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The Price of Loyalty: George W. Bush, the White House, and the Education of Paul O'Neill

The Price of Loyalty: George W. Bush, the White House, and the Education of Paul O'Neill

4.4 34
by Ron Suskind
Updated with a new afterword and including a selection of key documents, this is the explosive account of how the Bush administration makes policy on war, taxes, and politics -- its true agenda exposed by a member of the Bush cabinet. This vivid, unfolding narrative is like no other book that has been written about the Bush presidency. At its core are the candid


Updated with a new afterword and including a selection of key documents, this is the explosive account of how the Bush administration makes policy on war, taxes, and politics -- its true agenda exposed by a member of the Bush cabinet. This vivid, unfolding narrative is like no other book that has been written about the Bush presidency. At its core are the candid assessments of former Secretary of the Treasury Paul O'Neill, the only member of Bush's cabinet to leave and speak frankly about how and why the administration has come to its core policies and decisions -- from cutting taxes for the rich to conducting preemptive war. O'Neill's account is supported by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Ron Suskind's interviews with numerous participants in the administration, by transcripts of meetings, and by voluminous documents. The result is a disclosure of breadth and depth unparalleled for an ongoing presidency. As readers are taken to the very epicenter of government, Suskind presents an astonishing picture of a president so carefully managed in his public posture that he is a mystery to most Americans. Now, he is revealed.

Editorial Reviews

The Barnes & Noble Review
Penned by Pulitzer Prize–winning writer Ron Suskind and based on the revelations of former Secretary of the Treasury Paul O'Neill, this controversial exposé is an eye-opening look at the first two years of President George W. Bush's uniquely eventful administration.

Suskind recounts how Alcoa CEO O'Neill -- a plainspoken businessman with unimpeachable ethics and a reputation for getting things done -- was recruited for the prestigious cabinet post; how, despite misgivings, he signed on to join a team he truly believed was committed to a centrist ideal; and how, 23 months later, he was summarily fired for his tell-it-like-it-is brand of pragmatic leadership. Chronicling the ups and downs of his tenure in the Bush White House, O'Neill describes some genuinely surreal scenes -- from the National Security Council meeting in February 2001, where regime change in Iraq mysteriously soars to the top of the foreign policy agenda, to mystifying presidential flip-flops on tax cuts, global warming, and corporate accountability that leave even top-tier officials scratching their heads. Tarred as a contrarian in an administration that valued ideology over analysis, O'Neill soon found himself blindsided by an inner circle of advisers that included his longtime friend Dick Cheney.

Inarguably, the most fascinating portrait (in a gallery that includes Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice, Karl Rove, and Alan Greenspan) is of POTUS himself. George W. Bush emerges as an inscrutable enigma, bereft of curiosity, intolerant of dissent, and curiously content to be scripted, rehearsed, and handled. It's evident that Paul O'Neill, with his passionate commitment to transparency and candor, and the opaque, super-secretive Bushites were a bad match from the get-go. Anne Markowski

NY Times Sunday Book Review
… whether O'Neill was a brilliant Treasury secretary or a mediocre one, he did regard the public trust as a serious matter, and the case The Price of Loyalty makes about the debasement of the policy process is a strong one. ''Politics, as it's now played, is not about being right,'' O'Neill concludes. ''It's about doing whatever's necessary to win. They're not the same.'' One finishes this book hoping that those who consider themselves the guardians of Washington integrity will do more to demand that the distinction be honored. — Michael Tomasky
The New York Times
Mr. O'Neill is describing the takeover of the Republican Party — and consequently of the executive branch — by what is portrayed as a group of single-minded right-wing ideologues with loyalty only to their narrow and rapacious political self-interest … Mr. O'Neill is appalled by what he sees as a betrayal of real conservatism; he even at one point draws a parallel between the absolutists fighting to take over Pakistan for Muslim fundamentalism and the absolutism at work in the Bush White House. — Katrina vanden Heuvel
Library Journal
More embargoing: a Pulitzer Prize winner peeks at the Bush White House. Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.
From the Publisher
Ward Just The New York Observer A first-rate piece of work....The best we're likely to have for some time....An intelligent and nuanced narrative.

The New York Times An invaluable contribution both to the historical record and to the fierce public debate over the nature of the Bush administration's true views and motivations on issues of war and peace.

Business Week Suskind is a smart writer....He deftly picks through some 19,000 documents and hours of interviews to open an often eye-popping window into the Bush White House.

The New York Review of Books A detailed, deeply disturbing look at how the Bush administration makes policy.

Paul Krugman The New York Times An invaluable, scathing insider's picture of the Bush administration.

Product Details

Simon & Schuster
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6.60(w) x 9.40(h) x 1.70(d)

Read an Excerpt

from Chapter 2: A Way to Do It

Paul O'Neill arrived at 6:15 A.M. on his first morning in office.

The President, he understood, was also an early riser — in his office by 7 A.M. — and O'Neill mused that maybe this would be part of what defined this administration: people of fortitude and clarity, always first to work. At the very least, this was one thing the President and he had in common.

His secretary, Annabella Mejia, was already there. "You're late," she chided. "Mr. Secretary, it's practically afternoon."

"Thanks, I'll get my own coffee," he said with a chuckle. "Can I get you anything, Annabella?"

Before almost anyone else had arrived, O'Neill had drafted a strategic memo to the President. By midmorning, it was ready. He had his secret pact with Greenspan. But the goal of pushing forward the President's plan was central to his job description. A core responsibility. O'Neill decided he could be a team player and still feel like himself. Good policy could make good politics — at least, it was possible. With a surplus number of $5 trillion — a number O'Neill understood from a friend at the Congressional Budget Office would soon rise to $5.6 trillion — he needed to help the President set the right priorities.

Memorandum to the President

From: Paul H. O'Neill

Subject: Tax Reform

Date: January 22, 2001

I believe there is an opportunity to get quick action on your tax proposal if we move now.

You have won the general argument on the desirability of a tax cut and the opposition has been cornered into arguing how large the cut should be, and, their numbers are moving toward your numbers and scope....

O'Neill knew that special interests, with their congressional advocates, were already lined up at the White House door, pushing for midsize proposals — abolishing inheritance taxes or offering a tax credit for each legitimate child — along with perennials like tax incentives for ethanol production or inner-city fix-ups. Bundling everyone's favorite items would create "a working majority" and "a way to get a quick victory in the tax arena," O'Neill wrote, aware that this was something that the President's political team found attractive. Considering the election results, any show of strength, or weakness, would be read as a trend. A quick victory was crucial. The problem, he wrote the President, was that his proposed across-the-board reductions in marginal tax rates might be left behind.

O'Neill had made his own decision about priorities. The bundle of many targeted credits and exemptions, with their myriad schedules and provisions, would be difficult to rein in with a trigger. A broad tax rate reduction would have a kind of simple, manageable clarity. It would progress, year by year, on a schedule, depending on whether there was a surplus. If the excess were to be used up, the rate reductions would halt.

Now, he had to help the President see that this was also the strategically sound move. One of the keys was speed. "Growing agreement, even alarm in some quarters, with regard to the slowing economy," O'Neill wrote, could justify swift action on this one defining issue, provided they could get a proposal to Congress in a few weeks and push through marginal rate cuts — most likely through a tweak of withholding — retroactive to January 1.

The only congressional argument to counter this "insurance policy against the slowing economy," he noted, would be that "it doesn't fit their process." Failure to act, moreover, would expose members to blame if the economy slipped into recession.

Embrace reality, he suggested. This plan would take us out of the "morass about the theology of economics" — a shot at anyone who might be whispering about supply-side concepts — and stress that "we care about taking practical action right now." Meanwhile, it would leverage the current economic uncertainties. "We know the real economy has slowed and the official statistics will reflect the slowing over the next quarter, at least. If the current slowness starts moving toward re-acceleration late in the second quarter, it would weaken the argument for quick action."

After a few paragraphs about the need to stress how this rate reduction would benefit low- and middle-income Americans and "stop the drumbeat about a tax cut for the rich," O'Neill unsheathed the blade.

In order to stay within your total tax reduction numbers and provide early implementation for marginal rates we will have to stretch out implementation of some of the other initiatives. We should argue that we will revisit implementation dates for other features, if the economy permits us to do so.

He read it, satisfied — the meat of fiscal reality, with a dash of conditionality, between two slices of political strategy — and typed in, "cc: Vice President Cheney, Larry Lindsey." Of course, the current proposal — even if it were retroactive to January — wouldn't provide much actual stimulus. But if they hitched their wagon to the need for stimulus, they'd be obligated to actually create something that resembles a stimulus...at some point.

• • •


"Mr. President."

"Let's get comfortable," George Bush said as O'Neill entered the Oval Office.

The President moved toward the wing chair near the fireplace, tucked between one of two sofa-and-chair clusters in the thirty-nine-by-twenty-two-foot oval. Bush sat in the wing chair facing the clock, where presidents always sit — and O'Neill sat on the near end of the small adjacent mustard-colored couch, where someone sits if he or she is the only visitor. As O'Neill navigated all this — he'd been here many times and knew the complex seating rules — his mind raced back to a conversation with George W. Bush just before the mid-December press conference in Austin, where the President-elect had announced his nomination...yes, there may have been a "Pablo" thrown in among the "Paul"s. O'Neill didn't think anything of it. He didn't know, back then, about Bush's odd enthusiasm for nicknames.

He knew now and settled into the couch...and his new identity: a sixty-five-year-old man named Pablo.

"So, whatta ya got?" the President barked, all business.

It was the afternoon of Wednesday, January 24, the third day of the Bush administration. The President calls the meetings. It is traditional protocol. One might suggest the need for a meeting to an Andy Card or Cheney, who would then pass it along, but the President issues the summons.

Bush had O'Neill's memo — Paul figured they'd talk about that — and then they'd discuss whatever came up. Cheney had said to him at one point that it might be valuable for Bush at the start of his presidency to have these meetings. To range around a bit.

O'Neill, as Treasury Secretary, institutionally designated to be the President's leading voice on the economy, offered a fifteen-minute overview on what he considered the informed opinion (that is, his and Greenspan's) and said that they were in the early stages of either an apparently mild recession or a pronounced inventory correction. The key was to remain sober. To watch the numbers. If we look concerned and talk up recession too much, he said, it will depress spending and encourage a downturn. O'Neill explained that the major problem was not the "encumbrances on capital" — there was plenty of low-cost capital out there, unable to find a profitable home. The problem was on the consumption side. The real numbers, he assured the President, did not support the bleakness of some "economic theorists."

O'Neill referred to items of his memo. Marginal rate cuts, if they were affordable, should be the priority. He said the tax cut plan, under almost any permutation thus far proposed, wouldn't provide measurable stimulus in the short term; what would create positive economic effects is "a sense that fiscal discipline has been preserved" — something that should boost equities markets and keep long-term bond rates in check. All that left the economy well suited to respond to a rate cut from the Fed.

There were a dozen questions that O'Neill had expected Bush to ask. He was ready with the answers. How large did O'Neill consider the surplus, and how real? How might the tax cut be structured? What about reforming Social Security and Medicare, the budget busters? How will we know if the economy has turned?

Bush didn't ask anything. He looked at O'Neill, not changing his expression, not letting on that he had any reactions — either positive or negative.

O'Neill decided therefore to move from the economy to a related matter. Steel tariffs. It was a simmering issue — the U.S. steel industry was hurting and pushing for protections. He said to the President, "You were admirably clear during the campaign about your stance in support of free trade — it's the only stance to take — and there's no way it can be squared with tariffs." He suggested that, as Treasury Secretary, he round up all the world's major producers and create a structure of shared incentives and sacrifices that would avoid tariff wars. He'd already tried some of this to good effect with the aluminum industry in 1993.

The President said nothing. No change in expression. Next subject.

Certainly, each president's style is different. But O'Neill had a basis for comparison. Nixon, Ford, Bush 41, and Clinton, with whom he had visited four or five times during the nineties for long sessions on policy matters. In each case, he'd arrived prepared to mix it up, ready for engagement. You'd hash it out. That was what he was known for. It was the reason you got called to the office. You met with the President to answer questions.

"I wondered, from the first, if the President didn't know the questions to ask," O'Neill recalled, "or did he know and just not want to know the answers? Or did his strategy somehow involve never showing what he thought? But you can ask questions, gather information, and not necessarily show your hand. It was strange."

With steel tariffs left hanging, O'Neill shrugged — if this was to be a monologue, he'd better make it sing.

They'd both been at that education conference five years before, so he went with that. "No Child Left Behind, I like that," O'Neill said, "but the idea that really moves us forward — a real action plan — is One Child at a Time."

It was an idea he'd road-tested with educators for years — that we need "an individualized mandate, where children would be constantly be assessed, one child at a time, in order to help create a little strategic plan for each student," a personalized learning strategy to fill gaps and develop latent potential. "It's a rethinking of what's possible, Mr. President. There's nothing more important than nurturing our human potential as a nation — our future depends on it."

Bush shifted in the wing-back chair. "Right, that's the concept of disaggregation" — a term used by educational statisticians to break down test scores — "I have that covered."

O'Neill wondered if he should point out that the President might be misusing that term but thought again. Instead, he spoke of the need to rigorously assess how federal money is spent in key areas and how to get more value for each dollar and apply it "to the trillions we've spent in foreign aid over the years...what were the goals underlying those expenditures and what were the outcomes." Once that evidence is gathered, O'Neill said, it would be appropriate to examine whether institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund needed restructuring.

The President seemed to nod in affirmation. O'Neill couldn't be sure.

Using the same model, O'Neill proffered a structure to assess the value of America's role in international economic crises — such as Mexico in 1995 or Indonesia in 1997. O'Neill was no longer expecting a response. He discussed ways to apply "value analysis" to the reform of health care and shrink federal expenditures, an area where he is considered by many as one of the country's most original thinkers. Then he offered a similar analytical framework to approach Japan's economic woes and craft an appropriate role for the United States.

O'Neill took a breath. The Oval Office's eighteenth-century grandfather clock — eight feet ten inches of mahogany with satinwood inlays — was to his back. He glanced at his watch. He'd been talking for just over fifty minutes. The meeting was scheduled for an hour.

"All right, Mr. President, maybe to finish up we could talk about global climate change..." Along with his memo on the tax cut strategy, O'Neill had sent over a booklet Alcoa had produced in 1998 with the text of an extensive speech he had given — a thorough analysis of the issue, what was known and as yet unknown, and principles to guide future actions. Bush seemed to indicate with a tilt of his head that he'd read it. But, again, O'Neill wasn't certain.

He pushed forward, adding his current thoughts on what the President might do on the issue — a flash point for environmental policy. He assessed the flaws of the Kyoto treaty and offered thoughts about how they might be remedied.

Both men are precise. And the hour was up. They stood at the same moment to shake hands.

"Get me a plan on global warming."

O'Neill nodded, a bit surprised.

Bush said it again. "Get me a plan on it."

Yes, fine, he'd create a plan, O'Neill said. Then he slipped out of the Oval Office, wondering whether that meant he was supposed to call EPA administrator Christie Whitman — the person designated to handle that area — or to not call her.

Copyright © 2004 by Ron Suskind

Meet the Author

Ron Suskind is the author of the # 1 New York Times bestseller The Price of Loyalty: George W. Bush, the White House, and the Education of Paul O'Neill. He is also the author of the critically acclaimed A Hope in the Unseen. He has been senior national affairs reporter for The Wall Street Journal, where he won the Pulitzer Prize for Feature Writing. Visit the author's website at www.ronsuskind.com.

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The Price of Loyalty 4.4 out of 5 based on 0 ratings. 34 reviews.
Guest More than 1 year ago
After reading this book I was astonsihed as to how the Bush cabinet runs the country, it really scares me. Unfortunately I am not of voting age yet but I am encouraging those who can vote to get Bush and his cabinet out of office.
Guest More than 1 year ago
This book was a tremendous eye-opener for me. With all the confusion and finger-pointing in the news reports about the Bush Administration's Policies, it was very refreshing to hear from a former member of 'Team Bush'. Suskind does a great job explaining former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill's experience as an insider of the Bush Administration. More truth and clarity of the inner workings of the Bush White House is revealed in this book than all of the major new media combined. You owe it to yourself to read this book before going to the polls to vote in November.
Guest More than 1 year ago
The book rings true with me. It's no stretch to realize that the White House is not particularly interested in facts or doing what's right. O'Neills's book simply puts their shenanigans in perspective. How in heaven's name can the 1-star reviewers think that climate change is not an issue (as the Bush Admin does) and how can they belittle the effort on O'Neills part to bring clean water to Africa (in spite of Bush's non-interest)? Do they really doubt that O'Neill refused to lie about being fired (as requested by the Administration) or that his entire staff of hundreds lined up to applaud him as he left? How come these 1-stars are so angry that someone would report accurately? The papers from which the book was drawn are avaiable to anyone interested enuf to look them up onlline. It's the 1-star reviewers that are frightened and angry that 'their' administration is exposed. Read the book and you'll see what I mean.
Guest More than 1 year ago
This book reads like a novel - I didn't want it to end. Suskind keeps you riveted to the unfolding story of O'Neill's inability to engage the President in a meaningful dialogue on issues, and documents his frustration at the artificial nature of process and management under Bush. Anyone who reads this book and then continues to support this President, hasn't understood a thing O'Neill has said. An absolutely gripping read.
Guest More than 1 year ago
A Bush ideologue will tell you that this book is lies, but if you look at the facts, you will find that what is said in here is the truth.

As O'Neill says in the book, 'Ideology is much easier than philosophy because ideology has no basis in fact, just belief'. (paraphrased)

This is a must read for anyone sitting on the fence for the next election.

Guest More than 1 year ago
The book should be titled, 'The Price of Ineptitude: George W. Bush, the White House, and the Griping of Paul O'Neill' the price paid by O'Neill being his termination of employment for lack of capability. As noted by other reviewers, the author is clearly upset he was fired and timed the publication and release of his story as part of his personal agenda to retaliate. For leftists, it's another great opportunity to unite in the hatred of President Bush and all his policies; because they're his policies. And for the media to herald its obvious bias. What about that book by Alain Hertoghe, 'La Guerre a Outrances' (The War of Outrages), about the gross distortion in the French media's coverage of the Iraq war?
Guest More than 1 year ago
Sometimes I have to get up and walk away, and calm myself in disbelief. I couldn't put it down. I was a life long Republican before Bush, and before I read this book. Like many, I listened to the evening News and I assumed it to be accurate, clearly it's filtered,and controled. Every American should read this book, and then every American would take back our country from Bush and his henchmen as they systematically destroy our nation and economy behind our backs. If every voter read this book, voter turn out would be the likes of which history has never seen coming out, against Bush, and for a return of America to the people.
Guest More than 1 year ago
A very interesting and insightful book. It lets us know how this administration got to where they are now.
Guest More than 1 year ago
I did not like the narrative style that the author chose. However I found the book fascinating. Sadly it appears to confirm many rumors about the current administration. Well worth reading if you want an inside account of the Whitehouse.
Guest More than 1 year ago
This is probably the most important work of non-fiction you could read this year. What it tells of is happening now. More than just the story of Paul O'Neill, it exposes the inner workings of the Bush administration and offers an education in the principles of effective and proper government process. It is bone-chilling! Whatever your politics, give this book a careful read. Then decide for yourself if you're comfortable with government conducted in secret and powered by wealth and special interests, where information communicated to the public is carefully scripted. Read it now, while there is still time to prevent four more years of damage from government that operates in a near-void of leadership, ethics, and intelligent process.
Guest More than 1 year ago
This is a must read by the American People. It is no longer politics as usual. It is about the dangerous leadership we have in power right now. They have taken us down a slippery slope based on keeping control of their power instead of the interest of the people of our country and for that matter the rest of the world. I commend Mr. O'Neill for his integrity and candor. He is a true patriot.
Guest More than 1 year ago
What makes this book refreshing is that it presents a fair, and devastating, critique of Bush and his cronies by an honest Republican. O'Neill says what most Republicans will not admit, i.e., that Bush has made some terrible mistakes. Even worse, Bush and his closest advisers apparently do not care about, or refuse to acknowledge, the significance of their mistakes. Contrary to the impression given by the media, the book's most tangible critique of Bush is not O'Neill's observations about the administration's approach to Iraq, but rather, O'Neill's description of the dogmatic, cavalier, and fundamentally dishonest approach that the Bush administration has taken in all significant areas of public policy. For O'Neill, the problem with Bush's policy determinations are illustrated by his approach to global warming and the federal budget. The book reveals that Bush's approach to both of these issues ignored the advice given by people in his administration with relevant factual information, and instead acted upon universally discredited scientific and economic theories in order to benefit groups of people who had given significant financial support to Bush and other Republicans. If you have read any of the bestsellers documenting this administrations' lies, then O'Neill's account of Bush's behavior will not offer anything particularly surprising. Even so, I strongly recommend this book for its uniquely Republican perspective. By breaking ranks with the ill-conceived and dishonest policies of the Bush administration, O'Neill offers hope that there may come a time when politicians act as wise statesmen rather than the shameless hucksters currently running this country.
Guest More than 1 year ago
This exceptional book should be compelling reading for anyone hoping to make an informed choice in the Presidential Elections for 2004. It suggests we are in need of disclosure of personal and corporate political biases woven into American journalism.
Guest More than 1 year ago
A sad and truethful commentary on the current course of our elected officials. We've taken a few steps backwards from the Founding Fathers that lead through interacting, inclusion and mediation. This is an eye opener for me. Jeff
Guest More than 1 year ago
Though O'Neill was portrayed as a good guy, no one has come forward to dispute that. O'Neill's records and the author's interviews with other administration members are the fodder from which the book is drawn. Fascinating reading - I couldn't put my highlighter pen down. You might not be surprised, but you will be horrified. The total lack of real proof of WND in Iraq and the administration's very careless attitude toward the economy and Social Security were verified many times over. Time for a change!! Thank goodness the election is coming. Wish O'Neill would run!!
Guest More than 1 year ago
This is by far the most important book to come out and expose the lies and crimes of the Bush Administration. I personally thank Paul O Neill for his courage to speak the truth and expose the corruption within our government.
Guest More than 1 year ago
Notice this was published just before all the elections. No wonder he was fired - he can't tell the truth if it hit him in the face.
Guest More than 1 year ago
This obviously is just a man whose mad because he was fired. I wonder... would this book have been written if he was still employed by the Whitehouse? Sour grapes.
Guest More than 1 year ago
Though the book is written by an author with no love for the Republicans, the subject of the book IS a Republican who served Nixon, Ford and Bush Sr. as well as the current President. It is easy to read and gives you a first hand account of what was going on at high level cabinet meetings. Look past the obvious attempt to cast Paul O'Neill as the knight on the white horse. Some have said that the book is merely payback for being fired by Bush. O'Neill is rich and most men in his position would have taken their $60 million in the bank and said to hell with opening a can of worms. Whether this book is sour grapes is really beside the point. If you consider the welfare of the country to be more important than President Bush's approval ratings, I strongly recommend this book.
Guest More than 1 year ago
The narrative accounts of Paul O¿Neill, if truthful and correct, are delivered in essentially a ¿facts-only¿ manner with subjective interjections typically limited to single line musings that he recalled having at the time of the events chronicled. I was not overly surprised and much of what was written only confirmed what I already suspected. I was impressed by his numerous inside observations, especially as to how well organized the Bush transition team was; brings to mind the counterpoint of how disorganized the Clinton White House was well into the second half of their first term. One interesting thing that is referenced is that the Vice President was present at some of the official proceedings after 9/11 in the form of a video image displayed from an ¿undisclosed location¿. One would normally assume that the undisclosed location was a secure government facility, but could it have been from a suite in one of those alleged right-wing think tanks? While it might be prudent to assume that the undisclosed location would be both secure and staffed with cleared individuals if it were a government facility, would it be so for a private suite in some right wing think tank? Since FDR¿s administration, the lion¿s share of the work of the executive branch has been done in the Executive Office Building; with the West Wing eventually evolving into a kind of window dressing used to impress visiting campaign contributors and the like. One wonders how much of the work of this administration, the likes of which was successfully prototyped by the Reagan administration, is done in the Executive Office Building and how much is done from an ¿undisclosed location¿. If the musings about some of the official meetings feeling as though they were ¿scripted¿ are correct, then one wonders just who the scriptwriters might be? Are they US citizens or are they foreigners who might be members of some ancient international Mafia-like organization, the likes of which might have had JFK done in so that they could develop their nuclear capability? Could it be suggested that a certain individual mentioned might have the unofficial title of ¿Official Events Director¿ in addition to his official title? Are these people Republicans or elements of that international Mafia posing as such? If the later, what is to stop them from usurping a Democratic administration as well?
Guest More than 1 year ago
The truth shall set this country free.
Guest More than 1 year ago
If you're tied of the neo-conservative, flag waving hype and want the truth, read this book. Absolutely a mesmerizing and blunt expose into the inner workings of the White House under George W. Bush. Your given a table seat to cabinet meetings and personal conversations with the top people in the administration. If you only buy one book a year, you must get this book. Even if you don't buy books at all, borrow this one. You'll be glad you did.
Guest More than 1 year ago
this trash-filled book is a bad attempt to ruin George w.
Guest More than 1 year ago
It should have been clear before the election that ' what we have ' is ' what was coming ' and that is why I did not vote for the subject matter. Please note my personal information.
Guest More than 1 year ago
The best political book in a long time. Finally a credible source with credible proof to prove Bush for the deceiver he is. Bush has deceived Americans and tried to deceive the world since his election to office and now his own administration is telling the truth. Truly a must read