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The Pentagon's New Map [NOOK Book]


Since the end of the Cold War, America's national security establishment has been searching for a new operating theory to explain how this seemingly "chaotic" world actually works. Gone is the clash of blocs, but replaced by what?

Thomas Barnett has the answers. A senior military analyst with the U.S. Naval War College, he has given a constant stream of briefings over the past few years, and particularly since 9/11, to the highest of ...
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The Pentagon's New Map

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Since the end of the Cold War, America's national security establishment has been searching for a new operating theory to explain how this seemingly "chaotic" world actually works. Gone is the clash of blocs, but replaced by what?

Thomas Barnett has the answers. A senior military analyst with the U.S. Naval War College, he has given a constant stream of briefings over the past few years, and particularly since 9/11, to the highest of high-level civilian and military policymakers-and now he gives it to you. The Pentagon's New Map is a cutting-edge approach to globalization that combines security, economic, political, and cultural factors to do no less than predict and explain the nature of war and peace in the twenty-first century.

Building on the works of Friedman, Huntington, and Fukuyama, and then taking a leap beyond, Barnett crystallizes recent American military history and strategy, sets the parameters for where our forces will likely be headed in the future, outlines the unique role that America can and will play in establishing international stability-and provides much-needed hope at a crucial yet uncertain time in world history.

For anyone seeking to understand the Iraqs, Afghanistans, and Liberias of the present and future, the intimate new links between foreign policy and national security, and the operational realities of the world as it exists today, The Pentagon's New Map is a template, a Rosetta stone. Agree with it, disagree with it, argue with it-there is no book more essential for 2004 and beyond.
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9781101204924
  • Publisher: Penguin Group (USA)
  • Publication date: 5/3/2005
  • Sold by: Penguin Group
  • Format: eBook
  • Pages: 448
  • Sales rank: 860,629
  • File size: 687 KB

Meet the Author

Thomas P. M. Barnett is a senior adviser to the Office of the Secretary of Defense, Central Command, Special Operations Command, the Joint Staff and the Joint Forces Command. He formerly served as a senior strategic researcher and professor at the U.S. Naval War College and as Assistant for Strategic Futures in the OSD's Office of Force Transformation. He is a founding partner of the New Rule Sets Project LLC, and his work has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Christian Science Monitor, and Esquire, where he is now a contributing editor.

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Customer Reviews

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( 9 )
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Sort by: Showing all of 9 Customer Reviews
  • Posted July 14, 2009

    more from this reviewer

    A Plan For Globalization And The End Of War

    Barnett paints a hopeful, rosy picture of the future, if the gap (the third world) can absorbed into the core (the modern world). Barnett proposes this will occur through continued globalization. Barnett is a self-proclaimed liberal, having said that he voted for Clinton, Gore, and Kerry, but has unchallengeable military strategy credentials; having served as an analyst in Navy think tanks, and currently as a professor at a US War College. He describes 4 flows: immigration/labor, finance, technology/information, and security. The United States biggest export is security. Without security, the core will not provide the gap with investment, finance, and technology that it will need to connect to the core. The Pentagon can act as a force to topple the leadership of rogue regimes such as was done in Iraq and Afghanistan, and proposes should be done in North Korea, Iran, and several African nations. Barnett persuasively argues that toppling the Hussein regime in Iraq will speed Iraq's connection to the core. A successfully core integrated Iraq may influence the fall of the mullahs in Iran. Barnett sees China not as America's next big confrontation, but as a core state and partner that obeys the rule set of the global core. It Barnett's thesis that economically connected core states do not go to war with one another. In the overview, this thesis is true, but Barnett ignores the duality of China that can trade globally but repress its own ethnic minorities with great violence towards Tibetans, Uighurs, religions, and students on Tiananmen Square. Barnett worries about the cohesiveness of China and says the US must support the stability of the repressive Chinese Government. In the final chapters of the book Barnett predicts the future of the United States will involve more free trade pacts with North and South America and Asia. He predicts in 50 years time that the US will expand beyond its 50 state Union to include many others state including Mexico and Canada. He predicts that a President may be elected who was born in one of these annexed states; most probably Mexico. In this prediction, Barnett ignores the cultural differences that divide Spanish speaking Mexico and the predominantly English speaking US. The fairly peaceful Canada has divisions and separatist elements between its English and French speaking provinces. Barnett ignores that even the US territory of Puerto Rico has its own separatist elements that prevent it from fully integrating into the Union.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted October 22, 2006

    Le falto mapas al libro

    El libro esta escrito para tener mucha pasiencia y entender como funcionan las ideas generales del ejercito de los Estados Unidos. Sin embargo le faltan ejemplos mas sencillos para el lector menos sofisticado. El libro hace referencias a veces desconocidas al lector si este no esta familiarizado con el lenguaje de los militares. Seria de mucha ayuda el incorporar mapas geograficos de verdad para entender mejor su teoria de la globalizacion. De todas maneras recomiendo a quien tenga la pasiencia de leer este extraordinario libro y a este extraordinario intelectual.

    0 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted May 7, 2006

    Map or Atlas?

    Barnett does an admirable job taking us through the transformation of thinking at the Pentagon that allowed military leadership to adjust from a Cold War perspective to one that can deal with the threats of the day. His text, while somewhat free flowing, contains historical facts, personal anecdotes, and a view from the inner ring of U.S. military power--though some of this time was as a contractor. An interesting read but, in good Navy flag tradition, Barnett must like to hear himself talk because he often takes the winding road when the direct path would suffice.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted July 11, 2005

    Communication, Coordination and Cooperation Key for Reducing the Gap

    Thomas Barnett stresses that we have not yet found an alternative to the containment strategy that allowed us to win the cold war (pp. 1, 30, 40-41, 80, 117, 171, 189-190, 341). The cold war¿s raison d¿être was to discredit Communism though the spread of globalization under our leadership after WWII (pp. 31, 296). We considered the further spread of globalization in the decade following the end of the cold war in Europe our peace dividend (pp. 31, 33). We deployed our military overwhelmingly in the Non-Integrating Gap to put out fires in this decade (pp. 23, 81, 145). At the same time, the Pentagon was bracing itself for the confrontation with an emerging Big One (read China) (pp. 3¿4, 62-63, 91, 101, 108, 274, 317, 381). Barnett makes an interesting link between the 1990s and the Roaring 20s by stressing that both periods were just a little too good to be true (pp. 27, 31, 157, 309). Barnett wrongly dismisses the threat of a potentially aggressive Big One completely under the pretext that the globalization process is on the march (pp. 4, 62-70, 149, 172, 229, 302, 339). First, China and Russia remain a source of concern to the Integrating Old Core because they have not yet fully embraced the tenets of Liberalism (pp. 54, 113, 121, 130, 225-26, 241-42, 263). Furthermore, the Modern State aims to be as efficient as possible to wage war when the opportunity arises to maximize its chance of survival and prosperity. Finally, the current liberal hegemony cannot be taken for granted because of the presence of nihilist forces who do not offer any workable alternative to Liberalism. Barnett reasonably claims that 9/11 was a blessing in disguise, even if it was well hidden (pp. 34, 96-106, 282-83). We cannot rest on our laurels in spreading globalization (pp. 50, 82, 105, 298, 307). Barnett rightly recognizes that we have not been very successful in selling our new security rule set (preemption strategy, global war on terrorism, etc.) as a policy by which the New and Old Functioning Core is trying to expand its stable security rule set into the Disconnected Gap (pp. 31, 40, 46, 52-55, 143, 167, 171-76, 231, 278, 294, 335-36, 354-57, 363-64). Barnett correctly observes that the enemy is neither a religion (Islam) nor a place (the Middle East), but a condition (disconnectedness) (pp. 49, 54-58, 83, 122-137, 161-66, 177, 187, 205, 239, 288). Barnett also stresses that we are increasingly dealing with individuals, not states, behind mass violence while our traditional economic power and competition are progressively moving from the state to the system (pp. 85-88, 93, 261, 271-72). Barnett is not always consistent when he generally states that transnational terrorism and poverty could be eliminated totally one day by closing the gap (pp. 40, 53, 110, 158-60, 178, 193, 291). Terrorism and poverty can be at best reduced to a marginal phenomenon because miscalculation is in the human DNA (pp. 225, 333, 347-48, 353-54). Our apparently piecemeal approach to our lofty war against terrorism and poverty is haunting us for several reasons: 1) We are not leveraging enough the financial/technical help we provide to non-democratic regimes, especially in the Middle East, to drive security, economic and political changes for the better (pp. 184, 186, 218, 283-87). 2) Unsurprisingly, some local populations perceive us as being the close collaborators of their undemocratic and unaccountable governments (pp. 185, 187, 216-17, 238, 293). 3) We are too often isolating instead of engaging rogue states such as Iran, Syria and North Korea without showing any significant results for our pains (pp. 83, 171-73, 330). We won the cold war because we not only contained but also engaged the former Soviet Union to drive changes for the better. 4) We are sometimes generating much bad blood even among some of our closest allies (pp. 143, 177, 243, 291). For example, the states next to the rogue regimes are not in a hurry to ho

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  • Anonymous

    Posted July 8, 2005

    A great read and a different take on globalization

    I originally read Mr. Barnett's article in Esquire magazine a couple of years ago and was amazed at the amount of important information he attempted to squeeze into a magazine article. Apparently I wasn't the only one impressed and left wanting more. It is less a thesis on military strategy and focuses more on how the military should function in an increasingly connected world. Surprisingly fun to read.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted September 14, 2004

    Clarifies the war on terror

    Whichever side of the political fence you fancy, you need to read this title. It will clear up many of the questions you might have around what our government's policy is regarding global security. After reading this, when you hear the term, 'War on Terror', you will know exactly what is meant, what we are doing to win and what all it will take to get there. It is encouraging to see the government doing many of these things over the last 3 years! In a nutshell, his thesis states that by expanding globalization (trade, human capital, accountable governance) and the strategic use of US military supremacy against rouge regimes, the US will help 'non-integrating states' enter into the 'functional core' of globalization, bringing more peace and prosperity across the globe. These new rule sets and the dynamics between the specific actors are laid our in a well-researched, visionary manner. The most interesting thing about this book is that when you are done reading it, not only will you better understand the state of world affairs but will actually be able to wrap your mind around the idea that the US is not only on the right track, but is making substantial progress in this long, hard and costly struggle we were forced to undertake as a result of 9/11.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted September 11, 2004

    breathtaking vison of the present and the future

    Watching him speak on c-span recently had me on the edge of my seat just trying to keep up with his fast paced and creative reevaluation of both our world today, it's gnawing econoimc and social gaps, and his vision of how we are going to get from here to tomorrow...this is a must read to fully comprehend the high speed paradigm shift detailed in his presentation. His is a presentation that is being carefully evaluated at the highest levels of our government, military planners and boardrooms across America. This book is quite posssibly as insightful as A.Toffler's Future Shock was twenty five years ago.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted December 9, 2010

    No text was provided for this review.

  • Anonymous

    Posted May 15, 2009

    No text was provided for this review.

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