The Senator And The Socialite LP

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This is the true story of America's first black dynasty. The years after the Civil War represented an astonishing moment of opportunity for African-Americans. The rush to build a racially democratic society from the ruins of slavery is never more evident than in the personal history of Blanche Kelso Bruce and his heirs.

Born a slave in 1841, Bruce became a local Mississippi sheriff, developed a growing Republican power base, amassed a real-estate fortune, and became the first ...

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Overview

This is the true story of America's first black dynasty. The years after the Civil War represented an astonishing moment of opportunity for African-Americans. The rush to build a racially democratic society from the ruins of slavery is never more evident than in the personal history of Blanche Kelso Bruce and his heirs.

Born a slave in 1841, Bruce became a local Mississippi sheriff, developed a growing Republican power base, amassed a real-estate fortune, and became the first black to serve a full Senate term. He married Josephine Willson, the daughter of a wealthy black Philadelphia doctor. Together they broke racial barriers as a socialite couple in 1880s Washington, D.C.

By befriending President Ulysses S. Grant, abolitionist Frederick Douglass, and a cadre of liberal black and white Republicans, Bruce spent six years in the U.S. Senate, then gained appointments under four presidents (Garfield, Arthur, Harrison, and McKinley), culminating with a top Treasury post, which placed his name on all U.S. currency.

During Reconstruction, the Bruce family entertained lavishly in their two Washington town houses and acquired an 800-acre plantation, homes in four states, and a fortune that allowed their son and grandchildren to attend Phillips Exeter Academy and Harvard University, beginning in 1896.

The Senator's legacy would continue with his son, Roscoe, who became both a protégé of Booker T. Washington and a superintendent of Washington, D.C.'s segregated schools. When the family moved to New York in the 1920s and formed an alliance with John D. Rockefeller Jr., the Bruces became an enviable force in Harlem society. Their public battle to get their grandson admitted into Harvard University's segregated dormitories elicited the support of people like W. E. B. Du Bois and Franklin D. Roosevelt, and broke brave new ground for blacks of their day.

But in the end, the Bruce dynasty's wealth and stature would disappear when the Senator's grandson landed in prison following a sensational trial and his Radcliffe-educated granddaughter married a black Hollywood actor who passed for white.

By drawing on Senate records, historic documents, and the personal letters of Senator Bruce, Josephine, their colleagues, friends, children, and grandchildren, author Lawrence Otis Graham weaves a riveting social history that spans 120 years. From Mississippi to Washington, D.C., to New York, The Senator and the Socialite provides a fascinating look into the history of race and class in America.

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Editorial Reviews

Entertainment Weekly
“Graham expertly breaks down historical events.”
Chicago Tribune
“Not just a history but a revealing commentary on race and class, and their force in shaping our lives today.”
Washington Post
“A compelling portrait of the Bruce family’s rise, dynamics and downfall…A poignant tale of struggle, accomplishment…an illuminating account.”
Wall Street Journal
“Informative…many striking tales. Mr. Graham is right to want to bring the story to a reading public.”
USA Today
“Graham’s strength is his intricate deliniation of class, color, culture and social climbing.”
Chicago Sun-Times
“Graham paints a compelling portrait of the important role Bruce played in the country’s history.”
Essence
“Graham digs deep and unearths secrets in…his absorbing book on money, class and color issues.”
Booklist
“Graham details the political machinations of the post-Reconstruction South and one man’s attempt to build and maintain a dynasty.”
The New Yorker
“Graham...recovers the history of a family that broke barriers in Washington and at Exeter and Harvard.”
San Francisco Chronicle
“Excellent history of slavery, Reconstruction, post-Reconstruction, late 19th century politics and the misunderstood differences between early Republicans and Democrats.”
New York Post
“This book opens the door to a rich, though frustrating, period in the country’s past.”
Book Page
“Provides thorough and solid historical detail, political analysis and cultural discussion. Entertaining, intriguing and sometimes amazing story.”
U.S. News & World Report
“A rare, detailed glimpse into politics, race, and class in post-Reconstruction America.”
Amsterdam News
“Graham is a superb storyteller, and the Bruce dynasty perfect fodder for this gifted writer.”
Ebony
“In another piece of powerful nonfiction, Lawrence Otis Graham returns to the shelves with The Senator and The Socialite.”
Biloxi Sun Herald
“Graham is an incisive historian [who] brings Senator Bruce to life through his careful research and clear narrative.”
Booklist
"Graham details the political machinations of the post-Reconstruction South and one man’s attempt to build and maintain a dynasty."
Wall Street Journal
"Informative…many striking tales. Mr. Graham is right to want to bring the story to a reading public."
Biloxi Sun Herald
"Graham is an incisive historian [who] brings Senator Bruce to life through his careful research and clear narrative."
Chicago Sun-Times
"Graham paints a compelling portrait of the important role Bruce played in the country’s history."
Book Page
"Provides thorough and solid historical detail, political analysis and cultural discussion. Entertaining, intriguing and sometimes amazing story."
Ebony
"In another piece of powerful nonfiction, Lawrence Otis Graham returns to the shelves with The Senator and The Socialite."
U.S. News & World Report
"A rare, detailed glimpse into politics, race, and class in post-Reconstruction America."
USA Today
"Graham’s strength is his intricate deliniation of class, color, culture and social climbing."
San Francisco Chronicle
"Excellent history of slavery, Reconstruction, post-Reconstruction, late 19th century politics and the misunderstood differences between early Republicans and Democrats."
New York Post
"This book opens the door to a rich, though frustrating, period in the country’s past."
The New Yorker
"Graham...recovers the history of a family that broke barriers in Washington and at Exeter and Harvard."
Amsterdam News
"Graham is a superb storyteller, and the Bruce dynasty perfect fodder for this gifted writer."
Chicago Tribune
"Not just a history but a revealing commentary on race and class, and their force in shaping our lives today."
Essence
"Graham digs deep and unearths secrets in…his absorbing book on money, class and color issues."
Entertainment Weekly
"Graham expertly breaks down historical events."
Washington Post
"A compelling portrait of the Bruce family’s rise, dynamics and downfall…A poignant tale of struggle, accomplishment…an illuminating account."
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780061120794
  • Publisher: HarperCollins Publishers
  • Publication date: 10/24/2006
  • Edition description: Large Print Edition
  • Pages: 816
  • Product dimensions: 6.00 (w) x 9.00 (h) x 1.70 (d)

Meet the Author

The author of fourteen books, including the New York Times bestseller Our Kind of People, and a contributing editor for Reader's Digest, Lawrence Otis Graham's work has also appeared in the New York Times, Essence, and The Best American Essays. He lives with his wife in Manhattan and Chappaqua, New York.

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Read an Excerpt

The Senator and the Socialite LP


By Lawrence Otis Graham

HarperLargePrint

Copyright © 2006 Lawrence Otis Graham
All right reserved.

ISBN: 9780061120794

Chapter One

1875

A Senator Is Sworn In and a Dynasty Begins

On the Friday morning of march 5, 1875, the first black man elected to a full term as senator of the United States, Blanche Kelso Bruce of Mississippi, sat in seat number two of the Senate Chamber, awaiting his swearing in. Behind him, in the mammoth room, stretched the crescent-shaped arrangement of wide wooden seats. There were three rows of chairs with a desk for every seat -- seventy-four in all -- one for each of the two senators from the thirty-seven states that, in 1875, made up the Union. Tall Corinthian pilasters framed the room.

Thanks to windows high above in the thirty-five-foot iron-and-glass ceiling, the otherwise windowless room was not as dim as the new senator from Mississippi might have expected. As Bruce sat there on his first day, dressed in a black waistcoat, bow tie, and a stiff cotton shirt, with his handlebar mustache and a fourteen-karat gold pocket watch, he might have convinced himself that he was the very picture of a Reconstruction survivor who had succeeded and who proved that leaders could be elected and accepted, regardless of their color. He might have convinced himself that he was living proof that race and class nolonger mattered in the United States, that it was possible for a black former slave from Virginia to overcome poverty, bigotry, and political differences in order to enjoy the same success that white men of achievement were enjoying. But it would have been almost impossible to really believe those things.

By the time Blanche Bruce arrived in Washington, DC, for his swearing-in ceremony, Reconstruction policies had been in place for nearly ten years, making it possible for blacks in Southern states not only to vote but also to run for office and receive municipal, state, and federal appointments.

But now that Bruce finally had been elected, the tide was already starting to turn against blacks -- particularly in his home state of Mississippi. Although the Northern states were in step with the liberal Republicans who controlled Congress, Mississippi residents were unwilling to allow this national liberal mood to continue sweeping through their state, even if it meant they had to rely on coercion and illegal activity. There, the white Democrats and hate groups such as the Ku Klux Klan were inciting racial violence and organizing aggressive ballot-stuffing in order to discourage black citizens and black candidates from voting or running for office. At the very moment Bruce sat in the Senate, his white constituents back home were contemplating methods for driving black legislators out of office, and his primary mentor, Governor Adelbert Ames, was losing control of Mississippi to renegade groups. Even the newspapers in his home state were supporting the suppression of black freedmen as a means to stomp out Reconstruction and return to the old order.

It was clear to Bruce and many other black political figures that Reconstruction's underpinnings were never fully accepted by white Southerners. It had been undermined at each step since it was first introduced by President Lincoln in 1865. When the liberal Republican anti-slavery president was shot just five days after the Confederate Army surrendered to General Ulysses S. Grant, black Americans inherited a new pro-slavery president. Besides being a virulent racist and former Tennessee Democrat, Andrew Johnson did not believe in black equality and sought to veto all congressional acts that attempted to give the recently freed blacks an education, job training, or even citizenship. He also opposed any military protection for blacks against violence from newly established hate groups such as the Klan. As a native Southerner himself, Johnson was so sympathetic to the vanquished Confederate states he permitted them to establish discriminatory Black Codes that severely limited the movement, activities, and rights of recently freed blacks. Bruce's home state of Mississippi had been the first to create these codes. It was not until the Reconstruction Acts of 1867, which provided for military rule in Southern states, that black citizens finally benefited from the new legal rights and opportunities that were promised to them at the end of the Civil War. It was then that blacks could finally play a role in drafting new state constitutions and run for positions in political party conventions. Almost immediately, in 1868, the first black was elected to the House of Representatives.1

By 1875, many of the Democratic newspapers in Mississippi and other parts of the South argued that white citizens should begin voting along "color lines" and using "the aggressive instincts of the white people" to defeat the blacks and the Republicans.2 During the same month that Bruce was sworn in to the U.S. Senate, one of his own state's newspapers, The Hinds County Gazette, would run a pro-Democrat editorial that said, "[Governor] Ames and his negroes [have] swept away every vestige of republican government in Mississippi" and that the people "have been robbed of their birthright."3 This message of racial hatred was beginning to turn the tide against the freed blacks, even as Blanche Bruce won the right to represent his state in the Senate.

Bruce must have been nervous as he looked around the poorly ventilated Senate chamber, waiting to be sworn in. Staring down at him was the broad second-floor gallery that wrapped around all four sides of the chamber. Only a few rays of light broke through the twenty-one glass ceiling panels. Crowded toward the front, the seventy-four desks and their occupants all faced the lectern and the vice president's desk, where Bruce and twenty-two other men would be sworn in that day.

At noon, Vice President Henry Wilson called the room to order. "O Thou Almighty and everlasting God, the maker of heaven and earth," began Reverend Byron Sunderland, the Senate chaplain, as he offered the opening prayer. "Give them to see eye to eye, in all the grave matters of this nation committed to their charge, and in all their labors and responsibilities may they lean upon Thy arm for support. Through Jesus Christ. Amen."4





Continues...

Excerpted from The Senator and the Socialite LP by Lawrence Otis Graham Copyright © 2006 by Lawrence Otis Graham. Excerpted by permission.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

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Table of Contents


Preface and Acknowledgments     xi
Cast of Characters     xxiii
1875 A Senator Is Sworn In and a Dynasty Begins     1
1841-1861 Blanche Bruce's Slave Family in Virginia and Missouri     15
1841-1860 The Free Aristocratic Family of Josephine Willson     43
1862-1870 Bruce Finds Kansas Freedom, Ohio Education, and Mississippi Reconstruction     55
1870-1874 Bruce Builds a Base of Power in Mississippi and Is Elected to the U.S. Senate     77
1875-1877 The Start of a Senate Career     109
1877-1878 A Senator and a Socialite Marry Despite Family and Class Conflicts     153
1878 A Black Dynasty Begins     171
1879-1880 A New Child and a New Redemption Congress     193
1880-1888 Bruce Leaves the Senate, Joins the Treasury Department, Then Enters Private Life     215
1889-1895 Bruce Persuades President Harrison to Give Him a Job and His Wife Gains Her Independence     262
1895-1898 The Senator Gets Appointed by President McKinley as His Son Breaks Barriers at Phillips Exeter; the Senator Dies     298
March 1898-June 1902 The Senator's Son Begins a Courtship at Harvard, and the Senator's Widow Carries Out a Legacy     339
1902 Roscoe Builds an Alliance with Booker T. Washington     380
1903 A Marriage of the Second Generation, and Life in Tuskegee     403
December 1903-1906 Roscoe and Clara Build the Next Generation     430
1906-1914 A Triumphant Return to Washington Life: The Bruce Family's Second Generation Emerges     468
1915-1922 Roscoe's Downfall in Washington     504
1923-1924 Roscoe Struggles with Harvard's President, His Family Finances, and His Children's Success     539
1925-1929 The Family Moves to Cambridge and New York, and Roscoe Builds an Alliance with John D. Rockefeller Jr.     576
1930-1939 The Third Generation Makes News, and the Senator's Grandson Goes to Prison     620
1940-1967 The Third Bruce Generation Erases a Proud History     666
Timeline     687
Notes     711
Bibliography     762
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