The Prince (Everyman's Library)

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Overview

That Machiavelli’s name has become synonymous with cold-eyed political calculation only heightens the intrinsic fascination of The Prince–the world’s preeminent how-to manual on the art of getting and keeping power, and one of the literary landmarks of the Italian Renaissance. Written in a vigorous, straightforward style that reflects its author’s realism, this treatise on states, statecraft, and the ideal ruler is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand how human society actually works.

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Overview

That Machiavelli’s name has become synonymous with cold-eyed political calculation only heightens the intrinsic fascination of The Prince–the world’s preeminent how-to manual on the art of getting and keeping power, and one of the literary landmarks of the Italian Renaissance. Written in a vigorous, straightforward style that reflects its author’s realism, this treatise on states, statecraft, and the ideal ruler is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand how human society actually works.

(Book Jacket Status: Jacketed)

Described as a practical rule-book for the diplomat and a handbook of evil, this work provides an uncompromising picture of the true nature of power.

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Editorial Reviews

From the Publisher
“[Machiavelli] can still engage our attention with remarkable immediacy, and this cannot be explained solely by the appeal of his ironic observations on human behaviour. Perhaps the most important thing is the way he can compel us to reflect on our own priorities and the reasoning behind them; it is this intrusion into our own defenses that makes reading him an intriguing experience. As a scientific exponent of the political art Machiavelli may have had few followers; it is as a provocative rhetorician that he has had his real impact on history.” –from the Introduction by Dominic Baker-Smith
Library Journal
First published in 1517, this classic treatise on the art of practical politics remains a fascinating and powerful work. Laying down uncompromising guidelines for successful leadership, Machiavelli leaves no room for indecision or weakness, and his text comes alive in the voice of actor Fritz Weaver. The narrator's performance is energetic and committed, heightening the dramatic impact of such controversial mandates as the necessary destruction of all the members of a ruling family, of inflicting violence once and for all, or of acting cruelly for the sake of unity. The text is prefaced by the unidentified translator's enlightening introduction. The packaging is aesthetically appealing but flimsy. Definitely recommended for academic and large public libraries.

--Sister M. Anna Falbo CSSF, Villa Maria College Library, Buffalo. N.Y.

Library Journal
First published in 1517, this classic treatise on the art of practical politics remains a fascinating and powerful work. Laying down uncompromising guidelines for successful leadership, Machiavelli leaves no room for indecision or weakness, and his text comes alive in the voice of actor Fritz Weaver. The narrator's performance is energetic and committed, heightening the dramatic impact of such controversial mandates as the necessary destruction of all the members of a ruling family, of inflicting violence once and for all, or of acting cruelly for the sake of unity. The text is prefaced by the unidentified translator's enlightening introduction. The packaging is aesthetically appealing but flimsy. Definitely recommended for academic and large public libraries.

--Sister M. Anna Falbo CSSF, Villa Maria College Library, Buffalo. N.Y.

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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780679410447
  • Publisher: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group
  • Publication date: 6/28/1992
  • Series: Everyman's Library
  • Pages: 224
  • Sales rank: 419,908
  • Product dimensions: 5.21 (w) x 8.30 (h) x 0.79 (d)

Meet the Author

Peter Constantine, winner of the PEN Translation Prize and a National Translation Award, has earned wide acclaim for his translation of The Undiscovered Chekhov and of the complete works of Isaac Babel, as well as for his Modern Library translations, which include The Essential Writings of Machiavelli, Gogol’s Taras Bulba, Voltaire’s Candide, and Tolstoy’s The Cossacks.
 
Albert Russell Ascoli is Gladys Arata Terrill Distinguished Professor of Italian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, and was awarded the Rome Prize for study at the American Academy in Rome.

From the Trade Paperback edition.

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Read an Excerpt

Niccolò Machiavelli to His Magnificence Lorenzo de’ Medici1

Those who wish to win the favor of a prince will generally approach him with gifts of what they value most or what they believe will most delight him. Hence we see princes being offered horses, arms, vestments of gold, precious stones, and similar accoutrements worthy of their grandeur. Wishing to present myself to Your Magnificence with a token of my deepest respect, I have found among my possessions nothing that I value or esteem higher than my knowledge of the deeds of great men. I have acquired this knowledge through my long experience of modern affairs and a lifelong study of ancient times, all of which I have weighed and examined with great diligence and brought together into this small volume, which I am now offering to Your Magnificence. Though I deem this work unworthy of being in Your illustrious presence, my confidence in Your benevolence persuades me that it will be accepted, and that Your Magnificence will recognize that I cannot offer You a greater gift than the prospect of Your understanding in the shortest period all that I have experienced and learned over so many years and with so much danger and hardship. I have not filled this volume with pompous rhetoric, with bombast and magnificent words, or with the unnecessary artifice with which so many writers gild their work. I wanted nothing extraneous to ornament my writing, for it has been my purpose that only the range of material and the gravity of the subject should make it pleasing. Nor do I wish it to be thought presumptuous that a man of low and humble condition like myself should presume to map out and direct the government of princes. But just as a cartographer will descend into the plains in order to study the nature of the mountains, and will then climb the highest peaks in order to study the low-lying land, so, too, only an exalted prince can grasp the nature of the people, and only a lesser man can perceive the nature of a prince.

I hope therefore that Your Magnificence will accept this humble gift in the spirit in which it is offered. Should You condescend to read and consider it carefully, You will perceive in its pages my profound desire that Your Magnificence will rise to the greatness that Fortune and Your qualities promise. And should Your Magnificence deign to look down from the lofty summit of Your eminence to these lowly depths, You will see how I have suffered undeservedly Fortune’s great and continuing malignity.

1. Lorenzo de’ Medici (1492—1519) was the grandson of Lorenzo the Magnificent.

Chapter One
Of the kinds of principalities that exist, and how they can be acquired

All states, all dominions that rule or have ruled over men, are or have been either republics or principalities. Principalities are either hereditary, with a long-established bloodline, or new. And the new principalities are either entirely new, as Milan was to Francesco Sforza2, or are like limbs added to the hereditary state of the prince who acquires them, as the Kingdom of Naples was to the King of Spain3. States obtained in this way are accustomed either to living under a prince, or to being free. They are acquired either with the arms of others, or with one’s own, either by chance or by skill.

2. Francesco Sforza (1401—66) was a soldier of fortune who became Duke of Milan in 1450.
3. Ferdinand the Catholic (1452—1516), King of Aragon, also became Ferdinand III of Naples in 1504.

Chapter Two
Of hereditary principalities

I will not discuss republics, as I have already done so at some length elsewhere. I shall only concentrate on principalities, and shall weave together the threads I have already laid out. I will show how these principalities can be governed and main- tained.

First, states that are hereditary and tied to the bloodline of their prince are easier to maintain than new ones. It is enough not to diverge from the practices of one’s forebears, and to handle unforeseen issues as they arise. If such a prince is of at least average ability he can retain his posi- tion of power, so long as no extraordinary or excessive force deprive him of it. If this prince is deprived of his state, he will find he can reacquire it if any misfortune befalls the usurper.

In Italy we have the example of the Duke of Ferrara, who resisted the assaults of the Venetians in 1484 and of Pope Julius II in 1510, for the simple reason that he had inherited an ancient principality4. A hereditary prince has less cause to mistreat his subjects, and so is more loved by them. If unusual vices do not make him hated, it is to be expected that he will be loved by his people.

The long continuum of the dominion obliterates the memories and issues that make men yearn for innovation, for one change will inevitably forge a link to another.

4. In fact, Duke Ercole d’Este of Ferrara managed to end the war with Venetians in 1484, while his son Duke Alfonso managed to stay in power despite excommunication and an ongoing war with the papal forces.

Chapter Three
Of mixed principalities

It is in the new principality that the difficulties lie. First, if the principality is not completely new, but is like a limb or extension added to another principality (in which case we could almost call the whole state a mixed principality), its volatility stems mainly from a difficulty inherent in all new principalities. This is that men will willingly change their ruler in the hope that they will fare better, a hope that leads them to take up arms against their old ruler. But in this they are deceived, because, as they invariably discover, their lot under a new ruler is inevitably worse. This is the result of another natural and basic inevitability: that you cannot avoid offending those whose new ruler you are, both with your armed soldiers and with innumerable other provocations that come in the wake of a conquest. You end up making enemies of all those you have offended during your conquest of the principality, and you find that you cannot keep the friendship of those who helped you to power, since you cannot satisfy them in the way they had envisioned. Furthermore, you cannot take strong measures against them, as you are indebted to them. Even with the most powerful army, if you want to invade a state, you need the support of the people. It was for these reasons that King Louis XII of France was quick to occupy Milan, and just as quick to lose it. Duke Ludovico’s own forces were enough to win Milan back the first time, because the same masses that had opened the gates for Louis, finding themselves misled in their hopes for a better future, could not endure the new prince’s offenses5.

It is a fact that once a prince acquires a rebellious state for the second time, it also proves harder to lose that state a second time6. This is because the prince who seizes the opportunity of the rebellion has fewer scruples about securing his position by punishing offenders, flushing out suspects, and strengthening all the places where he is weakest. In this sense, it was enough for a Duke Ludovico to make a little noise along the borders for Louis XII to lose Milan the first time. But for him to lose Milan a second time the whole world had to unite against him, defeat his army, and chase it out of Italy7. This followed from the causes I have already laid out. Nonetheless, both the first and second time, Milan was taken from him.

The general reasons for the first loss have been discussed. It now remains to discuss the second, and to see what recourse someone in Louis’s position could have taken to maintain himself more securely in his new acquisition. I must stress that the states a prince acquires and adds to his own are either of the same country and language, or are not. If they are it is much easier to retain them, particularly if they are not used to freedom. To hold them securely, it is enough to extinguish the line of the previous prince who ruled them. As for the rest, if the new acquisition’s former state of affairs is kept and there is no difference in customs, men will live quite peacefully, as we have seen in Burgundy, Brittany, Gascony, and Normandy, which for a long time now have all belonged to France. Although there is some difference in language, their customs are similar, and their people get along with one another quite easily. He who acquires such states and wishes to retain them has to make sure of two things: that the bloodline of their former princes is extinguished, and that their laws and taxes remain the same. This way, the prince’s new state merges with the old, quickly becoming a single body.

But difficulties arise when you acquire states in a land with differing languages, customs, and laws. To keep these states, you need good fortune and much diligence. One of the best and quickest solutions is for the new prince to go and live in his new state. This makes the possession more durable and secure. The Turk did this in Greece8. With all the other measures he took to keep Greece in his possession, had he not gone to live there he would not have succeeded, because once the prince is established within his new state he is able to see problems as they arise and can remedy them. If he is not there, problems become obvious only once they are dire and can no longer be remedied. Furthermore, if he is present, his new state will not be looted by his officials, and his new subjects can enjoy immediate access to their prince. This will give them more reason to love him if they are on his side, and to fear him if they are not, and foreign powers wishing to attack his state will respect him more. Hence, if the prince lives in his new state, it is difficult for him to lose it.

Another efficient remedy is to set up colonies in one or two places that will act as the shackles of your new state. If you do not set up colonies, you will have to send a great number of troops to secure it, while a colony can be established and maintained at negligible cost. The only subjects who will be affronted are those whose fields and houses will be confiscated to be given to the new colonists. But these dispossessed subjects make up only a small part of the state and will end up poor and dispersed, and so can do no harm. The rest of your new subjects will not be affronted (and hence will be acquiescent), but will also be frightened of transgressing, worried that they too might be dispossessed. I conclude that colonies do not cost much, are loyal, and will cause less trouble. And as I have already mentioned, those you dispossess cannot harm you, as they will be poor and dispersed. In short, men must either be flattered or eliminated, because a man will readily avenge a slight grievance, but not one that is truly severe. Hence, the offense done a man must be of the kind that cannot incur vengeance.

If you choose armed forces instead of colonies, you will spend more and will have to squander all the income from the new state in order to pay the army. This will turn the acquisition into a loss, and all your new subjects will end up offended, since an army, constantly on the move and constantly requartered, hurts the whole state. Everyone feels the pain, and everyone becomes your enemy. And these are enemies who can harm you, because though they have been defeated, they remain on their own ground. So in every sense, using armed forces is as useless as setting up colonies is useful.

It is also important when a prince has conquered a foreign state that he become the protector of the surrounding weaker powers, and do all he can to weaken the stronger ones. He must take precautions so that no foreigner equal in power manages to enter his new state. If he should enter, it will be because he was brought in by discontented factions driven by ambition or fear. We saw this in the case of the Aetolians who introduced the Romans into Greece;9 and in every other province in which the Romans set foot, it was with the help of some of the inhabitants. The order of things is that the moment a powerful invader takes over a state, all the weaker factions within it join forces with him, spurred on by their envy of the ruler who had wielded power over them before. In other words, the new prince has no trouble winning the weaker factions over, because they will willingly become part of his new state. He has only to see to it that they do not gain too much power and authority. With his forces and their favor, he can easily bring down those who are powerful so that he will remain the only arbiter in the land. He who does not follow this course will quickly lose all he has gained, and will be plagued by infinite difficulties while he holds power.

5. Louis XII occupied Milan in September 1499, but was ousted in February 1500 by Ludovico Sforza. Louis, however, managed to recapture Milan within two months.
6. Once Louis XII recaptured Milan, it remained under his rule until 1512.
7. The Holy League of 1511, organized by Pope Julius II, was an anti-French coalition that included Spain, Venice, the Holy Roman Empire, England, and the Swiss. The League managed to drive the French out of Milan in May 1512.
8. The Turks occupied Constantinople in 1453, and in 1457 transferred the capital of the Ottoman Empire from Edirne to Constantinople.

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Table of Contents

Introduction
A Note on the Translation
Chronology
Map
The Prince 1
Dedicatory Letter 3
I How Many Are the Kinds of Principalities and in What Modes They Are Acquired 5
II Of Hereditary Principalities 6
III Of Mixed Principalities 7
IV Why the Kingdom of Darius Which Alexander Seized Did Not Rebel from His Successors after Alexander's Death 16
V How Cities or Principalities Which Lived by Their Own Laws before They Were Occupied Should Be Administered 20
VI Of New Principalities That Are Acquired through One's Own Arms and Virtue 21
VII Of New Principalities That Are Acquired by Others' Arms and Fortune 25
VIII Of Those Who Have Attained a Principality through Crimes 34
IX Of the Civil Principality 38
X In What Mode the Forces of All Principalities Should Be Measured 42
XI Of Ecclesiastical Principalities 45
XII How Many Kinds of Military There Are and Concerning Mercenary Soldiers 48
XIII Of Auxiliary, Mixed, and One's Own Soldiers 54
XIV What a Prince Should Do Regarding the Military 58
XV Of Those Things for Which Men and Especially Princes Are Praised or Blamed 61
XVI Of Liberality and Parsimony 62
XVII Of Cruelty and Mercy, and Whether It Is Better to Be Loved Than Feared, or the Contrary 65
XVIII In What Mode Faith Should Be Kept by Princes 68
XIX Of Avoiding Contempt and Hatred 71
XX Whether Fortresses and Many Other Things Which Are Made and Done by Princes Every Day Are Useful or Useless 83
XXI What a Prince Should Do to Be Held in Esteem 87
XXII Of Those Whom Princes Have as Secretaries 92
XXIII In What Mode Flatterers Are to Be Avoided 93
XXIV Why the Princes of Italy Have Lost Their States 96
XXV How Much Fortune Can Do in Human Affairs, and in What Mode It May Be Opposed 98
XXVI Exhortation to Seize Italy and to Free Her from the Barbarians 101
App Machiavelli's Letter of December 10, 1513 107
Glossary 113
Bibliography 141
Index of Proper Names 145
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Customer Reviews

Average Rating 4
( 69 )
Rating Distribution

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(29)

4 Star

(21)

3 Star

(7)

2 Star

(5)

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(7)

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See All Sort by: Showing 1 – 20 of 80 Customer Reviews
  • Posted February 15, 2013

    Good version

    Had to read this book for school. Not my favorite book, but should you wish to read the classic, this is definitely the best FREE version out there.

    4 out of 4 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted December 31, 2006

    He wasn't evil

    The truth is I thought that this book was surprisingly not as chilling as some have made it out to be, for example, I realize that when invading befriending the weak to take down the ruler but keeping those weak powers weak is by no means a nice thing to do. But in the end I saw this book as.... optimistic maybe. One thing he said stuck with me that a great ruler(one to go down in history) is not a tyrant who increases his nations size for personal gain but for the country itself. That was on my first reading, I'll reread it and maybe with more understanding I will find it as chilling as it is made out to be.

    4 out of 7 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted July 24, 2012

    Not the demon he is made out to be.

    The Prince is not the heartless manual on backstabbing it is often portrayed as being. Rather Machiavelli seems most interested in issuing a wake up call to Italian leaders to get better at their jobs so as to protect Italy from becoming the plaything of foreign powers. It is interesting to note that Jefferson could read the Prince and extract not a lesson of ruthlessness, but rather the idea that a republic founded on popular support was safer and more durable than one based on the ambitions of a few selfish nobles.

    3 out of 4 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted December 3, 2013

    AP World History Review This Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli is n

    AP World History Review
    This Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli is not as it is believed to be by some people. It's not heartless, and the opposite way to rule a government. He has a clear way of stating how a ruler should rule. It's about keeping unity among citizens, and using power, without abusing it. I would recommend this book because it has a way of making you look at government differently. It is also a great way of learning how people thought on military tactics for that time period, which were important for that time period. I like how Machiavelli was quick to make his point; he wasn’t wasting any time making his points. Since there wasn’t a lot of extra writing to decipher. it helped to understand what he was writing. Since the points came straight out, it made the book shorter, which was a nice size for a book on politics. The book was still a little tough at first, but as I read it got easier, it helped that I read Introducing Machiavelli by Patrick Curry and Oscar Zarate. Even if you aren’t a history buff, this book may take time to read, but it is worth the read.


    2 out of 2 people found this review helpful.

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  • Posted June 28, 2009

    more from this reviewer

    Classic work

    A easy reading and fluid translation of a classic work.

    2 out of 4 people found this review helpful.

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  • Posted October 9, 2008

    more from this reviewer

    I Also Recommend:

    Pardon me, but would you have any political realism?

    Apropos of his best-known role as the conniving British prime ministerial candidate in House of Cards, Ian Richardson is the perfect reader for the quintessential manual of Realpolitik. The urbane authority he brings to this reading is nearly musical and the perfect complement to Machiavelli's ornate rhetoric. <BR/><BR/>For most Americans, Richardson is best known for his inquiries about the availability of Grey Poupon and after hearing this wonderful narration, I don't believe that anyone could resist giving him some mustard if he asked.

    2 out of 8 people found this review helpful.

    Was this review helpful? Yes  No   Report this review
  • Anonymous

    Posted May 20, 2013

    Highly Recommended - Specially for those in pursuit of power and influence

    It is a rather dense reading however it still distilles with genius the ways a person in a position of power has to execute to remain and progress ahead.

    Despite the time since it was written, it is a very useful reference full with working knowledege taken from those in power at the time.

    It also becomes even more important to those not having that level of influence or power and having a crave towards getting some since the display of tactics are well explained.

    A fair time to read it may be a couple of weeks including taking notes aside to rethink and fathom the roots and branches of the knowledge inside.

    A great "sequel" would be something like "Machiavelli in Action" or so.

    1 out of 3 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted December 9, 2012

    AP World History Review I thought that this book was a very good

    AP World History Review
    I thought that this book was a very good book.
    This book linked the things that we were going over in history class now. 
    I learned a lot about the middle ages while reading this book. 
    I learned about the military tactics and how a ruler should rule his kingdom while reading this book.  
    This book was very insightful with helping me learn about the middle ages.  

    This book really focused on the credentials that a good ruler in the middle ages is suppose to have.
    Machiavelli talks about four things in his book.
    He talks about the types of principalities, the types of armies, the character and behavior of a good ruler, and how all of these affected Italy.
    This is a good book for people who are into the middle ages.
    It is also good for people who like to learn about certain types of history, as in the middle ages.
    I really learned through this book that a ruler in the middle ages has to be like a dictator in the world today.
    Overall I really enjoyed this book and I think that other history buffs will like this book also. 

    1 out of 2 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted December 8, 2012

    AP World History Review: A Crazy Man and his Dreams The Prince,

    AP World History Review: A Crazy Man and his Dreams
    The Prince, written by Niccolo Machiavelli, is a novel dedicated to instructing a prince on how to run his country. For the most part, the novel speaks of how a ruler should act and appear. Machiavelli states that a ruler should appear generous and caring, when instead he should be a treacherous maniac with a motive to keep his power. Although the book at first seems to be directed towards all rulers, nearing the end, it seems to be intended specifically towards Italy and its broken government. It seems Machiavelli is trying to instruct a specific individual, Lorenzo de’ Medici, on how to be a suitable leader for his people. In the final chapter of the book, Machiavelli states that Lorenzo is Italy’s only hope.
    If the proposed motive for the book stated above is correct, I believe Machiavelli successfully laid out a suitable infrastructure for Italy’s new government. His methods for maintaining power may be cruel and immoral, and he did also provide other, more virtuous, proposals. However, he did insist using the evil methods, with which I highly disagree. Overall, I would not recommend this book, mainly due to my boredom throughout the read. However, for those interested in the layout of government, the book should be interesting and, perhaps, fantastic.

    1 out of 2 people found this review helpful.

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  • Posted December 16, 2010

    more from this reviewer

    Machiavelli's infamous manual on political power

    The end justifies the means. This simple, pragmatic maxim underpins Niccol&#242; Machiavelli's classic work, The Prince. Written in 1513, when Machiavelli was a Florentine registry official, this handbook of political power provoked controversy like no other. Its central theme is how Renaissance rulers should act if they want to prevail. According to the author, a strong state requires a leader who is able to defend his power at all costs. Machiavelli maintains that a ruler may deceive, trick, oppress and even murder his opponents, as long as his misdeeds serve the state's stability. Without question, this short treatise offers enough material to demonize its author. However, Machiavelli does not champion unlimited ruthlessness and violence. Nor does he justify any objectives that seem to warrant violence. However, he also does not try to align his work to Christian morals as he examines the practice of statecraft and leadership. The term "Machiavellian" emerged in the 16th century to describe a devious, cruel tyrant, who uses any means to achieve his goals. When 20th century dictators praised Machiavelli's masterpiece, it came into disrepute, but in contemporary thought, its literary foresight makes it a classic. Modern readers will be able to understand the book's significance thanks to the accessible translation and annotations by Peter Bondanella. To put the treatise in context, Maurizio Viroli explains in his introduction, "For Machiavelli, the old way of building and preserving a regime.had to be abandoned in order to embrace a new conception.based on the principle that no state is a true dominion unless it is sustained by an army composed of citizens or subjects." getAbstract recommends The Prince to literature and history buffs, be they subjects or citizens, and to strategists and political scientists as a core work in their field.

    1 out of 3 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted September 12, 2008

    The prince

    I first picked up this title because some of my friends had said that it was absolutely horrible, and I wanted to prove that I could read this. But after the fifth page, I was bored out of my mind. This book should change its title to, 'The worst book ever!!!' Reading this book is like reading a how to rule the world for dummies. Even the spark notes for this book was better. Basically this is just a horrible book and no one should torture themselves to read it. I would not let anyone read this book even if they are bored out of their minds.

    1 out of 12 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted April 10, 2014

    good book

    You people should just reads this novel yourselves and write your own review on this book too. I enjoyed reading this novel very much. ShelleyMA

    Was this review helpful? Yes  No   Report this review
  • Posted February 28, 2014

    Required reading ....

    A "must" read for any student of human behavior.

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  • Posted December 3, 2013

    Reading this book i can understand how Niccolo machiavelli is co

    Reading this book i can understand how Niccolo machiavelli is considered the father of political science and how his observations of rulers has affected our political atmosphere. His observations and examples arise in a time were wars for power and land were prevalent and allow for a very old understanding of the different types of political principalities and how to adequately rule over them. Anyone interested in politics or history should have this in their collection

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  • Anonymous

    Posted January 19, 2013

    TO"WOW"

    What is wrong with reading about politics . Everyone should have the right to have at least basic political knowledge. To learn about the great minds of the prince.
    SETH SORON

    0 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted December 30, 2012

    Wow

    Who in the world would want to read about politics!:(
    Welll maby if their INSANE!!!!!

    0 out of 10 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted December 28, 2012

    I love it

    To long

    0 out of 5 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted September 30, 2012

    Wisdom

    Wisdom

    0 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted September 15, 2012

    Classic

    One of my all time favorites.

    0 out of 1 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted September 13, 2012

    Not free

    Not free & enough bad ratings that I would not risk paying for it.

    0 out of 3 people found this review helpful.

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