small and human will receive the respect it is due'.

The support of native speakers is particularly crucial in the learning of lesser-used languages. In the case of Wales, for instance, there are large areas, such as the capital Cardiff and its environs – the main location of this study – where the only contact for many learners with Welsh is in a classroom and the rest of life – home, social and work – is conducted through the medium of English. In situations of this kind, learners have to seek opportunities to meet Welsh-speakers and converse. Disappointing encounters in the early days discourage some people from using the language in a naturalistic setting; consequently they only ever speak 'classroom Welsh', resort to simply reading the language, or give up altogether.

In addition, learners of a lesser-used language often battle against the feelings of inferiority that afflict native speakers who may have a heightened awareness of the low status of their mother tongue. Such feelings may result in comments such as, 'They can't seriously want to be fluent in our language', or in the notion that all learners speak a majority language therefore there is little point in speaking to them in their newly acquired lesser-used language.

Those committed to preserving language diversity need to understand that adult learners have a vital role to play. With writers such as Crystal (2000), Romaine and Nettle (2000) and Dalby (2002) warning of the almost certain demise of thousands of lesser-used languages during the 21st century, adult learners – and in particular those who wish to transmit the language to their children and grandchildren – clearly need to be nurtured (B. Jones, 1993).

Why Wales?

Of the six Celtic languages, Welsh is the most used in the community (O'Neill, 2005). The survival of Welsh and its increased use in a variety of new domains has been an inspiration to many speakers of lesser-used languages world wide. The Welsh language has become a leading example of the reversal of language decline (Abley, 2003) and Welsh has had a higher profile in the media in the UK in recent years (Rogers, 2006). The new millennium has witnessed an interest in Wales' success with bilingual education and language revitalisation. Visitors from many different regions and countries have been impressed by Wales' political and linguistic schemes. For example, a Corsican television company has filmed in a variety of locations, a TEFL lecturer in Japan has commended Wales' progress towards bilingualism (Childs, 2004) and a delegation of Iraqi Kurds, a group whose language has been greatly oppressed, has come on a fact finding mission to Wales (Unidentified, 2004: 32).

In order to understand the success of language planners and activists in Wales, we need to look first at the factors affecting the fall and rise of the language.

A brief history of Welsh

The Acts of Union of 1536 and 1542 had made Wales officially a part of England and subsequent legislation excluded Welsh from the public domain. This resulted in the Anglicisation of the upper classes who needed to use English if they were to be socially acceptable in England and upwardly mobile. Thus, the Welsh language became linked with the lower social classes. However, the language was remarkably robust for centuries, largely due to the translation of the Bible into Welsh in 1588 and the social and cultural life that centred around Welsh language chapel life.

At the beginning of the 19th century, Welsh was spoken by the majority in Wales and monolingualism was the norm. It was only as the century progressed that the language came increasingly under threat from English. There were a number of reasons for this. An important one was the impact of a British Government Commissioners' report of inquiry into the state of education in Wales (known generally as the 'Treachery of the Blue Books') (1847), which attributed most educational, social, economic and cultural disadvantages to the maintenance of the Welsh language.

The payment of teachers by results for English and Maths (but not Welsh) and the introduction of free compulsory education through the medium of English in the 1870s also played a part in the ongoing decline of the language. In addition, English was increasingly associated with personal advancement and Welsh was discouraged in educational establishments. Other factors militating against Welsh language use were high rates of immigration into Wales consequent to the burgeoning industrial economy; the loss of lives in World War I; the increased influence of the English language as people became more mobile; the migration of Welsh-speakers from Wales due to economic factors, in particular the depression in the 1920s; migration from rural 'Welsh heartland areas' to Anglicised urban areas within Wales and beyond in search of employment; the growth in the English language media; and the secularisation of Welsh society leading to a decline in chapel attendance and, thereby, the loss of a variety of chapel-based Welsh-medium social events and networks (Aitchison & Carter, 2000; Janet Davies, 1999; Jenkins, 2000a; Jenkins & Williams, 2000; John Davies, 1993; R.O. Jones, 1999; Williams, 1990). In 1901, 49.9% of the population spoke Welsh, many of whom were monoglot. By the 1991 census, however, only 18.7% claimed to speak Welsh fluently.

Equally, a large number of developments have played a part in the reversal of language shift, for which an important catalyst was a radio broadcast in 1962 by one of Wales' key litterateurs and language activists, Saunders Lewis, warning that if Welsh were to survive into the 21st century drastic action should be taken for its preservation, particularly in official domains. Although many were working to promote the language at this time, this speech was the trigger for widely-publicised non-violent protests and campaigns (Price, 1985).

Arguably, the most important influence in the fight to restore the Welsh language in the latter half of the 20th century has been education: the very institution that contributed so powerfully to its decline. In the face of considerable skepticism and hostility, educationalists and parents campaigned relentlessly for the right for children to be educated through the medium of Welsh (Williams, 2003). Over 450 primary schools and over 50 secondary schools now offer at least part of the curriculum in Welsh. The language also plays an important role in English-medium schools where it became a compulsory subject for all students from age 5 to 14 in 1988 and is now compulsory to the age of 16. There is also a flourishing bilingual school outside Wales in London (Clark, 2005). Welsh-medium schools have gained an enviable reputation with parents for high educational standards. Johnstone (2006) has argued that some of the innovative developments in Wales, such as immersion for children and adults, may offer insights for many other contexts.

Despite the great measure of success enjoyed by Welsh-medium education, there are reasons for caution. Evidence from several sources suggests that language ability does not always translate into use and that pupils tend to use Welsh less as they grow older (Baker, 1992). Intergenerational transmission is a vital element in the promotion of endangered languages with writers such as Fishman (1991) and Edwards and Newcombe (2005a) arguing against relying exclusively on the school as the main agent of language maintenance and shift. Similarly, Gruffudd (2000) draws attention to the importance of creating opportunities for young people to socialise and be involved in leisure activities through the medium of Welsh. Urdd Gobaith Cymru [The Welsh League of Youth], for instance, has embarked on a three-year action plan to persuade children to use Welsh with their peers (Davies, 2005a).

Great strides have also been made since the 1960s in the Welsh presence in the media. The same influences that initially worked to the detriment of the language by introducing English into homes where otherwise only Welsh would have been heard, namely radio and television, have ultimately become a force promoting the language, but only after considerable pressure. In 1937, a BBC radio Welsh Home Service was established. Initially, it broadcast mainly in English, with only around five hours per week in Welsh; by the mid-1960s there was an output of around 25 hours per week. In 1977 the combined radio service was split into channels broadcasting in the English and Welsh languages; by 1984, Radio Wales was broadcasting approximately 72 hours per week in English and BBC Radio Cymru [The Welsh medium radio channel] around 80 hours per week in Welsh (Hume & Pryce, 1986: 332–333).

Although by the 1960s television had become widespread in Wales, BBC Wales only produced six hours of Welsh programmes per week and the independent channel for Wales and the West of England only five and a half hours. In 1982, following much pressure which culminated in a hunger strike by Gwynfor Evans, the first Plaid Cymru [Welsh Nationalist] MP, there emerged a new channel, Sianel Pedwar Cymru (S4C) [Channel 4 Wales], which included all the Welsh language programmes. S4C currently broadcasts in Welsh for over 30 hours per week, mainly at peak viewing time, and is also available digitally.

Menter a Busnes [Enterprise and business] was set up in 1989 and seeks to develop the role of business in contemporary Welsh language and culture. It delivers a range of programmes aimed at inspiring young people and Welsh-speakers to think creatively about business opportunities and to start new businesses. Ffatri Fenter [The Enterprise Factory] offers young people practical ways of running an experimental company in a supportive, controlled risk environment.

Several decades of language activism led to the establishment in 1988 of the Welsh Language Board (WLB), an advisory body for the language. Subsequent to the 1993 Welsh Language Act, which requires that public bodies make provision for the equal use of Welsh and English, WLB has been authorised to not only promote the use of Welsh but to also ensure its adoption in the public sector. The devolution of power in 2000 from the United Kingdom government in Westminster to a Welsh Assembly which sets the political agenda for WLB has also helped foster more favourable attitudes towards the language: the official target for the number of Welsh-speakers by 2011 is an increase of five per cent (Welsh Assembly Government, 2002).

In order to achieve this target, WLB language planners have initiated a number of highly innovative projects. The Mentrau Iaith [language initiatives], for instance, were established in 1991 in communities containing a high proportion of Welsh-speakers. A Menter is a local organisation that offers support to communities to increase and develop their use of the Welsh language. Each Menter Iaith offers a range of services depending on local needs (Williams, 2001). There are now over 20 such ventures throughout Wales in areas with high and low proportions of Welsh-speakers. The Cardiff venture, which began in 2000, seeks to stimulate Welsh in a wide social context as well as amongst Welsh learners. Its language strategy aims to ensure increasing Welsh for Adults (WfA) provision in the city and that more employers introduce vocational training through the medium of Welsh (Kiff, 2001).

Iaith Gwaith [Work Language] was a direct response to research conducted by the WLB which demonstrated that Welsh-speakers and learners want to know who can speak Welsh so they can use the language in their daily lives. The use of the Iaith Gwaith logo on badges, counters and in shop windows shows customers that Welsh services are available. Badges for learners who lack confidence ('I'm learning Welsh') are also available.

(Continues…)

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Copyright © 2007 Lynda Pritchard Newcombe.
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Table of Contents

Acknowledgements
Foreword
Glossary
Opening Quotes
Chapter 1 Introduction
Chapter 2 Adult Language Learners
Chapter 3 The Learner’s Experience in the Community
Chapter 4 Beyond the Classroom – Cultural and Identity Issues
Chapter 5 Anxiety and Lack of Confidence
Chapter 6 Time and Opportunity
Chapter 7 Sustaining Motivation
Chapter 8 Conclusions and Recommendations
Bibliography
Appendix A

Editorial Reviews

This book gives valuable insights into some of the problems faced by language learners throughout the world, that teachers should carefully take note of. Moreover, much of what the protagonists of the book have to say is strikingly familiar to those thousand upon thousand non-Catalan-speakers striving to do the same in the Catalan context. Their frank and sincere thoughts are a call to neighbours, friends, colleagues who are fortunate enough to have the language: Don’t hide it away, please share it with us!

Miquel Strubell

This socio-educational study provides a fascinating glimpse into the psychology (and anxiety) of language acquisition and issues of personal and national identity.

Pamela Petro

A stimulating and thought-provoking look at the real, practical problems facing adults, as they learn a language and try to become part of this new community.

Dr Gwen Awbery