Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right / Edition 1

Paperback (Print)
Rent
Rent from BN.com
$9.33
(Save 75%)
Est. Return Date: 11/18/2014
Buy Used
Buy Used from BN.com
$24.75
(Save 34%)
Item is in good condition but packaging may have signs of shelf wear/aging or torn packaging.
Condition: Used – Good details
Used and New from Other Sellers
Used and New from Other Sellers
from $21.30
Usually ships in 1-2 business days
(Save 43%)
Other sellers (Paperback)
  • All (12) from $21.30   
  • New (7) from $21.98   
  • Used (5) from $21.30   

Overview

"A landmark study that will enlighten anyone who cares about the evolution of American politics since World War II. With Lisa McGirr's thorough, sophisticated, smoothly crafted exploration of Orange County conservatism, the history of the modern Right has finally come of age."--Michael Kazin, Georgetown University, coauthor of America Divided and The Populist Persuasion

"In her impressively researched, gracefully written book, Lisa McGirr convincingly demonstrates that historians, who have been preoccupied with the Left in the 1960s, need to develop a deeper comprehension of how conservatives in places such as Orange County reconfigured American political culture. Readers will find her attempt to understand them, rather than dismiss or condemn them, both rewarding and challenging."--William E. Leuchtenburg, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

"Something happened to the Republican Party in the 1960s, changing it forever. How did a crypto-liberal, Northeast-dominated, establishment-oriented party become a populist, counter-liberal crusade? Here's the story: exhaustively researched and presented with telling analysis and narrative verve."--Kevin Starr, State Librarian of California

Read More Show Less

Editorial Reviews

New York Review of Books
Suburban Warriors affords a rare picture of the grass-roots process actually working at a specific site. . . . McGirr's setting is California's Orange County, which became America's most celebrated conservative stronghold in the 1960s. McGirr's book provides a valuable scholarly analysis of the demographics, culture, and history that made the county distinctively conservative.
— Russell Baker
Washington Post Book World
A fascinating tale . . . Suburban Warriors goes a long way to explaining the origins of a movement whose influence remains formidable to this day.
— Stephen Dale
American Prospect
Well written and authoritative, enriched by the voices of the Orange County conservatives [McGirr] interviewed and by deep archival research.
— Mark Schmitt
Lingua Franca
The best book yet written about the local insurgencies that dumped liberal Republicanism into the dustbin of history and made the GOP party of Ronald Reagan and Newt Gingrich.
— Michael Kazin
Los Angeles Times
The strength of her book is her explanation of the growth of the conservative movement through the stories of women and men who moved to the Orange County suburbs . . . Remember welfare? Whatever happened to it? Where did affirmative action go? [McGirr explains] their demise and that of many other ideas that seemed so permanent, so much a part of a national consensus, in 1964.
— Bill Boyarski
Weekly Standard
This work captures the politically charged yet modest middle-class culture that gave life to the conservative movement. . . . McGirr has provided an elegantly written analysis of the Right which will reshape historical understandings of the conservative movement for some time to come.
— Gregory L. Schneider
Boston Review
McGirr is enlightening, offering much solid research on the devoted beserkers who seized the Republican Party in 1964 to foist Goldwater on an unwelcoming nation. . . . McGirr has uncovered something important about the activists of the right.
— Todd Gitlin
Reason
[McGirr] treats her subject with commendable fairness . . . deeply informed with dozens of interviews and serious archival work. . . . Suburban Warriors is a welcome addition to contemporary American history. It is the first long look at activists who have been woefully understudied given their influence on the course of recent politics.
— Brian Doherty
National Review
A groundbreaking work of scholarship. . . .
— John J. Miller
Journal of Church and State
Should be read by anyone interested in American political developments of the last four decades. . . This is a fair-minded book from which both the Right and its opponents could learn a great deal.
— Duane Oldfield
The Nation
Orange County's success as a crucible for conservatism, McGirr skillfully argues, was rooted in the fact that it took tried and true American values of individualism and community, boldly exaggerated them and then recombined them in ways that accentuated their messy contradictions. . . . McGirr blends political and social history and goes where few analysts before: to the kitchen tables as well as the meeting halls of the early right-wing movement. This is the book's great contribution.
— Arlene Stein
The Journal of American History
Suburban Warriors is an excellent example of the value of combining political with community history.
— Mary C. Brennan
New York Review of Books - Russell Baker
Suburban Warriors affords a rare picture of the grass-roots process actually working at a specific site. . . . McGirr's setting is California's Orange County, which became America's most celebrated conservative stronghold in the 1960s. McGirr's book provides a valuable scholarly analysis of the demographics, culture, and history that made the county distinctively conservative.
Washington Post Book World - Stephen Dale
A fascinating tale . . . Suburban Warriors goes a long way to explaining the origins of a movement whose influence remains formidable to this day.
American Prospect - Mark Schmitt
Well written and authoritative, enriched by the voices of the Orange County conservatives [McGirr] interviewed and by deep archival research.
The Nation - Arlene Stein
Orange County's success as a crucible for conservatism, McGirr skillfully argues, was rooted in the fact that it took tried and true American values of individualism and community, boldly exaggerated them and then recombined them in ways that accentuated their messy contradictions. . . . McGirr blends political and social history and goes where few analysts before: to the kitchen tables as well as the meeting halls of the early right-wing movement. This is the book's great contribution.
Lingua Franca - Michael Kazin
The best book yet written about the local insurgencies that dumped liberal Republicanism into the dustbin of history and made the GOP party of Ronald Reagan and Newt Gingrich.
Los Angeles Times - Bill Boyarski
The strength of her book is her explanation of the growth of the conservative movement through the stories of women and men who moved to the Orange County suburbs . . . Remember welfare? Whatever happened to it? Where did affirmative action go? [McGirr explains] their demise and that of many other ideas that seemed so permanent, so much a part of a national consensus, in 1964.
Weekly Standard - Gregory L. Schneider
This work captures the politically charged yet modest middle-class culture that gave life to the conservative movement. . . . McGirr has provided an elegantly written analysis of the Right which will reshape historical understandings of the conservative movement for some time to come.
Boston Review - Todd Gitlin
McGirr is enlightening, offering much solid research on the devoted beserkers who seized the Republican Party in 1964 to foist Goldwater on an unwelcoming nation. . . . McGirr has uncovered something important about the activists of the right.
Reason - Brian Doherty
[McGirr] treats her subject with commendable fairness . . . deeply informed with dozens of interviews and serious archival work. . . . Suburban Warriors is a welcome addition to contemporary American history. It is the first long look at activists who have been woefully understudied given their influence on the course of recent politics.
National Review - John J. Miller
A groundbreaking work of scholarship. . . .
Journal of Church and State - Duane Oldfield
Should be read by anyone interested in American political developments of the last four decades. . . This is a fair-minded book from which both the Right and its opponents could learn a great deal.
The Journal of American History - Mary C. Brennan
Suburban Warriors is an excellent example of the value of combining political with community history.
From the Publisher

"Should be read by anyone interested in American political developments of the last four decades. . . This is a fair-minded book from which both the Right and its opponents could learn a great deal."--Duane Oldfield, Journal of Church and State

"Suburban Warriors is an excellent example of the value of combining political with community history."--Mary C. Brennan, The Journal of American History

Arlene Stein
Orange County's success as a crucible for conservatism, McGirr skillfully argues, was rooted in the fact that it took tried and true American values of individualism and community, boldly exaggerated them and then recombined them in ways that accentuated their messy contradictions.
Nation
Publishers Weekly - Publisher's Weekly
Prototypical rather than typical, suburban Orange County, Calif., provides Harvard historian McGirr with an illuminating microcosm of the historical transformations that took conservative activism from the conspiracy-obsessed fringes of the John Birch Society to the election of Ronald Reagan, first as governor of California and then as president. Drawing heavily on interviews with grassroots activists as well as a wide range of primary documents, McGirr paints a complex picture exploring the apparent contradiction of powerfully antimodern social, political and religious philosophies thriving in a modern, technological environment and translating into sustained political activity. Federal spending, beginning in WWII and continuing with massive Cold War defense contracts and military bases, was the driving force behind Orange County's booming economy. A frontier-era mythos of rugged individualism, nurtured on hatred of eastern elites who funded western growth before Uncle Sam conveniently hid this dependency. The local dominance of unfettered private development chaotically disorganized in the county's northwest, corporately planned elsewhere destroyed existing communities, producing an impoverished public sphere, a vacuum conservative churches and political activism helped fill. Migrants primarily from nonindustrial regions became more conservative in reaction to the stresses of suburban modernity, while selectively assimilating benefits. Racial and class homogeneity nurtured a comforting conformity consciously defended against outside threats. United by enemies, libertarian and social conservatives rarely confronted their differences. Against this complex, contradictory background, McGirr charts the evolution of a movement culture through various stages, issues and forms of organizing. Incisive yet fair, this represents an important landmark in advancing a nuanced understanding of how antimodernist ideologies continue to thrive. 12 illus. (Apr.) Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information.
Library Journal
Orange County, CA, has been the home of anti-Communist John Birchers, apocalypse-prophesying evangelists, "cowboy capitalists" who demanded free enterprise and an unregulated economy, libertarians opposed to a centralized government and taxes, and thousands of voters angered by liberals. McGirr (history, Harvard) presents a deft investigation of how these citizens mastered grass-roots politics to shift the conservative movement from discredited clusters of extremists to respectability and dominant party status through the 1964 Republican presidential nomination of Barry Goldwater and the election of Ronald Reagan as California's governor in 1966. Although Orange County was arguably the most conservative county in America, it was, as the author concludes, mostly populated by middle- and upper-middle-class Republican professionals trying to protect their homes from what they viewed as a morally corrupt society. McGirr has not written the sweeping, spirited narrative that Rick Perlstein presented in his Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (LJ 2/15/01), but she presents a focused, stimulating account that demonstrates that many of the best contemporary works on the Sixties are about the rise of the Right. Strongly recommended for academic libraries and recommended for larger public libraries. Karl Helicher, Upper Merion Township Lib., King of Prussia, PA Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information.
Read More Show Less

Product Details

Read an Excerpt




Chapter One


    THE SETTING


    On July 17, 1955, Walt Disney opened his visionary new amusement park in Anaheim, California. After years of planning, Disneyland stood ready to provide packaged and planned family fun to hosts of tourists from around the nation and to the growing number of Americans who made Southern California their home. Women, children, and men crowded the sidewalks to witness the festivities: Life-size cartoon characters paraded through the streets of a sentimentalized "Main Street, U.S.A.," "Frontierland," "Tomorrowland," and "Fantasyland." In keeping with its founder's vision of Disneyland as an alternative to the chaotic Coney Islands of the East, with their "tawdry rides and hostile employees," clean-cut employees strove to maintain order and a friendly attitude.

    Walt Disney could not have found a more fitting home for his ambitious theme park, with its mixture of nostalgia for a simple American past and its bright optimism about the future, than this booming western locale at midcentury. No state in the nation in the mid-twentieth century represented the promises of the United States more than California, and no part of California stood for this dream more than the southland—the stretch of towns and cities extending from Santa Barbara to San Diego. Having packed their bags and said good-bye to their families and friends and the old "Main Streets" of their childhoods, millions of migrants settled in Southern California in the decades following World War II to realize their American dream. They took new jobs in high-techindustries,professions, and services, settled in single-family homes, and raised their children. In so doing, they formed part of a seismic demographic shift that would eventually forge the Sunbelt. Los Angeles stood as the prime destination in this migration, but just to the south of the City of Angels, Orange County came into its own in the 1960s as the land of promise for hundreds of thousands of Americans drawn by its job opportunities, climate, and suburban lifestyle. One of the thousands of migrants to Orange County noted years later that "it was God's country.... It was the dream of being able to get somewhere."


This suburban heartland was not only home to Walt Disney's visionary new park, to thousands of new California families and new towns and cities; it was also the birthing ground of a powerful grassroots political movement. A revitalized and militant Right—fueled by a politics of antistatism, virulent anticommunism, and strict normative conservatism—burst onto the scene nationally in the early 1960s, and nowhere more forcefully than Orange County. At living room bridge clubs, at backyard barbecues, and at kitchen coffee klatches, the middle-class men and women of Orange County "awakened" to what they perceived as the threats of communism and liberalism. Sensing an urgent need for action, they forged study groups, multiplied chapters of national right-wing organizations, and worked within the Republican Party to make their voices heard. In so doing, they became the cutting edge of the conservative movement in the 1960s. But before we examine the movement these people built, it is necessary to understand the setting in which it grew: the region's history, political and cultural traditions, and its economic development. The characteristics of Orange County's development—its specific form of economic growth, the domination of its politics by an antiliberal and anti-eastern business elite, and the experiences of the people who settled there—created a favorable context for virulent right-wing beliefs.


* * *


Orange County lies at the geographic center of the Southern California basin, bounded by Los Angeles County to the northwest, Riverside and San Bernardino to the northeast, San Diego County to the southeast, and the Pacific Ocean to the southwest. Approximately 800 square miles in size, about 575 square miles of which are inhabitable, it is a geographically diverse region. In its easternmost recesses to the north and south, beautiful mountains, rolling hills, and forests break the monotony of the thousands of acres of plains that made Orange County so well suited to farming. On its westernmost reaches, the sparkling waters and soft, sandy beaches of the Pacific Ocean beckon Orange Countians to enjoy its pleasures.

    A migrant family from a small town or urban center in the Midwest or border South moving into one of the many new suburban tracts in 1960 would likely have been first struck by the county's lack of internally bounded towns and communities. Towns flowed together with little spatial distinction, intersected by a complex web of superhighways. It had not always been so. Only twenty years earlier, the county consisted of distinct small townships and cities, surrounded by ranches large and small. But spiraling growth led to a centrifugal form of development that lessened the importance of city centers and town units. Individuals and families may have resided in Garden Grove, Fullerton, Anaheim, Huntington Beach, or Costa Mesa, but, more important, they lived and increasingly worked in Orange County, a cohesive spatial unit with a self-definition distinct from neighboring Los Angeles.

    Despite its centrifugal growth, Orange County did have distinct geographic areas defined less by the twenty-two cities incorporated there by 1960 than by three differentiated regions. In the northwest, the rapid growth of suburban tract housing in the 1950s and the commercial and industrial establishments that sprang up in their wake created unending miles of suburban sprawl. Here, cities such as Anaheim, Garden Grove, Buena Park, and Santa Ana provided affordable, albeit uninteresting, single-family homes for the middle classes. While this region was predominantly lower-middle- and middle-class, north Fullerton and east Tustin were home to some of the wealthiest enclaves within the county, and central and southern Santa Ana contained some of the county's poorest areas.

    The coast made up the county's second distinct region. In contrast to the inland north, the central and south coast grew more slowly due to its distance from Los Angeles and its controlled development. The beaches of Orange County, extending forty miles from Seal Beach in the north to San Clemente in the south, had long been a favored retreat for weary Angelenos. Consequently, resort towns and beautiful homes dotted the Orange County coastline as early as the 1920s. But a large portion of this land was owned by the Irvine Company and released for development only in the 1950s and 1960s. Its setting, and the exclusive homes the company built on the land, made it a playground of the wealthy, who leased or bought the expensive properties of Newport Beach and Balboa Island, creating exclusive townships and some of the most valuable houses within the county.

    Agribusiness gave the southeast, the county's third region, a distinctive rural flavor throughout the 1960s. Suburban home construction proceeded slowly and, as in the coastal areas, only in a highly controlled fashion. This area was home to the 60,000-acre Cleveland National Forest and to vast working farms owned by a few modern-day land barons. In 1959, only ten landowners held more than 200,000 acres. The Irvine ranch alone covered almost one-fifth of the county. These landowners slowly sold their land to developers or went into development themselves, transforming profitable working farms into huge development companies that created corporate visions of the American dream and packaged communities for the wealthy.


Like much of the West, Orange County's history was one of contest and conquest, of winners and losers, of boom and bust. In its early days, before the United States' conquest of California in 1848, the area's economy was dominated by a small number of cattle rancheros who had been given massive land grants under Spanish and Mexican rule. When California was admitted as a state in 1850, legislators eager to assert control over the region nullified all land titles and forced landowners to spend exorbitant sums of money to defend their property. Anglo-American entrepreneurs bought land at cheap rates from the ruined Mexican ranchers and quickly became the new ruling class of the southland.

    A host of other colonists, ranging from merchants to small farmers to religious utopians who bought up the property so avidly hawked by local real estate speculators joined the few large ranching families who dominated the economy. Unified in their desire for local control over their new townships in the wake of the speculative boom of the 1880s, they broke away from neighboring Los Angeles in 1889. The county experienced the boom-and-bust cycles the old West was famous for—with town maps filed for cities that have long since been forgotten. But Anaheim, Santa Ana, Orange, and Tustin thrived, and other towns, such as Buena Park, Fullerton, and Laguna Beach, plotted during the real estate boom of the 1880s, just managed to survive. By 1890, Orange County's population stood at 13,589. While developers broke up the holdings in the western part of the county, the new American ranch owners in the east and south passed their holdings almost intact to their heirs. As a consequence, landholdings remained extremely concentrated.

    Agricultural crops had replaced the cattle industry as the driving force of the local economy in the 1870s and remained a basic source of income into the mid-twentieth century. Farmers produced sugar beets, truck crops, beans, and dairy, but no crop proved more important to the county's economy than citrus fruits. By 1930, lemon and orange groves covered the soft hills, slopes, and plains of Orange County. Small, thriving commercial centers and townships, along with packinghouses and the cottages and shacks of Chinese, Japanese, and Mexican laborers, dotted the landscape. The slightly pungent scent of oranges permeated the air, and the balmy climate and small townships lent an idyllic atmosphere to the place. Although an oil boom in the 1920s brought in an important second industry, the county remained a prosperous, though sleepy, agricultural region. As late as 1940, only 113,760 people lived in the area.

    World War II transformed the American West and, with it, Orange County. A watershed in the region's development, it set in motion a chain of developments that would eventually turn Orange County into a sprawling metropolis. Taking advantage of their strategic location on the Pacific Coast, local businessmen, real estate speculators, and boosters who had long envisioned a bright future for the county sought to entice the U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force to locate bases there. To encourage the military to settle in Orange County, the Santa Ana City Council obtained an option to lease a 412-acre berry ranch south of the city and offered to subcontract the property to the War Department for the symbolic sum of one dollar per year. The War Department accepted the offer and built the United States Air Corps Replacement Training Center, later renamed the Santa Ana Army Air Base. Two years later, the navy added a Naval Ammunition Depot at nearby Seal Beach and, in 1942, the United States Naval Air Station moved from Long Beach to Los Alamitos. El Toro became the home of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station, an installation that remained important during the Cold War.

    The military was thoroughly entrenched by 1950, and the bases provided one of the county's main sources of income. Thousands of military personnel moved to the area, enticing some farmers, battling a destructive plant disease and facing stiff competition from Florida, to take advantage of the new demand for housing and development and subdivide their land.

    World War II foreshadowed other, even greater, changes for Orange County and the nation. Rising tensions with the Soviet Union meant that the development model that had spurred the economy during wartime could serve as a catalyst for growth, even in times of peace. The Cold War and its close relative, the military-industrial complex, shaped U.S. economic development in the postwar years. New industries sprouted up to feed the voracious appetite of Uncle Sam for new weapons in a spiraling arms race. From 1950 to 1959, contracts by the Department of Defense amounted to the staggering sum of $228 billion nationally. This was an increase of 246 percent over these ten years; during the same period, the nation's business as a whole expanded by only 76 percent. By 1962, defense had become the nation's largest business, and from 1946 to 1965, 62 percent of the federal budget went to defense. These huge expenditures catalyzed the "affluent society" and directly and indirectly affected the lives of every American.


While defense money drove national economic growth, the regions that profited most directly were the Sunbelt South and West, and the biggest beneficiary was Southern California. The federal funds that poured into California created the nation's largest urban military-industrial complex. In 1953, California topped New York as the leading state in net value of military prime contracts awarded. Throughout the next decade, awards to the Golden State amounted to twice as much as the annual amount any other state received. These federal funds, plus the annual military and civilian payroll of the Department of Defense in California, funneled more than $50 billion in defense dollars into California for approximately the ten-year period from 1950 to 1960. And no region received more funds than Southern California. With the exception of Santa Clara in the north, Los Angeles County, San Diego County, and Orange County received the lion's share of defense moneys. As a result, whereas virtually no Orange Countians worked in defense-related industries in 1950, there were 31,000 workers on their payrolls twelve years later.

    World War II and subsequent defense spending transformed Los Angeles and Southern California into a new regional power. Los Angeles, at the heart of the initial growth, received 61 percent of California defense outlays in 1959, making it a "world city" and a leading international industrial center. It grew from a population of 1.5 million in 1940 to close to 2.5 million by 1960. The metropolitan region included more than 6 million inhabitants by 1960. The phenomenal growth of Los Angeles spilled over into sleepy Orange County, turning it into a sprawling suburban region. Los Angeles's new bedroom community soon attracted its own manufacturing base (with defense leading the way), making Orange County the second most populous county in California by 1967.

    By the early 1960s, Orange County had become an important center for defense-related industries in its own right. Between 1957 and 1961, Hughes Aircraft moved into the county, employing 10,000 people; Autonetics made its home in Anaheim, adding 10,000 workers to its payroll; Ford Aeronutronics set up facilities in Newport, bringing 2,800 jobs. American Electronics came to Fullerton, generating 380 jobs; Beckman Instruments also chose Fullerton when it moved its headquarters into Orange County, employing 3,100 workers; and Nortronics settled in Anaheim, hiring 2,300 employees. By 1960, more people worked in manufacturing than in any other sector. Orange County had become a "military-related suburb." Electronics was the fastest-growing manufacturing industry, accounting for about 40 percent of all manufacturing employment in the county. By 1964, of the thirteen manufacturing firms in Orange County employing 500 or more workers, nine were in the electronics-instruments-missile-aircraft classification. The growth of these industries, as Spencer C. Olin has argued, was the result not only of the vast defense outlays but also of the availability of a pool of technical and scientific labor, low rates of unionization, and the existence of venture capital. These factors drew the burgeoning new growth industries in defense and electronics not only to Orange County but also to other regions in the West and South. At the same time, the older northern industrial cities of the East and Midwest saw a decline in their manufacturing base. The resulting demographic and economic changes would eventually help shift the balance of economic and political power in the nation increasingly southward and westward.

    The military-industrial complex brought equally impressive employment gains in other sectors. Retail sales and service industries that provided the amenities, the fast food, the household furnishings, and the appliances for the growing suburban communities trailed closely behind manufacturing in providing jobs. The demand for housing and commercial buildings brought a frenzied construction boom, along with phenomenal profits for the building industry. New lots and rising land prices brought with them a mushrooming real estate industry as property development became a vast business. Together with retail and services, these three sectors employed the majority of workers in the county, more than manufacturing itself. The underpinning of the local economy, however, was the defense-related manufacturing sector.

    The rapid growth and affluence of the region drew scores of entrepreneurs whose ventures, in turn, spurred new development. Walt Disney and his engineers, for example, decided to locate Disneyland in Orange County after scouring the country for the choicest location. They counted on the region's pleasant climate and future growth to draw crowds and profits. The park, in turn, brought hotels, restaurants, and other service establishments to Anaheim. By 1963, tourist expenditures counted for approximately 20 percent of retail sales in the county. Professionals, small businessmen, doctors, and dentists, moreover, moved into the region to service the new suburban communities. Even ministers saw opportunities in Southern California, becoming religious entrepreneurs bent on preaching the word of God in the new promised land.

    The Sunbelt economic boom brought new people into the area at a dizzying pace. While in 1940, 130,760 people made their homes in Orange County, by 1960, 703,925 people resided there—a growth of an astounding 385 percent. In individual cities, these gains ranged from 25 percent (Cypress) to an astronomical 18,000 percent (Garden Grove) in the decade after 1950. With growth rates three times the state average and eleven times the national average, Orange County ranked among the fastest-growing counties in the nation. In the 1960s, the spiraling growth continued, though at a slower pace. By the decade's end, the population stood at close to 1.5 million.

    This growth was, in a very real sense, a modern-day version of the California gold rush—making Orange County the new frontier West of the second half of the twentieth century. Entrepreneurs found unending opportunities to try their hands and stake their capital, betting on the continued growth of the region. Their success and the resulting prosperity reaffirmed many Orange Countians' faith in the American dream. Notwithstanding that economic growth took place as a result of the largesse of Uncle Sam, for many this link was indirect, since they made their fortunes in private businesses, in construction, and as professionals serving the new communities. For others, particularly a segment of regional businessmen who experienced the link more directly, the presence of the federal government—and the bureaucracy, red tape, and control it brought with it—deepened their resentment against Washington regulators. But for everybody, the hundreds of individual success stories, the thousands of new businesses—ranging from medical and dental practices to new construction firms—reinforced an ethos of individualism that boded favorably for the Right.

Read More Show Less

Table of Contents


List of Illustrations ix
Acknowledgments xi
INTRODUCTION 3
CHAPTER 1 The Setting 20
CHAPTER 2 "A Sleeping Giant Is Awakening": Right-Wing Mobilizatio, 1960-1963 54
CHAPTER 3 The Grassroots Goldwater Campaign 111
CHAPTER 4 The Conservative Worldview at the Grass Roots 147
CHAPTER 5 The Birth of Populist Conservatism 187
CHAPTER 6 New Social Issues and Resurgent Evangelicalism 217
EPILOGUE 262
Notes 275
Bibliography 351
Index 379
Read More Show Less

Customer Reviews

Be the first to write a review
( 0 )
Rating Distribution

5 Star

(0)

4 Star

(0)

3 Star

(0)

2 Star

(0)

1 Star

(0)

Your Rating:

Your Name: Create a Pen Name or

Barnes & Noble.com Review Rules

Our reader reviews allow you to share your comments on titles you liked, or didn't, with others. By submitting an online review, you are representing to Barnes & Noble.com that all information contained in your review is original and accurate in all respects, and that the submission of such content by you and the posting of such content by Barnes & Noble.com does not and will not violate the rights of any third party. Please follow the rules below to help ensure that your review can be posted.

Reviews by Our Customers Under the Age of 13

We highly value and respect everyone's opinion concerning the titles we offer. However, we cannot allow persons under the age of 13 to have accounts at BN.com or to post customer reviews. Please see our Terms of Use for more details.

What to exclude from your review:

Please do not write about reviews, commentary, or information posted on the product page. If you see any errors in the information on the product page, please send us an email.

Reviews should not contain any of the following:

  • - HTML tags, profanity, obscenities, vulgarities, or comments that defame anyone
  • - Time-sensitive information such as tour dates, signings, lectures, etc.
  • - Single-word reviews. Other people will read your review to discover why you liked or didn't like the title. Be descriptive.
  • - Comments focusing on the author or that may ruin the ending for others
  • - Phone numbers, addresses, URLs
  • - Pricing and availability information or alternative ordering information
  • - Advertisements or commercial solicitation

Reminder:

  • - By submitting a review, you grant to Barnes & Noble.com and its sublicensees the royalty-free, perpetual, irrevocable right and license to use the review in accordance with the Barnes & Noble.com Terms of Use.
  • - Barnes & Noble.com reserves the right not to post any review -- particularly those that do not follow the terms and conditions of these Rules. Barnes & Noble.com also reserves the right to remove any review at any time without notice.
  • - See Terms of Use for other conditions and disclaimers.
Search for Products You'd Like to Recommend

Recommend other products that relate to your review. Just search for them below and share!

Create a Pen Name

Your Pen Name is your unique identity on BN.com. It will appear on the reviews you write and other website activities. Your Pen Name cannot be edited, changed or deleted once submitted.

 
Your Pen Name can be any combination of alphanumeric characters (plus - and _), and must be at least two characters long.

Continue Anonymously

    If you find inappropriate content, please report it to Barnes & Noble
    Why is this product inappropriate?
    Comments (optional)