The Crash of 2016: The Plot to Destroy America--and What We Can Do to Stop It

( 12 )

Overview

In THE CRASH OF 2015, Thom Hartmann describes a country not on the road to collapse, but in the midst of an economic implosion that could make the Great Depression seem like child's play. Our once-enlightened American political and economic systems have been manipulated to ensure the success of only a fraction of the population at the expense of the rest of us, a "for the rich, by the rich" system that is turning our Democracy into an ancient feudal kingdom and leading to ...
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The Crash of 2016: The Plot to Destroy America--and What We Can Do to Stop It

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Overview

In THE CRASH OF 2015, Thom Hartmann describes a country not on the road to collapse, but in the midst of an economic implosion that could make the Great Depression seem like child's play. Our once-enlightened American political and economic systems have been manipulated to ensure the success of only a fraction of the population at the expense of the rest of us, a "for the rich, by the rich" system that is turning our Democracy into an ancient feudal kingdom and leading to policies that only benefit the highest bidder.
A backlash is now palpable-against the banksters, oligarchs, and economic royalists like Milton Friedman, Lewis F. Powell, Alan Greenspan, Ronald Reagan, Jude Wannitsky, Roger Ailes, the Koch brothers, and others who have plunged our nation into economic chaos and social instability. But like the previous crashes of 1770, 1856, and 1929, the Crash of 2015 will give us the chance to once again embrace the moral motive over the profit motive, and to rebuild an economic model that has always yielded great success. Thoroughly researched and passionately argued, in THE CRASH OF 2015 Hartmann assures us that if the right reforms are enacted we can avert disaster and make our nation whole again.
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  • The Crash of 2016
    The Crash of 2016  

Editorial Reviews

Publishers Weekly
09/30/2013
The prolific author and talk-show host Hartmann (The Last Hours of Ancient Sunlight) will always be a radioman at heart, and his latest book displays the influences of his preferred medium. Here, he argues that history is essentially circular—that after a severe period of turmoil and hardship “it takes about eighty years for those who remember to thoroughly die out”—the next great tragedy coming as a result of humankind collectively forgetting the lessons that could have prevented it. The Revolutionary War, the Civil War, and the Great Depression all occurred according to schedule, and now America is due for another cataclysm, suggests Hartmann. This momentarily intriguing, but ultimately unconvincing model is buttressed by conspiracy theories accusing Goldman Sachs and other multinational financial institutions of orchestrating a global coup. Drawing readers in with purple prose and righteous indignation, Hartmann proposes populist remedies that seem unequal to the task of averting imminent catastrophe, suggesting that “all the money oil companies pay to lease and extract oil on public land could be distributed to all Americans equally,” and proposing mechanisms for strengthening worker-owned cooperatives. (Nov.)
Ralph Nader
"I've read all of Thom Hartmann's books and value them greatly for their fresh discovery of American corporate history and how corporatism came to dominate our culture and its political economy. Now comes a work steeped in eye-opening history, fact-based interpretation, and imagination about how the past, present, and future are connecting to drive Americans into the ground-unless they become part of a conscious society that commands its future as befits 'we the people.' The two final chapters 'Democratizing the Economy' and 'Epilogue: A Letter to My Great-Grandchildren' are sufficiently priceless."
Leonardo DiCaprio
"Thom Hartmann seeks out interesting subjects from such disparate outposts of curiosity that you have to wonder whether or not he uncovered them or they selected him."
Van Jones

PRAISE FOR THOM HARTMANN"Never one to shy away from the truth . . . inspiring, wise, and compelling. His work lights the way to a better America."
Tom Hayden
ACCLAIM FOR THE CRASH OF 2016

"Ever since he was a young SDS member back When It All Began, Thom Hartmann has combined a prodigious intelligence and common touch to expand participatory democracy as the American Way. This is an excellent guide to avoid the next crash landing."

Bernie Sanders
"Thom Hartmann is right that America must invest in our transportation and energy infrastructure, promote renewable energy, and rethink the disastrous trade policies that have shuttered our factories and decimated our middle class. I hope his thoughtful ideas about what America needs and his loud-and-clear warning about where America is headed will wake us up before his prediction comes true."
Eamonn Fingleton
"Few authors have ever had a bigger story to tell. Thom Hartmann is the authority on the basket case that the U.S. economy has become. No advanced nation in modern times has been so badly served by its elites and this tour de force of a book explains why."
Jeff Cohen
"Thom Hartmann provides page after page of crucial history to show how our country headed into deep decline. And he offers an action plan of reform and renewal that can avert economic and environmental collapse. A rare and readable blend of history and hope."
Richard L. Trumka
"Thom Hartmann explains the way critical social lessons fade over time, and how dangerous that cycle is. America is at the tail end of such a cycle today, as we stand amidst terrible inequality and on the precipice of tremendous change. And, yes, Thom offers a compelling plan of action for activists. Everyone should read this book."
Van Jones
"Never one to shy away from the truth . . . inspiring, wise, and compelling. His work lights the way to a better America."
Tom Hayden
"Thom Hartmann channels the best of the American Founders with voice and pen. His deep attachment to a democratic civil society is just the medicine America needs. "
John Perkins
"Thom Hartmann is a literary descendent of Ben Franklin and Tom Paine. His unflinching observations and deep passion inspire us to explore contemporary culture, politics, and economics; challenge us to face the facts of the societies we are creating; and empower us to demand a better world for our children and grandchildren."
Bill McKibben
"Right through the worst of the Bush years and into the present, Thom Hartmann has been one of the very few voices constantly willing to tell the truth. Rank him up there with Jon Stewart, Bill Moyers, and Paul Krugman for having the sheer persistent courage of his convictions."
Richard Trumka
"With the ever-growing influence of corporate CEOs and their right-wing allies in all aspects of American life, Hartmann's work is more relevant than ever. Throughout his career, Hartmann has spoken compellingly about the value of people-centered democracy and the challenges that millions of ordinary Americans face today as a result of a dogma dedicated to putting profit above all else."
Library Journal
An internationally syndicated talk show host heard by over 2.75 million listeners weekly and the New York Times best-selling author of two dozen books, Hartmann decries a system that staggeringly benefits the rich and predicts that the really scary crash is coming in 2015. With a 40,000-copy first printing.
Kirkus Reviews
2013-09-30
Progressive talk show host Hartmann (Unequal Protection: How Corporations Became "People"--and How You Can Fight Back, 2010, etc.) argues that the financial crash of 2008 was just a precursor for the larger-scale disruptions to come in 2016. The author situates his prognosis for the years ahead within a view of the history of the republic in which democracy is pitted against what he calls, borrowing from Franklin Roosevelt, "Economic Royalists." These Royalists, typified by the billionaire Koch brothers and others, demand unrestricted expansion for free markets and minimal, or no, taxation on their financial returns. Hartmann argues that they are responsible for policies that have produced unprecedented inequality while hollowing out the core of what used to be the United States' world-leading manufacturing capability. Results have differed, but the policies have been applied repeatedly in America's history, and these economic crashes have produced a political response from the population affected. For Hartmann, two recent decisions by the Supreme Court have been critical: the Citizens United decision, which upheld the personhood of corporations, and Buckley vs. Valeo, in which corporate political advertising expenditures were equated with speech. The author compares the significance of the former to the Dred Scott decision, and he believes that these two decisions, Citizens and Buckley, have made the crash he anticipates irreversible. The author also provides an intriguing account of the Supreme Court's deliberations on the status of corporations under the Constitution to demonstrate how hard-fought this battle has been. The conceptual driver is Hartmann's controversial thesis that U.S. history is an approximate 80-year political cycle occasioned by successor generations repeatedly forgetting what their predecessors previously knew and took for granted. Ideological and agitational in tone, this will appeal most to liberals.
From the Publisher
"Never one to shy away from the truth . . . inspiring, wise, and compelling. His work lights the way to a better America."—Van Jones, cofounder of RebuildTheDream.com and author of The Green Collar Economy

"Thom Hartmann seeks out interesting subjects from such disparate outposts of curiosity that you have to wonder whether or not he uncovered them or they selected him."—Leonardo DiCaprio, actor, producer, and environmental activist

"Thom Hartmann channels the best of the American Founders with voice and pen. His deep attachment to a democratic civil society is just the medicine America needs. "—Tom Hayden, author of The Long Sixties and director, Peace and Justice Resource Center.

"Thom Hartmann is a literary descendent of Ben Franklin and Tom Paine. His unflinching observations and deep passion inspire us to explore contemporary culture, politics, and economics; challenge us to face the facts of the societies we are creating; and empower us to demand a better world for our children and grandchildren."—John Perkins, author of the New York Times bestselling book Confessions of an Economic Hit Man

"Right through the worst of the Bush years and into the present, Thom Hartmann has been one of the very few voices constantly willing to tell the truth. Rank him up there with Jon Stewart, Bill Moyers, and Paul Krugman for having the sheer persistent courage of his convictions."—Bill McKibben, author of Eaarth

"With the ever-growing influence of corporate CEOs and their right-wing allies in all aspects of American life, Hartmann's work is more relevant than ever. Throughout his career, Hartmann has spoken compellingly about the value of people-centered democracy and the challenges that millions of ordinary Americans face today as a result of a dogma dedicated to putting profit above all else."
Richard Trumka, President, AFL-CIO

"I've read all of Thom Hartmann's books and value them greatly for their fresh discovery of American corporate history and how corporatism came to dominate our culture and its political economy. Now comes a work steeped in eye-opening history, fact-based interpretation, and imagination about how the past, present, and future are connecting to drive Americans into the ground-unless they become part of a conscious society that commands its future as befits 'we the people.' The two final chapters 'Democratizing the Economy' and 'Epilogue: A Letter to My Great-Grandchildren' are sufficiently priceless."—Ralph Nader

Richard Trumka
"With the ever-growing influence of corporate CEOs and their right-wing allies in all aspects of American life, Hartmann's work is more relevant than ever. Throughout his career, Hartmann has spoken compellingly about the value of people-centered democracy and the challenges that millions of ordinary Americans face today as a result of a dogma dedicated to putting profit above all else."
Bill McKibben
"Right through the worst of the Bush years and into the present, Thom Hartmann has been one of the very few voices constantly willing to tell the truth. Rank him up there with Jon Stewart, Bill Moyers, and Paul Krugman for having the sheer persistent courage of his convictions."
John Perkins
"Thom Hartmann is a literary descendent of Ben Franklin and Tom Paine. His unflinching observations and deep passion inspire us to explore contemporary culture, politics, and economics; challenge us to face the facts of the societies we are creating; and empower us to demand a better world for our children and grandchildren."
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780446584838
  • Publisher: Grand Central Publishing
  • Publication date: 11/12/2013
  • Pages: 320
  • Sales rank: 81,171
  • Product dimensions: 6.20 (w) x 9.10 (h) x 1.20 (d)

Meet the Author


Thom Hartmann is an internationally syndicated talk show host heard by over 2.75 million listeners each week and simulcast on television in more than 40 million homes. He is also a New York Times bestselling author of 24 books, including The Last Hours of Ancient Sunlight. And Talkers magazine named Thom Hartmann #9 on their "2013 Heavy Hundred" list.

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Read an Excerpt

The Crash of 2016

The Plot to Destroy America--and What We Can Do to Stop It


By Thom Hartmann

Grand Central Publishing

Copyright © 2013 Thom Hartmann
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-446-58483-8


CHAPTER 1

A Rendezvous with Destiny

In this world of ours in other lands, there are some people, who, in times past, have lived and fought for freedom, and seem to have grown too weary to carry on the fight. They have sold their heritage of freedom for the illusion of a living. They have yielded their democracy.

—President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 1936


There are very few Americans still alive who heard President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in March 1933, address the nation as he was being sworn into office. Which is why many Americans today believe that when FDR famously said, "The only thing we have to fear is fear itself," he was talking about World War II. But Roosevelt said that long before Hitler had even fully consolidated his own power in Germany.

Instead, the fear—and the war—was here in America. He was speaking of the Great Depression and his "war" against those who caused it.

The week of his inauguration, every state in the country closed their banks. The federal government couldn't make its own payroll. A quarter of working-age Americans were unemployed—some measurements put it at a third—and unemployment in minority communities was off the scale.

While Herbert Hoover, when campaigning against Roosevelt in 1932, had denied there was hunger in America, and said, "Even our hoboes are well fed," the truth was that the single largest "occupation" at the time among Americans was "scavenger": people following food trucks and trains, catching the bits that fell off, or doing what we today call "Dumpster diving."

It was so widespread that farmers guarded their farms with shotguns. Every night when restaurants dumped their uneaten food in trash cans in back or side alleys, crowds gathered to pick through, and often fight over, the leftovers.

Roosevelt spoke bluntly about that situation in Great Depression America.

"Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone."

Dissatisfaction with our economic and political systems had reached such a height that machine guns guarded the Capitol and White House. "Hoovervilles"—tent cities of homeless people—had sprung up in every city of America. Bankers and the wealthy elite traveled with elaborate and heavily armed security details, and it was no longer safe for John D. Rockefeller to repeat his earlier publicity stunt of going out onto a New York City street to hand out shiny new dimes to beggars.

This was America during the last Great Crash, a crash that within a decade led to a world war killing more than 60 million people.

Eighty years later, we are well into the next Great Crash, which future generations will call the Crash of 2016. And this one could be even worse than the last one.

There are remarkable similarities between the Crash of 2016 and the last Great Crash, which began on Black Tuesday in 1929.

In fact, there are similarities between both these crashes, and the other two crashes in American history that both led to horrific wars. The first was the economic disaster of the late 1660s to the early 1770s that led Britain to pass (among other things) the Tea Act in 1773, sparking the Boston Tea Party and the Revolutionary War. The second was the Great Panic of 1857, which preceded the Civil War.

It was roughly eighty years from the Revolutionary War to the Civil War, and eighty years from the Civil War to the Great Depression and World War II. And here we are, eighty years after that great disaster. It takes about eighty years for those who remember to thoroughly die out.

We have to see these similarities, to hear their stories, and to get a handle on how to move around them if we hope to mitigate the damages of the Crash of 2016.


The Great Forgetting

For one, each Great Crash is separated by four generations (there's those eighty years).

Arnold Toynbee and others, over the millennia, have pointed out that when the generation that remembers the last Great War has died out, a nation is set on course—some would say doomed—to have another war. While the horrors of war are forgotten, the monuments and "heroes" of war are everywhere.

The same is true of the death of the last person remembering a Great Crash.

Daniel Quinn popularized the phrase "the Great Forgetting," and it's true not only of civilizations but of generations as well. Our memories—as a culture—are largely defined by the practical memories of those who participate in media and government, mostly people from their thirties to their sixties. So, at the most, we as a popular culture remember fifty or so years of history at a slice.

My grandfather was a socialist, my dad a Republican. I'm a progressive. My grandfather, in the first few decades of the twentieth century, had no recollection of a crisis during a previous "socialist" time, and so at one time thought the Soviet experiment might even work out well. My dad, born in 1929, had no memory of a crisis during the administration of a Republican; in fact, his experience of Eisenhower's presidency had been that of a Great Prosperity. And, born in the 1950s, I don't remember the battles or challenges that my dad saw FDR face.

There are great cycles to all of history, including American history. And this cycle rolls forward as each new generation comes to power without personal memory of the mistakes previous generations made, and without memory of the solutions previous generations employed.

Authors William Strauss and Neil Howe suggested, in their seminal 1997 book The Fourth Turning, that the United States would, in the first decades of the twenty-first century, once again enter the catastrophic phase of a historic cycle that happens every fourth generation (roughly every eighty years): an economic collapse followed by a great war.

It was a bold prediction, given the Clinton Prosperity in the late 1990s. But it was prophetic.

Less than a decade later, in the fall of 2006, the Federal Reserve Bank of Saint Louis—the part of the larger Fed that compiles housing statistics—noted that housing starts dropped 14.6 percent that month, bringing the total for the twelve-month federal budget year of October-to- October to a 27 percent crash. To make matters worse, building permits were also in free fall, having dropped 28 percent year-to-year at that point.

This was the housing bubble bursting, which triggered the financial crisis of 2007–08.

The Great Forgetting had again descended on the nation, and eighty years after Black Tuesday 1929, the United States was in two full-scale wars and constructing a massive worldwide war machine built on Predator drones.

In his First Inaugural Address in January 2009, a young President Barack Obama spoke, just as FDR had four generations earlier, to a nation again gripped by an economic crisis.

It was a balmy 42 degrees in Washington, DC, the day Franklin Delano Roosevelt was sworn in nearly eighty years earlier in the midst of a Great Depression.

But as if the political and economic world had grown colder and harder, it was only 28 degrees on Barack Obama's Inauguration Day, with those on the National Mall exhaling white wisps into the freezing air.

I stood about a hundred feet from President Obama as he was sworn in. Just behind him, George W. Bush rolled his eyes and made silly, exaggerated "flipper" applause motions through much of the speech. Dick Cheney, in a wheelchair and covered with a blanket, barely twitched. Their wives sat behind them.

To my left were the assembled members of Congress and the Supreme Court, in front of me the new president, and to my right was the international press corps. In front of the president were nearly two million people, an ocean of humanity that stretched from the Capitol, where we stood on a second-floor balcony, down the National Mall to and beyond where the Washington Memorial pierced the sky.

He began by talking about how the words dictated by the Constitution to swear a new president into office had "been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms."

It was the perfect oratorical device, because that very month over 800,000 Americans had lost their jobs, and over a half million had come to the brink of losing their homes. The stock market had crashed, banks were in a crisis worldwide, and two foreign wars were sucking us dry and devastating our image around the world.

"That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood," President Obama said. "Our nation is at war against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.

"Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many, and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

"These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics," Obama continued. "Less measurable, but no less profound, is a sapping of confidence across our land; a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights."

The cycle had come around again. While the last Great Crash is preserved in our history books, newspaper archives, and old film reels, very few people alive actually remember it, thus setting it up to happen again.

But just as Roosevelt had done in his first inaugural by saying, "The people of the United States have not failed," President Obama inspired hope on that day of crisis.

"Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real, they are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time," he said. "But know this, America: They will be met."

Those final four words brought an eruption of applause from many of the members of Congress, and a roar from the two million people stretching down the National Mall all the way to the Washington Monument. Reporters near me leaned forward in rapt attention.

Sounding like a modern-day Franklin Roosevelt, President Obama pressed on.

"The state of our economy calls for action: bold and swift. And we will act not only to create new jobs but to lay a new foundation for growth.

"We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.

"We will restore science to its rightful place and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its costs.

"We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.

"All this we can do. All this we will do."

The reality, however, remained the same. There were few still alive, when Obama was sworn in, who remembered Franklin D. Roosevelt's response to the Great Depression.

And, thus, as soon as his speech was over, the president's hopeful and idealistic rhetoric ran headfirst into the Great Forgetting, guaranteeing the Crash of 2016.

But what, exactly, is it that we collectively forget every fourth generation that repeatedly threatens the survival of the United States?


The Economic Royalists

After the last Great Crash, FDR understood he was up against more than an economic crisis. He was also up against a counterrevolution, which had caused the Great Crash and was unabashedly seeking to hang on to the power of our government and economy that they'd held for over two decades. They were America's plutocracy—the wealthy bankers and industrialists who put their own personal enrichment ahead of the well-being of the nation with disastrous results.

In his First Inaugural in 1933, FDR alluded to the "rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods" who had "failed."

He told the nation, "Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men."

He added, "True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.

"Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.

"They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish."

Roosevelt understood that while genuine kings and theocrats had been pushed to the fringes of the world in the century and a half since the American Revolution, the forces of plutocracy—economic rule by the very wealthy—hadn't really gone anywhere. And they'd been running amok during the previous decade.

By 1936, Roosevelt had a name for them: the "Economic Royalists." Eight years later, against the backdrop of World War II, FDR's vice president, Henry Wallace, referred to these plutocratic forces as "Fascists."

During our Revolution, they were called "Loyalists" and "Tories." In the early days of our new nation, they eventually called themselves "Federalists" and were led by America's second president, John Adams, and our first treasury secretary, Alexander Hamilton.

Early on, they were rather benign; the real cancer came as the nation became richer.

By the last half of the nineteenth century, during the Gilded Age in America, the newspapers called them the "Robber Barons."

Today, these forces of the very wealthy are often simply referred to as "the 1 percent" (even though they actually represent a much smaller number than that—a tiny fraction of the top 1 percent of Americans, economically).

Regardless of their name, their rise to power has always been a harbinger of impending collapse.

Their greed made the War of Independence inevitable. They pulled the strings of both the North and South during the Civil War. And they provoked the stock market crash of 1929 triggering the Great Depression. In fact, our history is one of constant struggle against this cultural infection.

And while iconic figures and people's movements have arisen throughout history to confront these Royalists, there always comes a crack in the struggle when the Great Forgetting takes hold and the Economic Royalists jump into this opening to take the reins of power and pillage the nation into collapse.

American history proves this point.


A Crash Starts a Nation

In 1776, Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations was published and the US Declaration of Independence was signed. This was no coincidence: Both were reactions to a widespread economic depression that had begun in the previous decade. England reacted to its economic distress with a series of efforts to raise revenue—the Stamp Act, the Townshend Acts, and the Tea Act (among others).

Many people today think that the Tea Act—which led to the Boston Tea Party—was simply an increase in the taxes on tea paid by American colonists. That's where the whole "taxation without representation" meme came from.

Instead, the purpose of the Tea Act was to give the East India Company full and unlimited access to the American tea trade and to exempt the company from having to pay taxes to Britain on tea exported to the American colonies. It even gave the company a tax refund on millions of pounds of tea that it was unable to sell and holding in inventory.

In other words, the Tea Act was the largest corporate tax break in the history of the world. And since, at the time, most of the British government and royalty were stockholders in the East India Tea Company, it was also a classic example of crony capitalism.
(Continues...)


Excerpted from The Crash of 2016 by Thom Hartmann. Copyright © 2013 Thom Hartmann. Excerpted by permission of Grand Central Publishing.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

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Customer Reviews

Average Rating 4.5
( 12 )
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Sort by: Showing all of 12 Customer Reviews
  • Anonymous

    Posted December 27, 2013

    A book that every working middle class American should read.

    I remember my Grandfather, who lived through the depression telling me all the things that this book tells leading up to another crash. It's very informative and scary. A great deal of research was done for this book and it's very likely that this prediction will come about.

    3 out of 3 people found this review helpful.

    Was this review helpful? Yes  No   Report this review
  • Anonymous

    Posted April 20, 2014

    I'm rather left of center in my politics, but this book seemed m

    I'm rather left of center in my politics, but this book seemed more like a rant against the establishment than a reasoned assessment of the future. The author does not give much rationale for his "Crash of 2016" other than "Things are bad". I was mostly disappointed in this book.

    2 out of 2 people found this review helpful.

    Was this review helpful? Yes  No   Report this review
  • Anonymous

    Posted December 10, 2013

    A recommended read and an interesting view.

    I am not a doomsday person but the concept talked about in this book makes a lot of sense.

    2 out of 3 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 10, 2014

    Frank

    Enlisting as sos soldier

    1 out of 2 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted January 5, 2014

    Informative

    Well researched and easy to read. Get ready for quite a ride. Not finished with it yet, but he does write later in the book on how to weather it and even how it could be avoided. Based on 80 year cycles and how new generations forget what happened, allowing economic royalists to take the advantage. We are posed now for this type of repeat. He says it will be worse than the Great Depression.

    1 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Posted December 11, 2013

    good read

    almost made me give up on our way of life, very informative, I truly hope the crash does not happen but I don't hold out hope that it won't

    1 out of 2 people found this review helpful.

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  • Posted April 25, 2014

    Powerful Economic and Political Analysis

    Thom Hartmann has written a powerful analysis complete with facts and documentation on how we got to where we are. It reads well and is easy to follow, especially in dealing with economic issues. And he shares the responsibility with both parties. So, it a pretty bipartisan analysis. I am impressed with his historical review but confess to finding it a bit depressing. Although I am two thirds complete, there is no doubt this is a great read. I would love to discuss it with others on both sides of the divide. Definitely recommend this book.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 11, 2014

    Silver

    Joining as an S.O.S. spammer. (Where you say things like "and a bomb flys by ___ and ____ and then blows up." Just sayin'.)

    0 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 10, 2014

    Sos

    Stop doing s.ex

    0 out of 2 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted February 7, 2014

    Highly recommended!

    Thom Hartmann is a clear, smart person and a great writer.
    His information is accurate and without suggested remediation, our future is bleak.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted February 27, 2014

    No text was provided for this review.

  • Anonymous

    Posted December 8, 2013

    No text was provided for this review.

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