Two Americans: Truman, Eisenhower, and a Dangerous World [NOOK Book]


Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower, consecutive presidents of the United States, were midwesterners alike in many ways—except that they also sharply differed.  Born within six years of each other (Truman in 1884, Eisenhower in 1890), they came from small towns in the Missouri–Mississippi River Valley—in the midst of cows and wheat, pigs and corn, and grain elevators. Both were grandsons of farmers and sons of forceful mothers, and of fathers who knew failure; both were lower middle class, received public ...

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Two Americans: Truman, Eisenhower, and a Dangerous World

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Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower, consecutive presidents of the United States, were midwesterners alike in many ways—except that they also sharply differed.  Born within six years of each other (Truman in 1884, Eisenhower in 1890), they came from small towns in the Missouri–Mississippi River Valley—in the midst of cows and wheat, pigs and corn, and grain elevators. Both were grandsons of farmers and sons of forceful mothers, and of fathers who knew failure; both were lower middle class, received public school educations, and were brought up in low-church Protestant denominations.
William Lee Miller interweaves Truman’s and Eisenhower’s life stories, which then also becomes the story of their nation as it rose to great power. They had contrasting experiences in the Great War—Truman, the haberdasher to be, led men in battle; Eisenhower, the supreme commander to be did not. Between the wars, Truman was the quintessential politician, and Eisenhower the thoroughgoing anti-politician. Truman knew both the successes and woes of the public life, while Eisenhower was sequestered in the peacetime army. Then in the wartime 1940s, these two men were abruptly lifted above dozens of others to become leaders of the great national efforts.
Miller describes the hostile maneuvering and bickering at the moment in 1952–1953 when power was to be handed from one to the other and somebody had to decide which hat to wear and who greeted whom. As president, each coped with McCarthyism, the tormenting problems of race, and the great issues of the emerging Cold War. They brought the United States into a new pattern of world responsibility while being the first Americans to hold in their hands the awesome power of weapons capable of destroying civilization.
Reading their story is a reminder of the modern American story, of ordinary men dealing with extraordinary power.

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Editorial Reviews

From the Publisher
“Absorbing . . . a historical double-decker. . . . Miller develops [Truman and Eisenhower’s] often uncomfortable, but unavoidable relationship with rich context and resonance.”
The Star-Ledger 

“Deft. . . . Insightful. . . . This is a book for those who enjoy history and cherish its ironies. . . . William Lee Miller is a scholar with a light-handed style as anecdotal as it is academic. He keeps his subjects off pedestals and firmly grounded as he relates the momentous events that confronted them and how each rose in stature to respond, for they were two surprisingly ordinary men. . . . Miller delights in telling stories. . . . Stories told affectionately with insight and sensitivity, messages ringing with relevance for us today.”
Washington Independent Review of Books

“Intriguing. . . . Miller is keen analyzing both politics and policy; he frequently turns a deft phrase. . . . Two Americans admirably succeeds in conveying [Truman and Eisenhower’s] probity and patriotism.”

“An enthralling book.”
—History Book Club

“A rewarding study. . . . Miller aptly and in clear prose describes the rise of both men and outlines their policies as president."
Kansas History: A Journal of the Central Plains

“Miller offers lively, well-presented parallel biographies. . . . The author is primarily interested in comparing the experiences of these two men as they rose through the ranks of their chosen professions, and their approaches to government as exemplified by several specific issues. . . . Entertaining reading for presidential-history buffs.”
Kirkus Reviews

Kirkus Reviews
A comparison of the origins and careers of two presidents from the middle of the 20th century. Presidents Truman and Eisenhower were both past 50 when each was catapulted to fame and power after decades of diligent but largely unnoticed public service. They came from conservative small-town roots--Truman from Missouri forebears with strong Confederate sympathies, Eisenhower from pacifist Mennonite ancestry. Truman, however, was a lifelong partisan Democrat; Eisenhower had been trained as part of the officer class to look down on politicians and had no affiliation with a political party until shortly before running for president. Truman relished the president's role as a partisan political leader, while Eisenhower emphasized that of an apparently apolitical head of state. Regrettably, the 1952 campaign poisoned the earlier cooperative relationship between the two men, as exemplified by Eisenhower's childish snubs on the day of his inauguration. They came to power when the United States was adjusting to the breakup of the alliance that won World War II and formulating the Cold War policy of containment. The development of the hydrogen bomb by both the U.S. and the Soviet Union led to a balance of terror that avoided another all-out war at the price of keeping the world on the edge of nuclear annihilation. Distinguished historian Miller (President Lincoln: The Duty of a Statesman, 2008, etc.) offers lively, well-presented parallel biographies, though the book is superficial in comparison with recent exhaustive works on each man. The author is primarily interested in comparing the experiences of these two men as they rose through the ranks of their chosen professions, and their approaches to government as exemplified by several specific issues: McCarthyism, in which neither president distinguished himself; civil rights, in which Miller finds Eisenhower severely wanting despite his use of troops in Little Rock; and their attitudes toward the possible use of tactical and strategic nuclear weapons. Nothing groundbreaking, but entertaining reading for presidential-history buffs.
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780307957542
  • Publisher: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group
  • Publication date: 4/10/2012
  • Sold by: Random House
  • Format: eBook
  • Pages: 416
  • Sales rank: 760,810
  • File size: 3 MB

Meet the Author

WILLIAM LEE MILLER, Scholar in Ethics and Institutions at the Miller Center at the University of Virginia, has taught at Yale, Smith College, and Indiana University. His previous books include Arguing About Slavery, Lincoln's Virtues, and President Lincoln: The Duty of a Statesman.
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Read an Excerpt

Excerpted from the Hardcover Edition



GEORGE KENNAN, the diplomat and thinker whose understanding of world politics was of importance in shaping America's conduct during the Cold War, tells in his Memoirs: 1950-1963 about a return, after many years spent representing the United States abroad, to the American Middle West, from which he had originally come. Superficially, his encounter was not edifying. Walking around Chicago-to which he had gone to give a lecture-he experienced a series of depressing sights and encounters. Nevertheless, he wrote:

I knew myself to be back in the part of the world to which I truly belonged-a part of the world which, in memory, I loved as one can only love the place in which one grew up. I believed then deeply in the Middle West and still do-in its essential decency, its moral earnestness, its latent emotional freshness. I viewed it, and view it now, as the heart of the moral strength of the United States. This was precisely why I was so sensitive to its imperfections.

"Latent emotional freshness" is a quality not many, perhaps, would think to ascribe to the American Middle West. With further visits, Kennan came to an unlikely metaphor: "Increasingly, under the impression of this and other visits at mid-century, I came to see this native region as a great slatternly mother, sterile when left to herself yet immensely fruitful and creative when touched by anything outside herself." And then he saw this as a condition common to many countries: "But was this not, I often asked myself, the character and function of all these regions, everywhere across the world, that would respond to the French meaning of the word ‘province'?"

Kennan and his ideas would have their strongest effect(although not always the one he wanted them to have) in the presidencies of two men from the U.S. provinces-Harry S Truman and Dwight David Eisenhower. This book is a brief narrative of the lives and careers of those two men. Part of the reason I chose to interweave their stories is to compare and contrast these men, in their relationships to the great issues with which they dealt and teach other (they came to have a considerable antagonism, as we shall see; their interaction is an interesting part of the story). Another reason for telling their story jointly is that, together, their careers reveal central aspects of American culture at crucial moments in history. Both were president at times that required important national decisions.

During the fifteen and three-fourths years of the presidencies of these two Middle Americans, bracketed by two Harvard men, the175-year-old United States underwent a major change in the role that it would thenceforth play in the drama of world affairs. The nation rejoined Europe, entered its first peacetime alliance since the time of the Founders, undertook its first permanent global commitments, and coped for the first time in human history with a man-made destructive power that could destroy civilization. The history of the decades to follow-four decades of Cold War, with the bomb looming over them-was much affected by what happened in those Truman and Eisenhower years.


FIRST, as to Dwight Eisenhower: You could not ask for a purer sample of the American Middle West than the Eisenhower family in the small town of Abilene in the state of Kansas-very near the geographical center of the country and near the center of the national culture, as well.

David Dwight Eisenhower (his name in that order originally) was the third of seven boys-six of whom lived beyond infancy-born to David Eisenhower and Ida Elizabeth Stover, an unpretentious and impecunious couple of German Mennonite background in the town of Abilene. After the first two boys were born, their parents wished for a girl, but (like Abraham Lincoln and his wife) they kept having boys. Although farming had been the primary occupation of his forebears, and although the Reverend Jacob Eisenhower, Dwight’s impressive multitasking grandfather, was able to give each of his sons160 acres of Kansas farmland, Dwight's father, David, did not want to be a farmer. He got a college degree from a marginal institution called Lane University in Lecompton, Kansas, but had trouble making a living. He met and married Ida Stover at that university. He tried with a partner named Milton Good to make a living in a dry goods store, but that effort failed; in family lore and some biographies, the failure is blamed on Good's having absconded with the store's earnings, but a later biographer, who gave the story a more careful look, found that that was a stretch; David Eisenhower just was not a good salesman. After his failure with the store, he went at first by himself to Denison, Texas, where there was a laborer's job on the Missouri-Kansas-Texas, or "Katy," Railroad. His wife and family followed, and the next boy was born there. This was David Dwight, who, when his first and middle names were reversed, became Dwight. When he became a world figure, some in Texas tried to claim him, but he was in Texas only as an infant; he always made clear that Abilene, Kansas, was his hometown. After the David Eisenhower family had been in Denison for about three years, the River Brethren back in Abilene offered David Eisenhower a job at the Belle Spring Creamery, which the Brethren operated on the outskirts of Abilene, and the family returned there for all of Dwight’s youth. David, the more somber parent, worked from six to six as a mechanic at the creamery throughout Dwight's boyhood. Ida was an able mother to the bourgeoning crew of boys, much praised by her most famous son, including one full chapter devoted to her in his book of reminiscences, At Ease.

 Abilene was a town of some four thousand residents and had once briefly been the center of some lively history. Not long after the Civil War, the railroad reached the town, and promptly there was a stockyard at the northern end of Chisholm Trail, on which cattle were brought from Texas to the market. With the cattle came rough-riding cowboys. Abilene suddenly became notorious as the center of saloons, gambling houses, bawdy houses, and daily shootings. Among the town marshals who tried to bring law and order was a figure of legend, "Wild Bill" Hickock, who would be the town's most famous resident until another son of Abilene landed in England in June 1942.

But by the time the Eisenhowers and the Stovers reached Abilene, that colorful historic moment was over and Abilene had subsided into small-town ordinariness. The reasons those families came had nothing to do with cattle or the railroad or gunfights; they were part of a communal move undertaken by their religious group, the River Brethren.

The religious underpinnings of the normative American Midwestern small town would be pluralistically Protestant, sectarian, individualistic, evangelical-in other words, not liturgical, communal, or Catholic, but also not secular. There would be multiple Protestant churches, leaning toward the free churches. In the special circumstance of Abilene, the River Brethren were one of them.

The Eisenhauers of Bavaria, then of Switzerland, then, briefly, of Holland, then, later-in the early eighteenth century-of “Penn’s woods" in the New World, and still later, after the Civil War, of Kansas, were, throughout all these moves, Mennonites. This religious affiliation was a chief cause of their frequent moves. The Stovers, the family of Dwight Eisenhower's mother, Ida Stover, had a similar history and were also longtime Mennonites. In the New World, both families came to be members of a subgroup of Mennonites, given their name, the River Brethren, because they carried on baptisms in the Susquehanna River.

The Mennonite heritage, which lasted so long and held together in such an impressive way, came right up to the edges of Dwight Eisenhower’s youth and life-but then abruptly evaporated. In its European origins it had the cultural strength of a sect-a group with distinctive affirmations that has to some extent withdrawn from, and rejected elements of, the broader culture. A follower of Menno Simons (thus a "Mennist" or “Mennonite") was to obey the magistrate in all lawful and worldly things-but not himself to be the magistrate. Education was to be simple, Bible-based, and provided within the community. Farming was to be the primary occupation. There was to be no swearing, no taking of oaths, for an explicit biblical injunction forbade it. There was to be no marriage outside the group-a reason, presumably, that the Anabaptist line of the Eisenhowers and Stovers ran without a break through the centuries. Above all, there was to be no killing, no participation in war, no service to the worldly power of the state as a soldier. The pacifist principles of all branches of the Anabaptists was one of the reasons they were so often persecuted in Europe, which, in turn, is one of the reasons they moved so often, and why many finally made their way to that great haven for the persecuted in the New World, the Quaker colony whose very name many in eighteenth-century Europe would speak of with warm respect and admiration: Pennsylvania.

Then, after the Civil War, the River Brethren, like many Americans, saw rich lands and new opportunities in the West; encouraged by the Homestead Act and the spread of railroads, they moved there. This decision was not made by individual families, but by the whole sect's reaching a communal consensus to move to the rich farmland of Dickenson County, Kansas, where Abilene was located.

In the New World, the sectarian distinctiveness faded. In the haven of Pennsylvania, industriously working their farms and making their honest but shrewd business deals, the Mennonites were not as far outside the structures of power, or so far over on the fringes of society, as they had been in Europe. Pennsylvania as a colony and then America as a nation welcomed all religious groups, put none in a preferred place, and sanctioned no official persecution. And then in Kansas, though the River Brethren made the move as a communal venture, they were not enclosed within their own community as closely as they had been in the enclave of the Pennsylvania Dutch. The Mennonite heritage persisted in Dwight's home and in that of his parents: His mother had such a mastery of the Bible that she not only won prizes but also prided herself on not having to look up any biblical quotation, but reciting it from memory instead. His father learned enough Greek that he could read the New Testament in that language. It was he who said grace before the family's meals. There were daily readings from the Bible. But in the generations of David and Ida Eisenhower and then of their boys, the pluralism of the New World, the openness and dynamism of the American West, and the acids of modernity did their work on the centuries-old heritage of the Mennonite sect. After the disillusioning experience of his business failure, David Eisenhower began to search the Scriptures as well as his heart, and he carried the fissiparous tendency of sectarian Protestantism to its logical end as an independent individual thinker joined to no church. His wife turned to a narrower sect of more recent origin, becoming a Jehovah's Witness. None of their six sons, successful in various middle-class undertakings, had the remotest connections to the River Brethren in adulthood. When Dwight went to West Point, he had to attend compulsory chapel services, whose enforced attendance he used in later life as an excuse for not going to any church. There is almost no evidence of his Mennonite youth in the speeches or letters of the mature Eisenhower; the Mennonite heritage would appear only in anecdotes. In Kensington in the early stages of World War II, when the time came to tell family stories in Telegraph Cottage, after Kay Summersby had told tales of her Irish childhood, the central figure in the "family" there, General Eisenhower, would tell about his uncle Abraham, a River Brethren minister, the Reverend Abraham Lincoln Eisenhower, who could gather a crowd anytime he wanted to by going out into the streets, stretching his arm upward, pointing, and shouting, "This way to heaven!"

 It is rather a clear symbol of the evaporation of the Mennonite heritage in his life that when Dwight Eisenhower was considering a college education and sought admission to Annapolis or West Point, he does not appear to have been inhibited in the slightest by the fact that going to those places meant becoming a warrior. Some biographers mention in passing the irony of the great military commander with a pacifist mother who wept when he went off to West Point to become a soldier-the only time her youngest son, Milton, had seen her weep. But that certainly did not deter Dwight.

In the future, the Mennonite heritage would mean this tithe supreme commander and president: that unlike his new friend Winston Churchill, he did not come into power conscious of a family heritage of outranking others and holding power. Quite the opposite. The Eisenhowers had outranked nobody.
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Table of Contents

1 Boy's Life 3

2 Two Warriors, First War 22

3 Between the Wars 55

4 Two Warriors, Second War 85

5 Normandy, Nomination, Nagasaki: Endings and Beginnings 125

6 Containment 158

7 Choosing a President 197

8 The Once Forgotten War 218

9 Two Moralities 240

10 Reciprocating Animosities 261

11 Judging Presidents 279

12 The Miasma of McCarthy 290

13 Ike and Harry on Race 315

14 Bombs 356

Farewell 376

The Story of This Book 381

Some Sources for This Book 383

Index 387

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Customer Reviews

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  • Posted May 21, 2012

    An excellent source of information.

    As an avid reader of historical non-fiction, I find there are two key ingredients in a successful book of this type: thorough research and knowledge of the subject, and the ability to take the facts and figures and make them enjoyable to read. Mr. Miller succeeds admirably with the former, but comes up considerably short on the latter. The book contains a wealth of information on Truman and Eisenhower, their families, their context in various periods of history, and the relationships that brought them together, tore them apart, and brought them together again; virtually everything you could want to now about the two men and their impact on this country and the world. When writing in his own words, using his own opinions and reaching his own conclusions, Mr. Miller does fine with the prose. However these parts of the book are far too few and far between, sandwiched among interminable lengthy quotes and segments of other writer's work, interviews, opinions and conclusions. I may not be qualified to criticize, never having written enjoyable historical non-fiction myself, but to use one of too many quotes employed by Mr. Miller himself, "I know it when I see it".

    4 out of 4 people found this review helpful.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted August 27, 2014

    Well written juxtaposition of the two great leaders during an ex

    Well written juxtaposition of the two great leaders during an extremely difficult period of the Unites States post war and cold war periods. Much insight to the elections of both.

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