Washington Burning: How a Frenchman's Vision for Our Nation's Capital Survived Congress, the Founding Fathers, and the Invading British Army [NOOK Book]

Overview

Washington Burning transports us in time to the very founding of our nation and its capital. We learn that the Washington we know might never have come to be had it not been for the destruction of the young city by British troops in 1814, or for Pierre Charles L'Enfant, the eccentric, passionate, difficult architect who fell in love with his adopted country. L’Enfant’s sweeping vision of a grand Federal City inspired President George Washington but earned the enmity of Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, who ...
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Washington Burning: How a Frenchman's Vision for Our Nation's Capital Survived Congress, the Founding Fathers, and the Invading British Army

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Overview

Washington Burning transports us in time to the very founding of our nation and its capital. We learn that the Washington we know might never have come to be had it not been for the destruction of the young city by British troops in 1814, or for Pierre Charles L'Enfant, the eccentric, passionate, difficult architect who fell in love with his adopted country. L’Enfant’s sweeping vision of a grand Federal City inspired President George Washington but earned the enmity of Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, who hated the idea of an imperial city. So was the capital born of feuding personalities, and located on the banks of the Potomac only after great political struggle.
Master storyteller Les Standiford has once again written a compelling, quintessentially American story of hubris and achievement.
 
“Masterful…For the lover of U.S. history or Washingtonian architecture or even basic political intrigue, this marvelous new history, probably the best to date on L'Enfant and his troubled life, is essential.” — Miami Herald

"Scrupulously researched…Standiford has a novelist's gift for engaging, briskly paced narration." 
Library Journal

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Editorial Reviews

Library Journal

Bordewich (Bound for Canaan) and Standiford, each with his own emphasis and style, offer fresh perspectives on the early history of Washington, DC. Bordewich, a freelance journalist, offers a substantially more well-rounded and comprehensive story, explaining in satisfying detail how the city's site was chosen and how political scheming, personal conflicts, and greed almost doomed the project of designing and constructing a capital city from scratch. Two themes are woven throughout his narrative: the important but often overlooked role played by slaves and former freed slaves and the constant North-South debate at the root of the bitter dispute over the capital's locale; the chosen site bore both symbolic and practical importance. Bordewich introduces readers to the key players: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, African American surveyor Benjamin Banneker, intractable and ill-fated architect and city planner Maj. Pierre Charles L'Enfant, the city's triumvirate of commissioners, and a host of pernicious financial speculators. Their contributions, both helpful and detrimental, are thoroughly documented. The convoluted political and financial details occasionally bog down an otherwise engaging work of popular history.

Standiford (director, creative writing program, Florida Intl. Univ.; Last Train to Paradise), who has published both fiction and nonfiction, gives us a work far more colorfully written but omitting or downplaying many important facets and details of the project. Banneker and slavery are all but overlooked, and the greedy and incompetent speculators get but scant mention in an entertaining but incomplete account. Yet Standiford has a novelist's gift forengaging, briskly paced narration, and his chronicle, as far as it goes, is scrupulously researched. He focuses on the early successes and eventual failure of L'Enfant, one of the more complex and fascinating characters of the era. The flamboyant Frenchman headed the city's planning and construction until his controversial dismissal midway through the project. Standiford explains how the architect's fiscal incompetence and, more notably, stubbornness and indestructible ego doomed a promising career. He also recounts the 1814 destruction of much of Washington, DC, by invading British soldiers, but his title is largely metaphorical as the bulk of his book concerns the tumultuous relationships between L'Enfant and his superiors. These two quite different volumes complement each other well. Both are recommended for public and academic libraries, but libraries seeking just one book on the early history of the city will be better served by Bordewich.
—Douglas King

Kirkus Reviews
Novelist and accomplished armchair historian Standiford (Writing/Florida International Univ.; Meet You in Hell: Andrew Carnegie, Henry Clay Frick, and the Bitter Partnership That Transformed America, 2005, etc.) gives a sprightly account of Washington, D.C.'s improbable genesis and survival. The author frames his account with the sack of the brand-new Federal City on August 24, 1814. The British army was prompted by "the intent of teaching the upstart Americans a lesson in ‘hard war' and reducing their capital to ashes," he writes. President James Madison would never again inhabit the White House, and a divided Congress voted against the government's relocation to Philadelphia; rebuilding the devastated capital became a priority. After sketching these events, Standiford returns to the beginning, dwelling at length on the states' squabbles over where the nation's capital should be situated. French architect and Revolutionary War veteran Peter Charles L'Enfant, fresh from his success remodeling New York's City Hall into a Federal Hall, was enthusiastically endorsed by President Washington and others for the planning of a magnificent Federal City to rise out of the swampy wilderness along the Potomac River. L'Enfant envisioned a design that would "give an idea of the greatness of the empire," allowing dramatic vistas for the appreciation of majestic public buildings and emphasizing the natural beauty of the land as well. However, after his power struggles with the district commissioners came to a head in 1792, he was replaced by successors who came and went through a revolving door, and Washington's retirement and subsequent death deflated the enthusiasm for the capital's construction.(L'Enfant spent the rest of his days in hopeless litigation to get remuneration for his work.) The British attack of 1814 was a wake-up call for the fledging nation, which had grown complacent, and Standiford does a fine job bringing to life the urgency of events. A nice complement to Fergus M. Bordewich's broader survey, Washington: The Making of the American Capital (2008), offering a more intimate look at L'Enfant and the crisis provoked by the British. Agent: Kim Witherspoon/InkWell Management
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780307449290
  • Publisher: Crown Publishing Group
  • Publication date: 5/6/2008
  • Sold by: Random House
  • Format: eBook
  • Sales rank: 1,265,944
  • File size: 728 KB

Meet the Author

Les Standiford
LES STANDIFORD is the author of Last Train to Paradise, Meet You in Hell, and the forthcoming The Man Who Invented Christmas.

Biography

Les Standiford is the co-author of Bones of Coral, a screenplay based on the novel of the same name by James W. Hall, for MGM-Pathe. He is a member of the Associated Writing Programs, Mystery Writers of America, and the Writers Guild.

He wrote the screenplay adaptation of Spill, which has been released as a feature film starring Brian Bosworth and seen recently on SHOWTIME. He is author of the text for the best-selling book of photographs by Alan S. Maltz, Miami: City of Dreams (1997), and of the history, Coral Gables: The City Beautiful (Riverbend Books, 1998).

He has contributed a chapter to the national best-seller Naked Came the Manatee (Putnam, 1997), with Carl Hiaasen, Elmore Leonard, James W. Hall, et al. He is contributing editor of The Putt at the End of the World, a collective novel of golf, published by Warner Books in June of 2000.

He has recently completed a work of nonfiction: Last Train to Paradise: Henry Flagler and the Spectacular Rise and Fall of the Railroad that Crossed an Ocean.

Standiford's short stories and articles have appeared in a number of magazines and anthologies, including The Kansas Quarterly, Writer's Digest, Fodor's Guide, Smoke Magazine, The Key West Reader, Confrontation, Three American Literatures (Modern Language Association), Perfect Lies: A Century of Classic Golf Fiction, and Communion: Contemporary Fiction Writers Reread the Bible. His novels have been reprinted in the United Kingdom, Holland, France, Germany and Japan. He has been a regular reviewer for The Miami Herald, Chicago Tribune, New York Newsday, and The New York Daily News.

He attended the Air Force Academy, Columbia University School of Law, and holds a B.A. in Psychology from Muskingum College in Ohio and the M.A. and Ph.D. degrees in Literature and Creative Writing from the University of Utah. He spent twenty years in the West, working at times for the U.S. Forest, the Utah Parks Company, and the U.S. Park Service. He is a former screenwriting fellow and graduate of the American Film Institute in Los Angeles.

He is a past recipient of the Frank O'Connor Award for Short Fiction, a Florida Individual Artist Fellowship in Fiction, and a National Endowment for the Arts Fellowship in Fiction. He is currently Professor of English and Director of the Creative Writing Program at Florida International University in Miami, where he has lived since 1985 with his wife and three children.

Author biography courtesy of the author's official web site.

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    1. Hometown:
      Miami, Florida
    1. Date of Birth:
      October 31, 1945
    2. Place of Birth:
      Cambridge, Ohio
    1. Education:
      B.A., Muskingum College; M.A. and Ph.D., University of Utah

Read an Excerpt

1

Sentinel

The vantage point for this surveillance is atop a hill 571 feet above sea level, looking east from Virginia across the broad Potomac River toward the capital city of the United States. The view, shaded by a dense overhang of trees, is as striking as it is strategic. In the far distance, the dome of the Capitol Building gleams in the late afternoon sun, commanding all the storied monuments that dot the verdant landscape in between. From this spot, Washington looks anything but the locus of world-politik, not at all the picture of an ever-roiling center of intrigue. It looks almost peaceful.

Just across the river below is the Doric assemblage of the Lincoln Memorial, anchoring one end of the Reflecting Pool. At the other end is the giant stone obelisk--once the world's tallest building--that pays tribute to the founder of the city. On a line thirty degrees or so to the south of the reflecting pool is the memorial to the author of the Declaration of Independence, and at an equal angle to the north, just beyond the Federal Reserve Building, is the White House, flanked on the west by the Executive Office Building and on the east by the U.S. Treasury.

One could walk the boundary of this diamond-shaped territory in a little more than an hour: two-thirds of a mile from the Lincoln Memorial northeastward to the White House; a mile or so southeast along Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol; a matching leg southwest to the Jefferson Memorial; and a final three-quarters-of-a-mile march back to Lincoln, whose impassive visage has gazed down upon a great range of human activity, from the "I have a dream" oration of Martin Luther King and the massive anti-Vietnam War demonstrations that filled the Mall, to Michael Rennie as a space invader taking a lesson in democracy from a child actor in The Day the Earth Stood Still.

Within the bounds of that trek is virtually every structure of significance to the republic for which they stand--in addition to those named are the Smithsonian Castle, the National Archives, the Supreme Court, the Library of Congress, the National Gallery, the Museum of Natural History, the U.S. Holocaust Memorial, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, the House and Senate office buildings, and on and on.

It is, by any standards, the ultimate destination--for aspirants, admirers, and enemies alike. Over the years, assassins have plied their trade there, as have cause-driven bombers and lunatics of every stripe. By many accounts, the infamous "fourth plane" of September 11, 2001, had set its sights on the Capitol or the White House, before the heroic efforts of the passengers brought it to the ground in rural Pennsylvania.

Such assaults, varied as they have been in nature and motivation, are united in one way: their perpetrators have been drawn to that stretch of territory as inevitably as lightning snaps from roiling storm clouds to the aluminum capstone atop George Washington's 555-foot monument. The various attacks might have had practical intent and woeful consequences for individuals, but they were in essence symbolic actions, meant to strike against an entire nation. In short, they were acts of terrorism.

The history of such attacks extends well beyond the range of memory. The first, in fact, took place long before much of what is now visible from this spot in Virginia was even built. To be sure, there was a White House, a Capitol, a Patent Office, a Navy Yard, and a War Department. But all that had been built over fierce opposition, and controversy still swirled over Washington's status as the nation's capital.

To the invaders, however, the utter obliteration of the Federal City of the United States was a goal of great significance, far more important for its psychological impact than for any tactical value. They understood exactly the sentiments of Peter Charles L'Enfant, the man who designed the city of Washington, when he reasoned that its construction should be accomplished in such a fashion "as to give an idea of the greatness of the empire, as well as to engrave in every mind that sense of respect due to a place which is the seat of a supreme sovereignty."

L'Enfant, born the son of Pierre Lenfant, a painter employed by the courts of Louis XV and XVI at Versailles, was something of an enthusiast. But he did give up a life of relative ease to travel across the Atlantic with Lafayette and join his alliance with the Continental Army in its fight for independence. L'Enfant spent time as a prisoner of the British during the Revolutionary War, and afterward opted to remain in the former colonies, even anglicizing his given name of Pierre as a sign of his affection for his new home.

Making use of talents inherited from his father, he worked as an artist and architect and would eventually design the first seat of Congress at Federal Hall in New York City. In time he was appointed by George Washington to draw the plans for the controversial new Federal City on the Potomac.

To L'Enfant, Paris was a wonder, and Versailles grand, but the blank canvas that existed at the bend of the "Potowmack" in 1789 offered the possibility for even more. "No nation has ever before the opportunity offered them of deliberately deciding on the spot where their Capital City should be fixed," he pointed out. And while he acknowledged that "the means now within the power of the Country are not such as to pursue the design to any great extent," he argued that "the plan should be drawn on such a scale as to leave room for that aggrandizement and embellishment which the increase of the wealth of the Nation will permit it to pursue at any period however remote."

L'Enfant's acknowledgment of the difficulties that lay in the path of the development of Washington turned out to be a model of understatement. It was, after all, nearly a hundred years before so much as the placement of a monument to the city's founder could be resolved. In the interim, critics complained mightily of the city's isolated nature, of its torrid summer weather, of a lack of everything from firewood to theater to sidewalks.

When Abigail Smith Adams and her husband, John, became the first residents of the President's Home in November 1800, she described her approach in dramatic terms: "You find nothing but a forest and woods on the way for 16 or 18 miles. Not a village. Here and there a thatched cottage without a single pane of glass."

To her sister Mary Cranch she spoke of Washington itself as "a quagmire after every rain . . . and always the chill and the dampness." They were sentiments shared by many--Northerners dismayed by its geographic setting and Southern opponents of anything that smacked of expansiveness in government--but even Adams's successor Jefferson, who opposed the choice of Washington as capital, realized that the die was cast. This rawboned Federal City would become the indisputable seat of the United States government, and in 1812 it was the spot from which James Madison, the nation's fourth president, proclaimed a second war against the British, aiming to settle, once and for all, issues that had dragged on from the end of the Revolution nearly thirty years before.

The War of 1812 was a ragged conflict, crippled in the States by a lack of resolve among the decidedly less-than-united former colonies, and in Britain by a parliament and populace weary from fending off the relentless advances of Napoleon Bonaparte. It was full of indecisive battles, bloody Indian raids on frontier outposts, and desultory interference, on the part of the British, with American shipping interests. During the summer of 1814, there were reports of a significant massing of British naval forces off the Maryland shores, but there had been regular depredations up and down that part of the American coastline, and most conjectured that the target would be the port of Baltimore.

Certainly, little thought was given to Washington. The unfortified city had next to no commercial trading, and its tactical value was nil. Not much was changed from the days when Abigail Adams described the area as "romantic . . . but a wilderness." When Congress was out of session, the place became a ghost town, and there was still the occasional proposal being floated around Congress to move the seat of government back to Philadelphia.

But on the morning of August 24, 1814, pandemonium erupted when an elite force of British infantrymen was discovered to be marching on Washington City with the intent of teaching the upstart Americans a lesson in "hard war" and reducing their capital to ashes.

History is silent as to the exact whereabouts that day of L'Enfant, whose influence and circumstances had considerably diminished. "In Washington, though not living on the streets, I hope," offers the noted historian and L'Enfant biographer Kenneth R. Bowling. L'Enfant had refused to leave the city that shunned him, frequenting its streets in eccentric garb, trailed by a faithful hound. Whatever his feelings as British troops poured across the ill-defended bridge at Bladensburg, astonishment could not have been among them, however. If he had overheard Secretary of War John Armstrong dismiss the designs of the British for "this sheep walk," L'Enfant would have very heatedly begged to differ. Had he still held the ear of the commander-in-chief and his advisers, the magnitude of the disaster might not have been so great.

L'Enfant still keeps watch over his city, though the vigil is a symbolic one. His resting place--moved from a Maryland pasture nearly a century after his death--sits here, atop the highest point in Arlington National Cemetery, a hundred yards or so uphill from the grave of John F. Kennedy and in the shadow of the formidable Arlington House, once the residence of Robert E. Lee and taken by the Union during the Civil War.

Crowds are guided by park rangers through Arlington House every hour on the hour, and--no news--there is a steady flow of visitors to the Kennedy graves. Few are drawn to disturb L'Enfant's quiet contemplation, however.

His monument is a simple, table-shaped sculpture that reverts his name to "Major Pierre Charles L'Enfant," and bears a carved likeness of his 1791 blueprint for the city, which has finally come to exist in the shimmering distance beyond.

We do not know what L'Enfant thought of the irony that it took the devastation of the city by an invading army to bring his countrymen around to an appreciation of what Washington could become. Still, gazing out across the Potomac at the "idea of the greatness of empire" that has taken shape, it is tempting to speculate. He would feel pride, unquestionably. As for the events of days such as September 11, 2001, and August 24, 1814, grim resignation, too.

2

If You Build It, They Will Come

Even by the cruel standards of Washington summers, the late-August day was shaping up as a scorcher. By noon the temperature was nearing 100 degrees and the humidity nearly matched it. It was weather that sapped energy, frayed tempers, and threatened to tip the already desperate mood of the populace--which had never expected that war would come so close to the American capital--into full-fledged panic.

The president had already fled Washington, and the commanders of three separate military defense teams struggled to bring their forces into a tenable position at the northeastern fringes of a rapidly emptying city. As they scrambled about, an invading army headed by two of the world's most feared military leaders--one a cool tactician, the other a brutal master of force--advanced steadily from their beachhead on Chesapeake Bay.

It was no dream, no drill, no fanciful scenario from the pages of a doomsday novel. An ill-prepared and fractured army, crippled by partisan wrangling over whether a need for military preparedness truly existed, was the only obstacle to the obliteration of the seat of the world's premier experiment in democratic rule.

Last-minute efforts to mount a defense proved futile. Communication between the president--driven to ground somewhere in the tangled forests of Virginia or Maryland--and U.S. commanding general William Winder had broken down, and the only forces with significant combat experience (fewer than two thousand) were routed when the invaders loosed a barrage of experimental rockets upon their positions. By midnight, all U.S. forces were in full retreat, and their commanders--save for one able captain of privateers--were discredited and disgraced.

The Capitol Building was destroyed, and with it the Library of Congress and the Supreme Court. The U.S. Treasury lay in ashes. Also in ruins were the War Department and the State Department and the Navy Yard. The nation's capital lay lit by the flames of its own demise.

As for the ultimate symbol of the city, the president's home: "We found a supper there all ready," one of the invading officers reported, "which many of us speedily consumed . . . and drank some very good wine also." After they had eaten the president's dinner and upended the table where they had sat, they set a torch to that building and, as it burned, stumbled out into the Washington night, drunk not only with wine but also with the ease with which they had routed the American defenders.

They were a small but seasoned group of operatives, well skilled in this sort of mission. It was no classic military undertaking, this assault on Washington, but a carefully calculated guerrilla strike, meant to bring "hard war" to America, to instill fear in the hearts of the populace and deliver an unequivocal message: Submit or die.

And by all appearances, this first terrorist attack launched on American soil had succeeded beyond all expectations. The operation had been carried out with the loss of only sixty-four men, and in the space of one afternoon and evening. Every hallowed institution of the American capital had been obliterated, and the remnants of the citizenry cowered as the boot heels of foreign invaders cracked on the District pavement.

3

The Winds of a War

The devastation of the new capital city was as much a shock to the young nation as it was an outrage. Few had seen it coming, but then that is the very aim of terrorist operations. As for the roots of the assault, however, the perspective of history suggests that the thirty years that had passed since the end of the Revolutionary War constituted a temporary pause in battle between the two sides rather than a cessation and a new beginning.

Military historians have only recently begun to reconsider the importance of what was once dismissed as "Mr. Madison's War." In his 1989 book, The War of 1812: A Forgotten Conflict, Donald R. Hickey began a process of reevaluation that continues to this day, arguing that the true end of the American Revolution came with the resolution of the War of 1812, formalized by the Treaty of Ghent in 1815.

From the Hardcover edition.

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Table of Contents

Pt. 1 Idea of Order 1

1 Sentinel 3

2 If You Build It, They Will Come 9

3 The Winds of a War 11

4 First Orders of Business 18

5 Coming of Age 31

6 A New American Order 39

7 Quid Pro Quo 47

8 Court of Public Opinion 59

9 Greatness of Empire 65

10 Habitation and a Name 72

11 Grand Design 82

12 Glory Days 91

13 Headway 97

14 A Plan Wholly New 104

15 All Things Reasonable and Proper 115

16 Endgame 121

17 Ditches in the Midst of Winter 128

18 Writ of Trespass 136

19 Purest Principles 142

20 Least Obedient Servant 147

Pt. 2 On the Potowmack 155

21 In This Great Castle 157

22 Revolving Door 161

23 Plague 172

24 No Match for the Rogues 179

25 Raise High the Roof Beams 187

26 Race to the Finish 195

27 A Residence Not to Be Changed 204

28 A Concurrence of Disastrous Events 209

Pt. 3 Forged by Fire 219

29 Destroy and Lay Waste 221

30 The Little Malice of Fools 229

31 Embers of Imagination 237

32 Stillness of the Grave 245

33 The More Things Change 252

34 Under a Different Belief 258

35 Debacle at Bladensburg 266

36 Barbarians Through the Gates 271

37 A Disaster Striking and Sublime 275

38 Thieves in the Night 280

39 Scorn and Execration 284

40 Dishonest, Avaricious Men 289

41 Phoenix Rising 296

42 Ad Astra 304

43 Honor and Reward 311

Acknowledgments 317

Selected Bibliography 318

Notes 323

Index 34

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  • Anonymous

    Posted March 10, 2012

    WOW

    Thats sad that Mr.Standiford cant pick up a history book. Its disapointing that this man can't tellus correct facts about are own country's capitol. If you want to know false facts read this book.

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  • Posted September 5, 2009

    Disappointing to say the least

    For a book that claims to be scrupulously researched, such glaring errors and historical inaccuracies as saying the "American Capitol (was) reduced to ashes" (p. 278); describing the walls of the Capitol as having been constructed of limestone (p. 277); and a cutline of a photo opposite page 179 referring to a "temporary central section" which was somehow "obliterated altogether" -- presumably during the destruction of the Capitol leaves the impression that Mr. Standiford's book is hardly well researched. In point of fact, the building was not reduced to ashes, simple research would indicate the Senate wing suffered more extensive damage, but was hardly reduced to "ashes." Further, the primary stone used in construction was sandstone from Aquia Creek (Stafford County) Virginia. Though I am not a geologist, it seems clear limestone and sandstone are not the same thing. Finally, the central section of the Capitol was not complete at the time of the British invasion. If Mr. Standiford is describing a wooden, covered walkway between the two buildings over the area now covering the central Rotunda, his cutline is lacking at best. Instead, the cutline gives the impression a central section was completely destroyed. In point of fact, the Rotunda wasn't completed until approximately 1828 with no regard to the British invasion of 1814.

    If these errors are so glaringly obvious in a very casual read, perhaps writing for accuracy is not this writer's forte'.

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