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What We've Lost: How the Bush Administration Has Curtailed Our Freedoms, Mortgaged Our Economy, Ravaged Our Environment, and Damaged Our Standing in the World [NOOK Book]


What We've Lost addresses the fragile state of U.S. democracy with a critical review of the Bush administration by one of our leading magazine editors, Graydon Carter. Carter has expressed his deep dissatisfaction with the current state of the nation in his monthly editor's letters in Vanity Fair--which have aroused widespread comment--and now provides a sweeping, painstakingly detailed account of the ruinous effects of this president.

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What We've Lost: How the Bush Administration Has Curtailed Our Freedoms, Mortgaged Our Economy, Ravaged Our Environment, and Damaged Our Standing in the World

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What We've Lost addresses the fragile state of U.S. democracy with a critical review of the Bush administration by one of our leading magazine editors, Graydon Carter. Carter has expressed his deep dissatisfaction with the current state of the nation in his monthly editor's letters in Vanity Fair--which have aroused widespread comment--and now provides a sweeping, painstakingly detailed account of the ruinous effects of this president.

The invasion of Iraq, which has proven so costly for the U.S. in lives, dollars, and international standing, is only the tip of the iceberg. It is the war at home, a quiet, covert, and in many ways more lasting and damaging war, that Carter is most wary of. The Bush White House has chipped away at decades' worth of advances in personal rights, women's rights, the economy, and the environment. It is difficult to point to a single element of American society that comes under federal jurisdiction that is not worse off now than it was an administration ago, from civil liberties to the economy, foreign affairs to the environment.

Carter discusses these topics and many more with great cogency and specificity, detailing what Bush's radical agenda means for America's future--and its future standing in the world. What We've Lost is not the position paper of a policy wonk or a pundit, but the impassioned argument of a concerned citizen in response to the most precarious political crisis of our time.

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Editorial Reviews

From Barnes & Noble
According to Graydon Carter, the ruinous invasion of Iraq is just the tip of the iceberg. The longtime Vanity Fair editor-in-chief accuses the Bush White House of curtailing our freedoms, mortgaging our economy, ravaging our environment, and badly damaging our relations with other nations. With hundreds of specific examples, he documents the administration's spending abuses, hypocrisy, and attacks on personal freedom.
Publishers Weekly
No quarter is given in Vanity Fair editor Carter's furious, comprehensive indictment of the Bush administration. Dispensing with satire and mind-of-Bush psychoanalysis, Carter and his researchers sum up a now-familiar anti-Bush case mainly through a relentless buildup of often bullet-pointed facts, including many thematic litanies of Bush policies, a list of American soldiers killed in Iraq and a debunking of the 2004 State of the Union address. A sprinkling of choice quotes highlights what come across as broken promises, cynical deceptions and presidential inanity ("It's clearly a budget. It's got lots of numbers in it") that Carter uses to sum up the administration. He condemns the shortage of biochemical warfare suits for American soldiers in Iraq, even though he believes Iraq had no biological or chemical weapons, and he blames Bush both for soaring trade deficits and for protectionist measures. Carter's voice comes through this blunt marshalling of facts and figures; people will be listening. (On sale Sept. 8) Forecast: This book is basically a branded, annotated list one tailored to a ready audience that is looking for facts to throw at undecided neighbors as debate heats up. Copyright 2004 Reed Business Information.
Library Journal
Readers of Vanity Fair will not be surprised by the tone of editor in chief Carter's anti-Bush book since the magazine has produced several feature-length investigations critical of the President. Carter enumerates the areas of American life that he believes have been diminished or damaged by Bush policies, from the economy, civil liberties, the judiciary, and the environment to our reputation abroad with a misdirected war on terror. He contends that many of the policies and reforms will last far longer than the current administration and that much of the change has been enacted below the radar, if not in secret. Carter believes that the administration deceived Congress, the American people, and the UN in order to go to war in Iraq, and he devotes 12 pages to list the 833 coalition members killed in the year following the "end of hostilities." Although the documentation is incomplete, this book provides evidence of research and is not merely the author's opinion. Recommended for public libraries. [See Prepub Alert, LJ 5/15/04.]-Jill Ortner, SUNY at Buffalo Libs. Copyright 2004 Reed Business Information.
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9780374704957
  • Publisher: Farrar, Straus and Giroux
  • Publication date: 9/8/2004
  • Sold by: Macmillan
  • Format: eBook
  • Edition description: First Edition
  • Edition number: 1
  • Pages: 352
  • File size: 324 KB

Meet the Author

Graydon Carter has been the editor in chief of Vanity Fair since 1992. Previously, he was the editor of The New York Observer and the cofounder of Spy. He lives in New York.

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Read an Excerpt

What We've Lost



"I'm not going to play like I've been a person who's spent hours involved with foreign policy. I am who I am."

—GEORGE W. BUSH, April 2000


"I don't think our troops ought to be used for what's called nation building."

—GEORGE W. BUSH, April 1999


"People say, how can I help on this war against terror? How can I fight evil? You can do so by mentoring a child; by going into a shut-in's house and say I love you."

—GEORGE W. BUSH, September 2002


WHILE Americans and much of the rest of the world mourned the dead from September 11, the administrationreacted reasonably and proportionately. It launched a full-out manhunt for the leaders of Al Qaeda that stretched to the far corners of the earth. But in the smoldering ruins of the World Trade Center, members of the Bush White House also found arguments they could use to sell the American public on an invasion of Iraq—part of a grand plan to "rid the world," the president said, "of the evil-doers."

In early 2004, a spate of books came out that showed what many suspected all along: In the days after the attacks, when the administration's resources should have been completely focused on the search for the terrorists and protecting Americans at home, the White House was almost irrationally keyed up on Iraq. A December 2003 report by Dr. Jeffrey Record for the Army War College summed up the situation thus: "The result has been an unnecessary preventive war of choice against a deterred Iraq that has created a new front in the Middle East for Islamic terrorism and diverted attention and resources away from securing the American homeland against further assault by an undeterrable al-Qaeda. The war against Iraq was not integral to the [global war on terror], but rather a detour from it."

You would think that if we were to lash out at anybody it would have been against the Saudis, given that fifteen of the nineteen terrorists responsible for the September 11 attacks were from Saudi Arabia. The Saudis are friends, though. Not necessarily friends of ours—but friends of the Bushes. Indeed, in the president's three post—September 11 State of the Union addresses, he didn't once even mention Saudi Arabia's role as an incubator of terrorists.

Not only were the Saudis ignored in the days immediately following September 11, they were actively aided by the Bush administration. Within minutes of the terrorist attacks, the Federal Aviation Administration grounded all planes in the United States—an order that stood for the next two days. Former vice president Al Gore couldn't get back from Austria. Even former president Bill Clinton had to cancel his travel plans. As Craig Unger, author of House of Bush, House of Saud: The SecretRelationship Between the World's Two Most Powerful Dynasties, initially pointed out in a report in Vanity Fair, "For the first time in a century, American skies were nearly as empty as they had been when the Wright brothers first flew at Kitty Hawk."

On September 13, in a meeting scheduled before the attacks, President Bush sat down with Prince Bandar, the well-connected Saudi ambassador to the United States (very well connected: he had been a racquetball partner of Secretary of State Colin Powell's years earlier, and in July 2003 he gave President Bush a painting worth $1 million). According to Unger, Bandar had been busy working the phones for two days, trying to get influential Saudis out of the United States. And though the nation's airspace was severely restricted, he was shockingly successful. Coincidentally, the day he met with the president, according to Unger, three Saudi men, all apparently in their twenties, were escorted to a private hangar in Tampa, where they boarded an eight-passenger Learjet and took off for Blue Grass Airport in Lexington, Kentucky. There they were greeted by an American who helped them with their baggage as they made their way onto a waiting Boeing 747 with Arabic writing on it, which then departed.

Over the next few days, planes around the country shuttled wellborn Saudis and members of the bin Laden family to East Coast airports for flights home. Incredibly, departure points along the way included Boston's Logan and Newark airports, two of the airports where the hijackers had boarded their planes on September 11—and ones that would likely have instituted the greatest degree of lockdown in the days following the attacks.

On September 18, at least five members of the bin Laden family flew back to Saudi Arabia in a specially reconfigured Boeing 727. The next day, according to Unger, even as the president was crafting a speech to announce that "our war on terror ... will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, and defeated," a private plane that had originated in Los Angeles and made stops in Orlando andWashington, DC, arrived at Logan—where, Unger says, at least eleven bin Laden family members came on board—soon to exit the country under the cover of darkness. In all, some 140 Saudis, including more than a dozen bin Laden family members, made it out of the United States by the third week in September. Not only had they not been fully vetted by the FBI, but the FAA and the White House denied that the September 13 flight even took place. So close was Bandar to the Bush administration that, according to Bob Woodward's book Plan of Attack, the vice president told the Saudi ambassador of the White House's decision to invade Iraq even before he told Secretary of State Colin Powell. Woodward quotes Cheney as saying, "Prince Bandar, once we start, Saddam is toast."



The invasion of Iraq—so costly in terms of lives, dollars, and our international reputation—diverted attention and resources that could have gone toward securing the nation. The Bush administration tried to convince Americans it was doing everything in its power to ensure the country's safety on land and in the air. The truth of the matter is somewhat different. In almost every single instance, tax cuts took priority over security. "President Bush vetoed several specific (and relatively cost-effective) measures proposed by Congress that would have addressed critical national vulnerabilities," a 2002 report from the Brookings Institution said. "As a result, the country remains more vulnerable than it should be today." At one point Cheney was actually sent over to Congress to lobby for less spending on counterterrorism measures, rather than more.

About a month after September 11, a New York Daily News investigative team attempted to take utility knives, razor knives, and pepper spray aboard twelve flights taking off from eleven different airports. They succeeded on all but one flight. A year later the paper tried again, boarding fourteen flights taking off from eleven airports while carrying the same banned items. They succeeded every time. Of even greater concern are the nation's general aviation airports like the ones at which theterrorists trained. There are nineteen thousand of these small airfields, according to CBS News, and few of them have much in the way of security, or even fences. Despite all the warnings about the possibility of passenger jets being attacked by shoulder-fired surface-to-air missiles, the perimeters of even big American airports are woefully unsecured. In the summer of 2003, a boat containing three young men washed ashore at New York's John F. Kennedy International Airport. The men freely walked up and down the runways until they stumbled upon a police station.

And although passenger luggage is now more thoroughly screened at the gate, the vast majority of the nearly three million tons of cargo shipped in the holds of regular commercial airliners is not checked for weapons or explosives. Time reported that "security experts shiver when they talk about the nation's cargo-handling procedures. Thousands of low-paid workers have carte blanche to roam airports, ramps and runways without undergoing personal inspections or having their belongings checked."

Underscoring these vulnerabilities was the bizarre case in September 2003 of a man who shipped himself as air cargo from New York to Dallas undetected. "Today it was just a guy trying to fly cheaply from New York to Dallas to visit his parents," Representative Edward Markey told CNN, "but in the future, a member of al Qaeda could have himself packed into an air cargo container." A report issued by the Century Foundation in early 2004 stated that the Transportation Security Administration "estimates there is a 35 to 65 percent chance that terrorists are planning to place a bomb in the cargo of a U.S. passenger plane. Yet, only about 5 percent of air cargo is screened, even if it is transported on passenger planes."

Ninety-five percent of all foreign goods are shipped to America by sea—some eight million containers a year. Of those, only one in fifty is subjected to anything more than a cursory inspection, wrote Jonathan Chait in The New Republic in March 2003. Stephen Flynn, a former coast guard commander who oversaw a 2004 report on homeland security prepared by the Council on Foreign Relations, told Chait, "We havevirtually no security there." To test security at the ports, ABC News bundled just under fifteen pounds of depleted uranium in a lead-lined steel pipe and shipped it in a container from Jakarta, Indonesia—a notorious Al Qaeda rallying ground and a departure point that should have raised all sorts of flags. The container went out, bound for Los Angeles, a week before the August 2003 bombing of the Jakarta Marriott that killed twelve people. It arrived in LA intact and undetected. Rather than being embarrassed by the incident, the Department of Homeland Security and the FBI investigated the ABC staff responsible for the shipment, claiming they may have broken smuggling laws. Criminal charges were threatened.

The coast guard says it would cost $5.5 billion to fully secure U.S. ports over the next ten years. And although the White House has said that seaport security is a priority in keeping the nation safe from terrorist attacks, the Bush administration's budget for 2005 calls for just $46 million for port security grants. But that's better than 2003 and 2004, when port security didn't get a penny.

In late 2002, the administration succeeding in getting the United Nations' International Maritime Organization to pass a new law of the sea. The pact requires ships around the world to be installed with communications equipment, security personnel, computers, and surveillance cameras. The treaty also sets strict security standards for the ports of call of ships coming into U.S. waters. It was a worthy idea, but like so many Bush initiatives, because of the administration's tax cuts, there was no funding to back it up. Not only can foreign ports in developing countries not afford to comply with the new standards, many American ports can't either. For U.S. ports, the cost of compliance was estimated at $7 billion—152 times Bush's allocation for port security grants for 2005. And this is despite the terrorists' track record of attacks by boat—on the USS Cole, the French supertanker Limburg, Basra's oil terminals. Osama bin Laden may have ties to as many as three hundred vessels, reported the New York Daily News in September 2003, "ranging from a shadowy fleet of small fishing trawlers to freighters, experts say"

One thing Bush did do to make our ports safer: He issued a proclamation in early 2004 directing the Department of Homeland Security to seize any vessel, anywhere in U.S. waters, if it is believed that the boat might sail into Cuban waters. Amazingly, the proclamation went on to say that "unauthorized entries" into Cuban waters facilitate "the Cuban government's support of terrorism." "Aside from the order being a possible violation of the Bill of Rights," wrote Paul Magnusson in Businessweek, "the U.S. Coast Guard has had to draw up regulations and enlist cash-strapped local police departments and harbor patrols in the effort." (The order even managed to anger recreational boaters. "That's right, Popeye," said the editor of one boating magazine. "If you're unlucky enough to be reading this magazine in the cockpit of your most cherished possession—be it in San Diego, Seattle, Saginaw, or South Florida—and you wonder aloud how you'd always wanted to chase Hemingway's wake, by the letter of this new edict you have now forfeited the right to keep your boat.")

The administration allocated $115 million for rail security in the last two budgets—a paltry sum, especially in light of the Madrid train bombings in March 2004 that killed nearly two hundred people and the fact that, according to Time, five times as many people take trains than take planes on a given day. Lowly buses, which have virtually no security equipment or supervision, are a worry. Often you don't even need a key to start a bus—you just push a button. In late 2003, a man walked into the Port Authority Bus Terminal in New York and got behind the wheel of a fifty-six-seater. He drove it out of the station and all the way to Terminal 4 at JFK airport, where police arrested him. (His blood alcohol tested above the legal limit.)

Of immediate worry is the safety of the nation's existing nuclear storage facilities and laboratories. Rich Levernier, a specialist with the Department of Energy, spent more than half a decade organizing mock-terrorist squads made up of U.S. military commandos, who would attempt to infiltrate the Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico and nine other nuclear facilities. At risk nationwide are more than sixty metric tons of plutonium and many times that amount of highly enricheduranium. (To make a crude nuclear weapon requires just eleven pounds of plutonium or forty-five pounds of uranium.)

Levernier told Mark Hertsgaard in a report in Vanity Fair that "some of the facilities would fail year after year. In more than 50% of our tests of the Los Alamos facility, we got in, captured the plutonium, got out again, and in some cases didn't fire a shot, because we didn't encounter any guards." This despite the fact that the facilities had been told months in advance both the day and approximate time the attacks would take place. The faux attackers were handicapped in other ways that real terrorists wouldn't be: Grenades, body armor, and armed helicopters couldn't be used, and safety guidelines had to be adhered to, which meant the mock terrorists couldn't drive over the speed limit.

During one pretend attack, after Levernier's squad managed to get into Los Alamos and make off with weapons-grade nuclear material, the facility complained, almost comically, that the attack shouldn't count because the "terrorists" carried the material off in a vehicle not on the approved list of weapons for war games—a Home Depot cart.

When Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham asked for $379.7 million in 2002 for added security measures at the country's nuclear facilities, the administration approved only $26.4 million, according to a story by Jonathan Chait in The New Republic. "The list of improvements Bush declined to fund included more secure barriers and fences, computer improvements to defend against hackers, equipment to detect explosives in packages and vehicles entering department sites, and a reduction in the overall number of sites that store bomb-grade plutonium and uranium," Chait wrote.

There are similar problems with the nation's nuclear power plants. New York State's Indian Point facility, which is only an hour's drive north of Times Square, is a case in point. For decades, environmental and other groups have fought to have the plant closed. In 2003, in an effort to quiet fears, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission proudly announced that Indian Point had thwarted a mock-terrorist attack. That drill was as slanted in the facility's favor as the ones Levernier had staged at LosAlamos. Guards were reportedly told in advance when the attack would occur, and there were only three "terrorists." They were required to attack during daylight hours.

A 2003 report called "Controlling Nuclear Warheads and Materials: A Report Card and Action Plan" prepared by Harvard University found that Al Qaeda has been trying to get hold of nuclear weapons since the early 1990s. The report said that Chechen terrorists, who have close ties to Al Qaeda, made four reconnaissance missions to Russia between 2001 and 2002, checking out nuclear storage facilities and train yards where the material is moved. The report was commissioned by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, whose members include former senator Sam Nunn and Senator Richard Lugar. In 1991, they had created the Cooperative Threat Reduction Program, which sought to destroy the unprotected stockpiles of warheads and bomb-grade material in the former Soviet Union. The Bush administration has been reluctant to give it much in the way of funding. Duncan Hunter, a California Republican who is chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, somewhat enigmatically called the plan "open-ended, unfocused and ... self-defeating." According to James Traub in The New York Times, in early 2004, the White House at first tried to eliminate the program but finally agreed to keep it funded at $451 million per year—about 5 percent of what the Pentagon spends on missile defense.

Responding to a request by Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle, a group that included Clinton's former secretary of state Madeleine Al-bright and former national security adviser Sandy Berger prepared a study in July 2003 called "An American Security Policy" The report listed six major areas of concern. Number one they called "The Loose Nukes Crisis in North Korea." Number two was weapons of mass destruction in Russia and other countries. Iraq came in at number four. Graham Allison of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard told The Times's James Traub in early 2004 that "Iraq was a Level 2 issue. The Level 1 issue is that a terrorist could detonate a nuclear bomb in New York City instead of flying two planes into the World Trade Center."Traub quoted Allison as saying that the eventuality of this occurring was "more likely than not."

"America at Risk," a report released in 2004 by Democratic members of the House Select Committee on Homeland Security, stated that since the anthrax scare of 2001—02, not a single drug or vaccine for the pathogens rated as most dangerous by the Centers for Disease Control had been developed. The Pentagon's own review of the situation found weaknesses in "almost every aspect of U.S. biopreparedness and response." The Pentagon attempted to suppress its report, but parts of it were read to a reporter for The New York Times. One passage stated, "The fall 2001 anthrax attacks may turn out to be the easiest of bioterrorist strikes to confront." 60 Minutes reported that "just a few miles across the Hudson River from New York City, tucked underneath a heavily trafficked overpass, sits a nondescript chemical plant that manufactures disinfectant. According to government records, nearly 1,000 tons of deadly chlorine gas is stored here—the first agent ever used in chemical warfare during World War I ... [and] twelve million people ... within a fourteen-mile radius of the plant could be affected if the cloud of chlorine gas was released."

You would think that "first responders"—firefighters and emergency crews, like the ones who spent months at the World Trade Center and the Pentagon—would be a priority for a president who called the nation's security his "highest priority." They aren't. In his 2005 budget, Bush proposed reducing the $750 million allocated to the Assistance to Firefighters Grant Program to $500 million. When House Democratic Whip Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland wrote the president urging him to reconsider his decision, he was ignored.

The overall budget for first responders is $27 billion, to be spent between 2004 and 2008. When a task force from the Council on Foreign Relations surveyed emergency responder groups nationwide as to what programs and equipment they deemed necessary for a "minimum" response to another terrorist attack, the amount they came up with was $98.4 billion—almost four times what the Bush administration was givingthem. In early 2004, the U.S. Conference of Mayors released findings from a survey that said that of the 215 cities queried, 76 percent had yet to receive a penny from Washington for first-response units. Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton did a survey of her own in early 2003. Of the New York towns and cities she polled, 70 percent had not received any first-response funding.

When it came to dividing up the first $3 billion in funds allocated by the administration to homeland security, the amounts per capita in no way reflected the level of probable danger to the individuals in the states receiving the money. An Associated Press study in 2003 showed that New York State got $17 per person. The highest per capita payout for a state was nearly $36 for residents of Wyoming—the vice president's home state. American Samoa, the U.S. territory in the Pacific Ocean twenty-three hundred miles from Hawaii, received $94.40 for every resident.

In New York City, police officials say they need $900 million for preparedness alone. They received just $84 million. Of fifty major American cities, wrote Richard Schwartz in the Daily News, New York had the forty-ninth lowest per capita allotment—$5.87. The city that had the highest payout was New Haven, Connecticut, home to Yale University, alma mater of the president, his father, and his grandfather—it received $77.92 per person. Governor Jeb Bush's state, Florida, also did well, with Miami getting $52.82 per person; Orlando, $47.14; and Tampa, $30.57. USA Today reported in July 2003 that a harbor on Martha's Vineyard and the ferry company that runs boats between mainland Massachusetts and the Vineyard, where many legislators summer, received $900,000 for increased security. The paper said that when Todd Alexander, one of the harbormasters, told The Vineyard Gazette, "Quite honestly, I don't know what we're going to do, but you don't turn down grant money," the poor fellow was told not to speak to the press again.

In 2002, just as the whole Homeland Security apparatus was being set up, the Immigration and Naturalization Service—which, according to Chait in The New Republic, has a total of fourteen agents to track down twelve hundred illegal immigrants in the United States known tohave come from Al Qaeda—breeding countries—asked for $52 million to hire more staff. The request was denied in the interests of the tax cuts. Along the five-thousand-mile U.S.-Canadian border and the two-thousand-mile U.S.-Mexican border pass some four hundred million people each year. The borders are notoriously porous, and although there is rising concern that terrorists could easily slip into the United States across the Canadian border, there is, on average, only one guard every ten miles.

According to a March 2004 article in The New York Times, the Internal Revenue Service requested funds to hire eighty additional criminal investigators, to add to the "160 it has already assigned to penetrate the shadowy networks that terrorist groups use to finance plots like the Sept. 11 attacks and the recent train bombings in Madrid. But the Bush administration did not include funds for them in the president's proposed budget for the 2005 fiscal year." Although the White House is fond of making pronouncements stating that it has frozen $136.7 million in terrorists' funds, Rachel Ehrenfeld, the author of Funding Evil, a book about terrorists' money operations, said that amount is "a drop in the bucket."

In late 2003, the General Accounting Office reported that the IRS didn't have a plan for sharing information about terrorist financing with other government agencies. The GAO also said that both the Justice Department and the Department of the Treasury were a year behind in coming up with programs to investigate terrorist money-laundering operations and the money they get from selling black market gold and precious gems.

The Council on Foreign Relations summed up the overall state of the nation's safety in 2003, following an investigation headed by former senator Warren Rudman. "Although in some respects the American public is now better prepared to address aspects of the terrorist threat than it was two years ago," the report states, "the United States remains dangerously ill-prepared to handle a catastrophic attack on American soil."


"An attack on one is an attack on all."



With this statement, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's nineteen members invoked Article 5 of the group's charter to justify the eventual attack on Afghanistan in retaliation for the ones on September 11. It was the first time NATO had dipped into the part of the treaty that says that an attack on a member nation is an attack on the whole organization and therefore justifies a military response. In the White House Treaty Room shortly after the Afghan bombing began, Bush pronounced his resolve to the nation. "The battle is now joined on many fronts," he said. "We will not waver. We will not tire. We will not falter. And we will not fail. Peace and freedom will prevail."

Politicians, and especially presidents, have short and selective attention spans. The administration was never fully committed to rooting out Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. Its hearts and minds were always on the oil-rich nation eight hundred miles to the west. As former security czar Richard Clarke told Seymour Hersh of The New Yorker, "One, they did not want to get involved in Afghanistan like Russia did. Two, they were saving forces for the war in Iraq. And, three, Rumsfeld wanted to have a laboratory to prove his theory about the ability of small numbers of ground troops, coupled with airpower, to win decisive battles." Clarke added that "the U.S. has succeeded in stabilizing only two or three cities. The President of Afghanistan is just the mayor of Kabul."

The Iraq invasion essentially left Afghanistan in the dust. Funding and human resources were shifted to the new theater of battle. In Plan of Attack, Bob Woodward reports that in July 2002, the administration diverted $700 million from the Afghanistan conflict to General Tommy Franks so that he could begin preparing for war in Iraq. The diversionwas not only kept from Congress, it was also in violation of the Constitution. By the end of 2003, the United States had budgeted more for just bringing oil into Iraq ($690 million) than for rebuilding Afghanistan ($672 million). Almost 50 percent of the commando units and intelligence specialists who had been combing the hills and mountains of Afghanistan and Pakistan looking for Osama bin Laden and other members of Al Qaeda were reportedly diverted to Iraq when the war started there. USA Today stated in March 2004 that "Bob Andrews, former head of a Pentagon office that oversaw special operations, says that removing Saddam Hussein was a good idea but 'a distraction.' The war in Iraq, Andrews notes, entailed the largest deployment of special operations forces—about 10,000—since the Vietnam War. That's about 25% of all U.S. commandos."

The aftermath is as dispiriting as it is potentially explosive. A World Bank conference in 2002 estimated that Afghanistan would need $15 billion over the next ten years to get back on its feet. The United States spent $500 million over two years to create and train an Afghan army. As of March 2004, according to Time, only fifty-seven hundred soldiers—in a nation of twenty-eight million—had been hired and trained. The soldiers rarely leave the confines of Kabul, and desertion rates are running at 22 percent, according to NATO. By comparison, the armed followers of former Afghan president Burhanuddin Rabbani number close to fifty thousand in Kabul alone. The United Nations, says Time, "has managed to register just 9% of the country's 10.5 million eligible voters. Taliban rebels have threatened to kill U.N.-sponsored election teams and burn down schools and mosques where Afghans are signing up to vote."

The Center on International Cooperation estimated that by early 2004, only about $120 million of the $2.9 billion disbursed by donors toward reconstruction had resulted in any projects being completed. A 2004 report by the UN's Development Program stated that aid "has been much lower than expected or promised ... In comparison to other conflict or post-conflict situations, Afghanistan appears to have been neglected." The report went on to say that despite similarly sized populations,Iraq is receiving ten times the development aid that Afghanistan is receiving. Even citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina get 3.7 times more per capita in foreign aid than Afghans.

In mid-2003, the Council on Foreign Relations and the Asia Society issued a joint report that said, "Unless the situation improves, Afghanistan risks sliding back into the anarchy and warlordism that prevailed in the 1990s and helped give rise to the Taliban. Such a reversion would have disastrous consequences for Afghanistan and would be a profound setback for the US war on terrorism."

The Taliban is regrouping under its leader, Mullah Mohammad Omar, who is still in hiding and now has a hold on roughly a third of the country. The nation's warlords are again carving up other regions. Ismail Khan, the governor of western Afghanistan, and others have brought back the Taliban's infamous department of "Vice and Virtue," which sends young hoodlums into the streets to enforce segregation. Khan had previously made a radio announcement that women who walk with men other than their husbands should be beaten. On a visit to Afghanistan in April 2002, Donald Rumsfeld described Khan as "an appealing person, thoughtful, measured and self-confident."

In the eastern provinces, Hazrat Ali's forces are still being supported by the U.S. military because they had pitched in during the battle in Tora Bora against Al Qaeda. Human Rights Watch calls Ali one of the country's worst violators of human rights. His followers have been accused of raping women, sodomizing young boys, and stealing and kidnapping.

Human Rights Watch has also been critical of Amniat-e Milli, the intelligence division of the interim Afghan government, which is backed by the United States. The Australian Financial Review reported, "Its members regularly torture prisoners [and] often innocent citizens whom officials shake down for money. Prisoners are shackled, beaten, hung upside down, given electric shocks or hung from their fingertips and covered with a thick blanket teeming with lice. The editor of a Kabul magazine that published an offending cartoon was told by an Amniat official,'Look, we have 30 bullets in our clip. I can shoot 30 of these bullets into your chest right now and there is no-one who can stop us.'"

The situation in the country is especially harmful to women, whose rights—or, rather, lack thereof—have essentially returned to the state they were under the Taliban. Colin Powell had stated definitively in November 2001 that the restoration of women's rights would "not be negotiable." Other members of the administration didn't share his conviction. In early 2002, the White House told the Senate it wanted to ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Signed by Jimmy Carter in 1980 but never ratified by the Senate, the UN pact, the administration said, was "generally desirable and should be approved." The White House soon changed course. Powell began talking about its "vagueness" and "complexity" and thought the Justice Department should have a look at it. But Attorney General John Ashcroft had been a vocal critic of the treaty back when he was a member of the Senate and offered no endorsement of it this time. The White House walked away from the pact. "Standing with the United States in failing to ratify the convention," wrote the Houston Chronicle, "are nations known for their oppressive treatment of women, such as Afghanistan under the Taliban, Iran, Sudan, Somalia, Syria, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar." Under Democratic leadership in July 2002, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee took matters into its own hands and voted to put the measure to the full Senate for a vote. But nothing happened before that session of Congress adjourned. The Republicans won the Senate in 2002, and so the treaty sits, stalled and unratified. In early 2004, The New York Times reported that in Herat alone, more than forty women had chosen self-immolation over life during the previous six months.

Afghanistan is once again the leading producer of opium in the world, supplying 75 percent of the global market. Crop acreage is 36 times greater than it was during the Taliban regime, the White House said in November 2003. The harvest now brings in $2.3 billion a year.More than 1.7 million Afghans—6 percent of the population—are currently involved in opium production. In late 2003, the United Nations estimated that the average Afghan family brought in $184 a year; the average family involved in opium growing brought in $3,900 a year.

Where does the money go? Much of it winds up in the hands of the warlord militias, the Taliban, and other terrorist organizations like Al Qaeda and Hezb-i-Islami. "Any operation that Al Qaeda or the Taliban could conceive of could be funded right now," a diplomat told a reporter for the Chicago Tribune. "In terms of their needs, it's an unlimited source of financing." In early 2004, a UN report warned that Afghanistan was becoming an opium-based economy and a "terrorist breeding ground."

"Peace will be achieved by helping Afghanistan develop its own stable government."

—GEORGE W. BUSH, April 2002


"I analyzed a thorough body of intelligence—good, solid, sound intelligence—that led me to come to the conclusion that it was necessary to remove Saddam Hussein from power."

—GEORGE W. BUSH, July 2003

"I'm also not very analytical. You know I don't spend a lot of time thinking about myself, why I do things."

—GEORGE W. BUSH, June 2003


"People don't want war ... but [they] can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposingthe country to danger." That may sound like a quote from the Karl Rove playbook or a snippet from an internal memo from Rumsfeld's office. But it actually was said by Hitler's Luftwaffe chief and designated successor, Hermann Goering, to a psychologist in 1946, at the time of the Nuremberg war-crimes trials.

For Americans, September 11 was most certainly the defining single-day tragedy of our age. But, to put it in perspective, it was, however devastating, the only attack by a foreign element on U.S. soil in more than half a century—outside of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. European, African, and Middle Eastern countries have grown wearily accustomed to death tolls by terrorism that are registered almost weekly; month in, month out; year in, year out.

Make no mistake about it. September 11 was about terrorism—a new type of enemy for the United States. But it's an enemy without borders, capitals, or diplomatic structure. And yet in what may come to be seen as one of the most critical blunders in military history, the White House and the Pentagon irrationally picked Iraq as the target on which they would stake their careers—and the lives and reputation of the American people. Iraq was always the G-spot for the Bush administration. September 11 gave them a pretext they could manipulate to sell the nation on an invasion. As The Daily Show's Jon Stewart says, the United States is really bad at fear. And that climate of fear and patriotism in the wake of the attacks only made the administration's public relations job easier.

As Paul O'Neill, former treasury secretary under Bush, and journalist Ron Suskind point out in their book The Price of Loyalty, ten days into the administration, Iraq was officially on the Bush agenda. The attacks of September 11 gave the White House an excuse to carry out a radical restructuring of the Middle East. Rumsfeld seemed more keyed up on hitting targets—and fast—than on finding who and where the enemy was. On September 12, 2001, Richard Clarke says in his book Against All Enemies, "Secretary Rumsfeld complained that there were no decent targets for bombing in Afghanistan and that we should consider bombing Iraq, which, he said, had better targets. At first I thought Rumsfeldwas joking. But he was serious and the President did not reject out of hand the idea of attacking Iraq."

Egged on by the trio of neoconservatives who had the president's ear—Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, defense adviser Richard Perle, and Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Feith—the administration assembled a PR calculus for invading the country that it thought Americans would swallow:

• Iraq equals terrorism.

• Iraq equals biological weapons.

• Iraq equals weapons of mass destruction—in the president's words, "the smoking gun ... a mushroom cloud."

Except that:

• Saddam Hussein's regime was a secular one and Al Qaeda is a fundamentalist terror group dedicated in part to the overthrow of secular leaderships. There is no evidence whatsoever that Saddam ever funneled money to the terrorist organization. And, as the Europeans know but this administration has yet to figure out, the invasion of Iraq was not a blow against terrorism but rather a growth hormone for more of it.

• Inspectors, including Scott Ritter, Hans Blix, and most recently David Kay, all say that the international community's efforts—begun in the early 1990s after the Gulf War—to rid Saddam of stockpiles of biological and other weapons systems had been successful.

• There was no "smoking gun" in the way of weapons of mass destruction, merely "weapons of mass destruction-related program activities," whatever that means.

The miscalculations in going to war were endless. Vice President Dick Cheney predicted that American troops would be welcomed as liberators. Just over a month after the invasion of Iraq began, Rumsfeld compared the operation to the liberation of Paris after World War II. Except there was a big difference between Paris in 1944 and Baghdad in 2003: France was occupied by Germany, a foreign power. Iraq was in the grip of a native Iraqi. Not a very nice one, mind you, but an Iraqi nevertheless—which, if you live in the country being occupied, is a big difference. Foreigners dominating your country versus one of your own dominating your country? People of pride choose the latter any day. And the Iraqis are nothing if not proud people.

In its rush to war, the Bush administration bullied traditional allies who failed to see the logic of an invasion of Iraq. And it derided the United Nations for trying to maintain world order and the delicate dance of diplomacy necessary to avoid wars. Shortly after the invasion began, Perle callously dismissed the organization as "the looming chatterbox on the Hudson." (Perle's geography is a little off. The UN headquarters overlooks New York's East River.)

You've got to give it to the Bush administration, though—it's focused. When it wants to go to war, it goes to war come hell or high water, and never mind what anyone else thinks. In no particular order, in its rush to invade Iraq, the Bush White House did the following:

• It co-opted the CIA and other intelligence agencies. Mel Goodman, a twenty-four-year veteran of the agency, told Vanity Fair that CIA and Defense Intelligence Agency analysts were being called into their superiors' offices and told that their careers would be on the line if they didn't produce findings backing up the administration's desires on Iraq.

• It then cherry-picked intelligence favorable to its philosophy and its goals. .It deceived Congress (a felony, by the way).

• It deceived the American people (not a felony, but it should be). The deceit worked. In August 2002, an ABC News/Washington Post poll found that 79 percent of Americans felt that Iraq posed a threat to the United States. An October 2002 Gallup poll showed 56 percent of Americans in favor of going into Iraq. And a December 2002 Los Angeles Times poll showed that 90 percent of Americans thought Saddam was developing WMDs. (Incredibly, a September 2003 Washington Post poll found that 69 percent of Americans believed Saddam was personally involved in the September 11 attacks.)

• It deceived the United Nations. Not only that, it asked Britain to bug six Security Council members during the 2002-03 debate over enforcing Resolution 1441. Tony Blair's government may even have bugged the offices of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

• It strong-armed some traditional allies into going along with us and trashed the ones that wouldn't.

• It had its attack machine tar Americans opposed to war as being chickens or, worse, traitors.

Furthermore, when it wanted to go to war, the Bush administration pushed the UN weapons inspectors to the wall, pressuring them to find the WMDs and find them fast. The White House said that time was running out ("the smoking gun ... the mushroom cloud"). Then, when it wanted to justify the war once "major combat operations" were over and Iraq had been leveled, the administration told the world not to rush the inspection process, that the inspectors needed more time to find the root reason given for the invasion—weapons of mass destruction. A University of Maryland poll conducted in May 2003 found that 34 percentof Americans believed the United States had found weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, and 22 percent thought Iraq had used chemical or biological weapons during the war.

When all the administration's manufactured justifications for going to war crumbled on a bloody bone pile of deception and dissolution, the White House threw its weight behind another rationale for the war: Saddam had to be toppled for the good of the Iraqi people and stability in the Middle East.

Who are the winners in all of this? The vice president's old firm, Halliburton, is certainly one. Through May 2004, it won $4.7 billion in postwar contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan, according to the Center for Public Integrity, even though it was overcharging the Pentagon for gas and meals. Bechtel is another winner. It received contracts totaling $2.8 billion over the same period, despite criticism from the army of the shoddy work it did building schools and other facilities. Few of these contracts were sent out for competitive bidding.

Who are the losers? Where do we begin? Saddam, his sons Uday and Qusay, and his murderous, despotic regime, obviously. Morale at the CIA is at an all-time low. A battered George Tenet resigned in June 2004 after weathering two of the biggest intelligence failures in the agency's history. Morale isn't much better at the FBI. The members of the National Guard who have stayed way past their terms of duty have paid a heavy price, as have their families. We've lost our reputation for being the world's responsible superpower—a standing that took two centuries to establish. And for what? The Iraqis hate us. We've alienated many of our traditional allies. America has been pushed into a conflict in Iraq without purpose and now without conclusion. "Bush's Vietnam," Senator Edward Kennedy calls it. The war was also an Al Qaeda recruitment officer's dream. And the Middle East is as unstable as it was before September 11, perhaps more so.

The death toll of Iraqi civilians as a result of the military intervention by spring 2004, has been estimated by at upward of ten thousand. Add to that figure the untold thousands who have beenwounded, and it's the highest number of civilian noncombatant casualties involving U.S. troops since Vietnam. The Los Angeles Times reported in late 2003 that "the U.S. military does not keep statistics on the civilian deaths it has caused, saying it is 'impossible for us to maintain an accurate account.'"

In early November 2003, after a particularly bloody month for U.S. troops, the military adopted a get-tough strategy—encompassing a range of tactics—toward the growing insurgency. "In selective cases, American soldiers are demolishing buildings thought to be used by Iraqi attackers," The New York Times reported a month later. "They have begun imprisoning the relatives of suspected guerrillas, in hopes of pressing the insurgents to turn themselves in." They'd also wrapped entire towns in barbed-wire fences, allowing citizens in and out through a single checkpoint, and imposed curfews after dark. "This is absolutely humiliating," a schoolteacher told the Times. "We are like birds in a cage." Aside from angering the very people the military was trying to win over, "tactics like these are unethical under any moral code," reported The Christian Science Monitor, "and illegal under the Fourth Geneva Convention."

The military's get-tough strategy was also being applied at Iraq's prisons, where thousands of suspected insurgents were being interrogated. Among those detained were innocent Iraqi civilians. Not by accident but by design, according to Hayder Sabbar Abd, one of the detainees forced to pose naked with a bag over his head in the now infamous Abu Ghraib photographs. Abd told the Times, "We were not insurgents. We were just ordinary people. And American intelligence knew this." The release of the Abu Ghraib photographs broke what little trust remained between Iraqis and their occupiers. As of May 2004, the military continued to battle the insurgency, and America's reputation around the world was at its lowest point in decades.

The cost of the war in terms of dollars? By May 2004, the first anniversary of the official end of combat operations, the U.S. share of the invasion was about $100 billion and climbing at the rate of about $8 billion per month.

On May 1, 2003, Bush, in a borrowed navy pilot's suit, was dropped onto the deck of the USS Abraham Lincoln, then sailing in dangerous waters thirty miles offshore from San Diego. The banner behind him reading "Mission Accomplished" was a clever idea for a photo op backdrop, but it was a foolish, swaggering gesture that has come back to haunt the administration and will for years to come. A year to the day since that landing aboard the Lincoln, 833 American and coalition forces had lost their lives in the war and its bloody aftermath.

This is what war really looks like:

The British Toll

Cpl. Stephen John Allbutt, 35 Sapper Luke Allsopp, 24 Cpl. Russell Aston, 30 Maj. Stephen Alexis Ballard, 33 Fusilier Russell Beeston, 26 Colour Sgt. John Cecil, 36 Trooper David Jeffrey Clarke, 19 Lance Cpl. Andrew Jason Craw, 21 Staff Sgt. Simon Cullingworth, 36 Lance Bombardier Llywelyn Karl Evans, 24 Lt. Philip D. Green, 31 Capt. Philip Stuart Guy, 29 Sgt. Alexander Hamilton-Jewell, 41 Leonard Harvey, 55 Marine Sholto Hedenskog, 26 Sgt. Les Hehir, 34 Lance Cpl. of Horse Matty Hull, 25 Cpl. Richard Thomas David Ivell, 29 Capt. David Martyn Jones, 29 Pvt. Andrew Joseph Kelly, 18 Lance Cpl. Thomas Richard Keys, 20 Lt. Antony King, 35 Lt. Marc A. Lawrence, 26 Capt. James Linton, 43 Cpl. Paul Graham Long, 24 Marine Christopher R. Maddison, 24 Flight Lt. Kevin Barry Main, 36 Lance Cpl. Ian Keith Malone, 28 Lance Cpl. James McCue, 27 Cpl. Simon Miller, 21 Staff Sgt. Chris Muir, 32 Piper Christopher Muzyuru, 21 Sgt. John Nightingale, 32 Sgt. Norman Patterson, 28 Cpl. Ian Plank, 31 Cpl. Dewi Pritchard, 35 Gunner Duncan Geoffrey Pritchard, 22 Sgt. Steven Mark Roberts, 33 Operator Mechanic (Comm.) Second Class Ian Seymour, 29 Lance Cpl. Karl Shearer, 24 Cpl. David John Shepherd, 34 Pvt. Jason Smith, 32 Maj. James Stenner, 30 Lance Cpl. Barry Stephen, 31 Warrant Officer Second Class Mark Stratford, 39 Pvt. Ryan Lloyd Thomas, 18 Sapper RobertThompson, 22 Maj. Matthew Titchener, 32 Fusilier Kelan John Turrington, 18 Lt. Alexander Tweedie, 25 Company Sgt. Maj. Colin Wall, 34 Maj. Jason George Ward, 34 Lt. Philip West, 32 Flight Lt. David Rhys Williams, 37 Lt. James Williams, 28 Lt. Andrew S. Wilson, 36 Rifleman Vincent Calvin Windsor, 23


The Italian Toll

Chief Warrant Officer Massimiliano Bruno, 40 Cpl. Alessandro Carrisi, 23 Chief Warrant Officer Giovanni Cavallaro, 47 Sgt. Maj. Giuseppe Coletta, 38 Cpl. Emanuele Ferraro, 28 Lt. Massimiliano Ficuciello, 35 Pvt. Andrea Filippa, 31 Chief Warrant Officer Enzo Fregosi, 56 Chief Warrant Officer Daniele Ghione, 31 Sgt. Maj. Ivan Ghitti, 30 Pfc. Domenico Intravaia, 46 Pvt. Horacio Majorana, 29 Chief Warrant Officer Filippo Merlino, 46 Warrant Officer Silvio Olla, 32 Cpl. Pietro Petrucci, 22 Chief Warrant Officer Alfio Ragazzi, 39 Chief Warrant Officer Alfonso Trincone, 44


The Spanish Toll

Master Sgt. Alfonso Vega Calvo, 41 Sgt. Maj. José Lucas Egea, 42 Sgt. Luis Puga Gandar, 29 Cmdr. Gonzalo Perez García, 42 Sgt. José Antonio Bernal Gómez, 34 Maj. Alberto Martínez González, 43 Navy Capt. Manuel Martin Oar, 57 Maj. José Merino Olivera, 49 Maj. Carlos Barro Ollero, 36 Maj. Jose Carlos Rodríguez Perez, 41 Sgt. First Class Luis Ignacio Zanon Tarazona, 36


The Bulgarian Toll

Sgt. Dimitar Dimitrov, 25 Sgt. First Class Ivan Hristov Indjov Jr., 36 Capt. Georgi Hristov Kachorin, 29 Pvt. Svilen Simeonov Kirov, 25 Sgt. Anton Valentinov Petrov, 26 Second Lt. Nikolai Angelov Saruev, 26


The Ukrainian Toll

Pvt. Ruslan Androschuk, 24 Capt. Olexei Bondarenko, 34 Pvt. Konstantin M. Khaliev, 23 Sr. Sgt. Yuriy Koydan, 23 Jr. Sgt. Sergiy Suslov, 20 Yaroslav Zlochevskiy, 23

The Polish Toll Maj. Hieronim Kupczyk, 44 Lance Cpl. Gerard Wasilewski, 20


The Thai Toll Sgt. Amporn Chulert, 46 Sgt. Mitr Klaharn, 43


The El Salvadoran Toll Pvt. Natividad Mendez Ramos, 19


The Danish Toll Cpl. Preben Pedersen, 34


The Estonian Toll Jr. Sgt. Andres Nuiamäe, 21

The American Toll

ARMY: Sgt. Michael D. Acklin II, 25 Spc. Genaro Acosta, 26 Pfc. Steven Acosta, 19 Capt. James F. Adamouski, 29 Pvt. Algernon Adams, 36 First Lt. Michael R. Adams, 24 Pfc. Michael S. Adams, 20 Spc. Jamaal R. Addison, 22 Capt. Tristan N. Aitken, 31 Spc. Ronald D. Allen Jr., 22 Sgt. Glenn R. Allison, 24 Pfc. John D. Amos II, 22 Spc. Michael Andrade, 28 Sgt. Edward J. Anguiano, 24 Spc. Richard Arriaga, 20 Spc. Robert R. Arsiaga, 25 Cpl. Evan Asa Ashcraft, 24 Capt. Matthew J. August, 28 Spc. Tyanna S. Avery-Felder, 22 Sgt. First Class Henry A. Bacon, 45 Sgt. Andrew Joseph Baddick, 26 Staff Sgt. Daniel Bader, 28 Staff Sgt. Nathan J. Bailey, 46 Spc. Ryan T. Baker, 24 Sgt. Sherwood R. Baker, 30 Spc. Solomon C. Bangayan, 24 Cpl. Juan C. Cabral Banuelos, 25 Lt. Col. Dominic R. Baragona, 42 Spc. Jonathan P. Barnes, 21 Sgt. Michael Paul Barrera, 26 Spc. Todd M. Bates, 20 Spc. James L. Beckstrand, 27 Sgt. Gregory A. Belanger, 24 Sgt. Aubrey D. Bell, 33 Pfc. Wilfred D. Bellard, 20 Staff Sgt. Joseph P. Bellavia, 28 Sgt. First Class William M. Bennett, 35 Spc. Robert T. Benson, 20 First Lt. David R. Bernstein, 24 Spc. Joel L. Bertoldie, 20 Staff Sgt. Stephen A. Bertolino, 40 Cpl. Mark A. Bibby, 25 Sgt. Benjamin W. Biskie, 27 Sgt. Jarrod W. Black, 26 Chief Warrant Officer 2 Michael T. Blaise, 29 Capt. Ernesto M. Blanco, 28 Command Sgt. Maj. James D. Blankenbecler, 40 Spc. Joseph M. Blickenstaff, 23 Sgt. Trevor A. Blumberg, 22 Sgt. First Class Craig A. Boling, 38 Sgt. First Class Kelly Bolor, 37 Staff Sgt. Stevon A. Booker, 34 Chief Warrant Officer Clarence E. Boone, 50 Pfc. Rachel K. Bosveld, 19 Spc. Mathew G. Boule, 22 Spc. Edward W. Brabazon, 20 Staff Sgt. Kenneth R. Bradley, 39 Staff Sgt. Stacey C. Brandon, 35 Spc. Artimus D. Brassfield, 22 Pfc. Joel K. Brattain, 21 Pfc. Jeffrey F. Braun, 19 Staff Sgt. Steven H. Bridges, 33 Staff Sgt. Cory W Brooks, 32 Sgt. Thomas F. Broomhead, 34 Cpl. Henry L. Brown, 22 Pfc. John E. Brown, 21 Spc. Larry K. Brown, 22 Spc. Lunsford B. Brown II, 27 Pfc. Nathan P. Brown, 21 Pfc. Timmy R. Brown Jr., 21 Second Lt. Todd J. Bryant, 23 Sgt. Ernest G. Bucklew, 33 Spc. Roy Russell Buckley, 24 Spc. Paul J. Bueche, 19 Lt. Col. Charles H. Buehring, 40 Sgt. George Edward Buggs, 31 Staff Sgt. Christopher Bunda, 29 Staff Sgt. Richard A. Burdick, 24 Sgt. Travis L. Burkhardt, 26 Pfc. Charles E. Bush Jr., 43 Pvt. Matthew D. Bush, 20 Pfc. Damian S. Bushart, 22 Sgt. Jacob L. Butler, 24 Capt. Joshua T. Byers, 29 Sgt. Charles T. Caldwell, 38 Spc. Nathaniel A. Caldwell, 27 Staff Sgt. Joseph Camara, 40 Sgt. Ryan M. Campbell, 25 Spc. Marvin A. Camposiles, 25 Spc. Isaac Campoy, 21 Spc. Adolfo C. Carballo, 20 Cpl. Richard P. Carl, 26 Spc. Ryan G. Carlock, 25 Staff Sgt. Edward W. Carman, 27 Spc. Jocelyn L. Carrasquillo, 28 Pfc. Jose Casanova, 23 Spc. Ahmed A. Cason, 24 Capt. Paul J. Cassidy, 36 Staff Sgt. Roland L. Castro, 26 Sgt. Sean K. Cataudella, 28 Spc. Doron Chan, 20 Spc. James A. Chance III, 25 Spc. Jason K. Chappell, 22 Pfc. Jonathan M.Cheatham, 19 Sgt. Yihjyh L. Chen, 31 Spc. Andrew F. Chris, 25 Staff Sgt. Thomas W. Christensen, 42 Spc. Brett T. Christian, 27 Spc. Arron R. Clark, 20 First Sgt. Christopher D. Coffin, 51 Cpl. Gary B. Coleman, 24 Second Lt. Benjamin J. Colgan, 30 Staff Sgt. Gary L. Collins, 32 Chief Warrant Officer 2 Lawrence S. Colton, 32 Spc. Ze-ferino E. Colunga, 20 Sgt. Timothy M. Conneway, 22 Spc. Steven D. Conover, 21 Command Sgt. Maj. Eric F. Cooke, 43 Sgt. Dennis A. Corral, 33 Chief Warrant Officer Alexander S. Coulter, 35 Sgt. Michael T. Crockett, 27 Staff Sgt. Ricky L. Crockett, 37 Pvt. Rey D. Cuervo, 24 Spc. Daniel Francis J. Cunningham, 33 Spc. Michael Edward Curtin, 23 Staff Sgt. Christopher E. Cutchall, 30 Pfc. Anthony D. D'Agostino, 20 Capt. Nathan S. Dalley, 27 Pfc. Norman Darling, 29 Pvt. Brandon L. Davis, 20 Staff Sgt. Craig Davis, 37 Spc. Raphael S. Davis, 24 Staff Sgt. Wilbert Davis, 40 Staff Sgt. Jeffrey F. Dayton, 27 Pfc. Jason L. Deibler, 20 Sgt. Felix M. Delgreco, 22 Spc. Darryl T. Dent, 21 Pfc. Ervin Dervishi, 21 Pfc. Michael R. Deuel, 21 Pvt. Michael J. Deutsch, 21 Spc. Jeremiah J. DiGiovanni, 21 Spc. Michael A. Diraimondo, 22 Sgt. Michael E. Dooley, 23 Chief Warrant Officer Patrick Dorff, 32 Master Sgt. Robert J. Dowdy, 38 Staff Sgt. Joe L. Dunigan Jr., 37 Spc. William Dave Dusenbery, 30 Second Lt. Seth J. Dvorin, 24 Staff Sgt. Richard S. Eaton Jr., 37 Sgt. William C. Eckhart, 25 Spc. Marshall L. Edgerton, 27 Pfc. Shawn C. Edwards, 20 Spc. Peter G. Enos, 24 Sgt. Adam W. Estep, 23 Pvt. Ruben Estrella-Soto, 18 Pvt. David Evans Jr., 18 Pfc. Jeremy Ricardo Ewing, 22 Pvt. Jonathan I. Falaniko, 20 Capt. Brian R. Faunce, 28 Capt. Arthur L. Felder, 36 Spc. Rian C. Ferguson, 22 Master Sgt. Richard L. Ferguson, 45 Master Sgt. George A. Fernandez, 36 Staff Sgt. Clint D. Ferrin, 31 Spc. Jon P. Fettig, 30 Sgt. Paul F. Fisher, 39 fc. Jacob S. Fletcher, 28 Spc. Thomas A. Foley III, 23 Spc. Jason C. Ford, 21 Chief Warrant Officer 3 Wesley C. Fortenberry, 38 Sgt. First Class Bradley C. Fox, 34 Staff Sgt. Bobby C. Franklin, 38 Pvt. Robert L. Frantz, 19 Pvt. Benjamin L. Freeman, 19 Sgt. David T. Friedrich, 26 Spc. Luke P. Frist, 20 Spc. Adam D. Froehlich, 21 Pvt. Kurt R.Frosheiser, 22 Pfc. Nichole M. Frye, 19 Sgt. First Class Dan H. Gabrielson, 39 Sgt. Landis W. Garrison, 23 Sgt. Justin W. Garvey, 23 Spc. Israel Garza, 25 First Sgt. Joe J. Garza, 43 Spc. Christopher D. Gelineau, 23 Pvt. Kyle C. Gilbert, 20 Sgt. Maj. Cornell W. Gilmore I, 45 Pfc. Jesse A. Givens, 34 Spc. Michael T. Gleason, 25 Spc. Christopher A. Golby, 26 Spc. David J. Goldberg, 20 Pfc. Gregory R. Goodrich, 37 Sgt. First Class Richard S. Gottfried, 42 Spc. Richard A. Goward, 32 Second Lt. Jeffrey C. Graham, 24 Spc. Kyle A. Griffin, 20 Cpl. Sean R. Grilley, 24 Pvt. Joseph R. Guerrera, 20 Chief Warrant Officer Hans N. Gukeisen, 31 Pfc. Analaura Esparza Gutierrez, 21 Pfc. Richard W. Hafer, 21 Spc. Charles G. Haight, 23 Pvt. Jesse M. Hailing, 19 Chief Warrant Officer Erik A. Halvorsen, 40 Capt. Kimberly N. Hampton, 27 Sgt. Michael S. Hancock, 29 Sgt. Warren S. Hansen, 36 Spc. Kenneth W. Harris Jr., 23 Pfc. Leroy Harris-Kelly, 20 Pfc. John D. Hart, 20 Sgt. Nathaniel Hart Jr., 29 Sgt. Jonathan N. Hartman, 27 Staff Sgt. Stephen C. Hattamer, 43 Pfc. Sheldon R. Hawk Eagle, 21 Sgt. Timothy L. Hayslett, 26 Chief Warrant Officer 2 Brian D. Hazelgrove, 29 Spc. Justin W. Hebert, 20 Pfc. Damian L. Heidelberg, 21 Pfc. Raheen Tyson Heighter, 22 Staff Sgt. Brian R. Hellermann, 35 Staff Sgt. Terry W. Hemingway, 39 First Lt. Robert L. Henderson II, 33 Staff Sgt. Kenneth W. Hendrickson, 41 Pfc. Clayton W. Henson, 20 Pfc. Edward J. Herrgott, 20 Sgt. Jacob R. Herring, 21 Sgt. First Class Gregory B. Hicks, 35 Spc. Christopher K. Hill, 26 Spc. Stephen D. Hiller, 25 Sgt. Keicia M. Hines, 27 Sgt. First Class James T. Hoffman, 41 Spc. Christopher J. Holland, 26 Staff Sgt. Lincoln D. Hollinsaid, 27 Spc. Jeremiah J. Holmes, 27 Master Sgt. Kelly L. Hornbeck, 36 Pfc. Bert E. Hoyer, 23 Spc. Corey A. Hubbell, 20 Pfc. Christopher E. Hudson, 21 First Lt. Doyle M. Hufstedler, 25 Staff Sgt. Jamie L. Huggins, 26 Spc. Eric R. Hull, 23 Spc. Simeon Hunte, 23 First Lt. Joshua C. Hurley, 24 Pfc. Ray J. Hutchinson, 20 Pfc. Gregory P. Huxley Jr., 19 Spc. Craig S. Ivory, 26 Spc. Marlon P. Jackson, 25 Chief Warrant Officer Scott Jamar, 32 Second Lt. Luke S. James, 24 Spc. William A. Jeffries, 39 Sgt. Troy David Jenkins, 25 Spc. Darius T. Jennings, 22 Pfc. Howard Johnson II, 21 Spc. John P. Johnson, 24 Spc. Justin W. Johnson, 22 Spc. Maurice J. Johnson, 21 Spc. Nathaniel H. Johnson, 22 Staff Sgt. Paul J. Johnson, 29 Chief Warrant Officer Philip A. Johnson Jr., 31 Pfc. Rayshawn S. Johnson, 20 Pvt. Devon D. Jones, 19 Capt. Gussie M. Jones, 41 Staff Sgt. Raymond E. Jones Jr., 31 Sgt. Curt E. Jordan Jr., 25 Sgt. Jason D. Jordan, 24 Cpl. Forest J. Jostes, 22 Spc. Spencer T. Karol, 20 Spc. Michael G. Karr Jr., 23 Second Lt. Jeffrey J. Kaylor, 24 Spc. Chad L. Keith, 21 Chief Warrant Officer Kyran E. Kennedy, 43 Staff Sgt. Morgan D. Kennon, 23 Spc. Jonathan R. Kephart, 21 Chief Warrant Officer Erik C. Kesterson, 29 Spc. James M. Kiehl, 22 Staff Sgt. Kevin C. Kimmerly, 31 Spc. Levi B. Kinchen, 21 Staff Sgt. Lester O. Kinney II, 27 Pfc. David M. Kirchhoff, 31 Spc. John K. Klinesmith Jr., 25 Sgt. Floyd G. Knighten Jr., 55 Spc. Joshua L. Knowles, 23 Pfc. Martin W. Kondor, 20 Chief Warrant Officer 3 Patrick W. Kordsmeier, 49 Capt. Edward J. Korn, 31 Sgt. Elmer C. Krause, 40 Pvt. Dustin L. Kreider, 19 Capt. John F. Kurth, 31 Sgt. First Class William W. Labadie Jr., 45 Spc. James I. Lambert III, 22 Staff Sgt. Sean G. Landrus, 31 Spc. Tracy L. Laramore, 30 Spc. Scott Q. Larson Jr., 22 Chief Warrant Officer 2 Matthew C. Laskowski, 32 Staff Sgt. William T. Latham, 29 Pfc. Karina S. Lau, 20 Staff Sgt. Mark A. Lawton, 41 Spc. Cedric L. Lennon, 32 Spc. Farao K. Letufuga, 20 Spc. Roger G. Ling, 20 Spc. Joseph L. Lister, 22 Staff Sgt. Nino D. Livaudais, 23 Sgt. Daniel J. Londono, 22 Spc. Ryan P. Long, 21 Spc. Zachariah W Long, 20 Pfc. Duane E. Longstreth, 19 Staff Sgt. David L. Loyd, 44 Capt. Robert L. Lucero, 34 Jason C. Ludlam, 22 Pfc. Vorn J. Mack, 19 Spc. William J. Maher III, 35 Staff Sgt. Toby W Mallet, 26 Chief Warrant Officer Ian D. Manuel, 23 Pfc. Pablo Manzano, 19 Sgt. Atanacio Haro Marin, 27 Sgt. First Class John W. Marshall, 50 Sgt. Francisco Martinez, 28 Chief Warrant Officer Johnny Villareal Mata, 35 Spc. Clint Richard Matthews, 31 Pfc. Joseph P. Mayek, 20 Spc. Dustin K. McGaugh, 20 Spc. Michael A. McGlothin, 21 Spc. David M. McKeever, 25 Pvt. Robert L. McKinley, 23 Staff Sgt. Don S. McMahan, 31 Sgt. Heath A.McMillin, 29 Spc. Irving Medina, 22 Spc. Kenneth A. Melton, 30 Staff Sgt. Eddie E. Menyweather, 35 Spc. Gil Mercado, 25 Spc. Michael M. Merila, 23 Sgt. Daniel K. Methvin, 22 Pfc. Jason M. Meyer, 23 Sgt. Eliu A. Miersandoval, 27 Spc. Michael G. Mihalakis, 18 Pfc. Anthony S. Miller, 19 Pfc. Bruce Miller Jr., 23 Staff Sgt. Frederick L. Miller Jr., 27 Sgt. First Class Marvin L. Miller, 38 Sgt. Joseph Minucci II, 23 Spc. George A. Mitchell, 35 Sgt. Keman L. Mitchell, 24 Sgt. Michael W. Mitchell, 25 Spc. Sean R. Mitchell, 24 Pfc. Jesse D. Mizener, 24 First Lt. Adam G. Mooney, 28 Pfc. Stuart W. Moore, 21 Sgt. Travis A. Moothart, 23 Spc. Jose L. Mora, 26 Master Sgt. Kevin N. Morehead, 33 Sgt. Gerardo Moreno, 23 Pfc. Luis A. Moreno, 19 Spc. Dennis B. Morgan, 22 Sgt. Keelan L. Moss, 23 Sgt. Cory R. Mracek, 26 Spc. Paul T. Nakamura, 21 Spc. Nathan W. Nakis, 19 Pvt. Kenneth A. Nalley, 19 Chief Warrant Officer Christopher G. Nason, 39 Spc. Rafael L. Navea, 34 Staff Sgt. Paul M. Neff II, 30 Pfc. Gavin L. Neighbor, 20 Spc. Joshua M. Neusche, 20 Spc. Isaac Michael Nieves, 20 Sgt. William J. Normandy, 42 Spc. Joseph C. Norquist, 26 First Lt. Leif E. Nott, 24 Spc. David T. Nutt, 32 Spc. Donald S. Oaks Jr., 20 Pfc. Branden F. Oberleitner, 20 Spc. Richard P. Orengo, 32 Lt. Col. Kim S. Orlando, 43 First Lt. Osbaldo Orozco, 26 Pfc. Cody J. Orr, 21 Staff Sgt. Billy J. Orton, 41 Pfc. Kevin C. Ott, 27 Pvt. Shawn D. Pahnke, 25 Spc. Gabriel T. Palacios, 22 Capt. Eric T. Paliwoda, 28 Staff Sgt. Dale A. Panchot, 26 Pfc. Daniel R. Parker, 18 Pfc. James David Parker, 20 Pfc. Kristian E. Parker, 23 Sgt. David B. Parson, 30 Staff Sgt. Esau G. Patterson Jr., 25 Master Sgt. William L. Payne, 46 Sgt. Michael F. Pedersen, 26 Staff Sgt. Abraham D. Penamedina, 32 Spc. Brian H. Penisten, 28 Sgt. Ross A. Pennanen, 36 Staff Sgt. Hector R. Perez, 40 Sgt. Joel Perez, 25 Spc. Jose A. Perez III, 22 Pfc. Wilfredo Perez Jr., 24 Staff Sgt. David S. Perry, 36 Spc. Alyssa R. Peterson, 27 Staff Sgt. Brett J. Petriken, 30 Pfc. Jerrick M. Petty, 25 Sgt. First Class Gladimir Philippe, 37 Sgt. Ivory L. Phipps, 44 Capt. Pierre E. Piche, 29 Pfc. Lori Ann Piestewa, 23 Spc. James H. Pirtle, 27 Staff Sgt. Andrew R. Pokorny, 30 Spc. Justin W. Pollard, 21 Spc.Larry E. Polley Jr., 20 Sgt. Darrin K. Potter, 24 Spc. James E. Powell, 26 Pvt. Kelley S. Prewitt, 24 Sgt. Jaror C. Puello-Coronado, 36 Staff Sgt. Michael B. Quinn, 37 Staff Sgt. Richard P. Ramey, 27 Sgt. Christopher Ramirez, 34 Spc. Eric U. Ramirez, 31 Pfc. William C. Ramirez, 19 Pfc. Brandon Ramsey, 21 Sgt. Edmond L. Randle, 26 Pfc. Cleston C. Raney, 20 Spc. Rel A. Ravago IV, 21 Pfc. Ryan E. Reed, 20 Staff Sgt. Aaron T. Reese, 31 Sgt. First Class Randall S. Rehn, 36 Staff Sgt. George S. Rentschler, 31 Sgt. Sean C. Reynolds, 25 Sgt. Ariel Rico, 25 Pfc. Diego Fernando Rincon, 19 Capt. Russell B. Rippetoe, 27 Sgt. First Class Jose A. Rivera, 34 Cpl. John T. Rivero, 23 Spc. Frank K. Rivers Jr., 23 Sgt. Thomas D. Robbins, 27 Sgt. Todd J. Robbins, 33 Spc. Robert D. Roberts, 21 Staff Sgt. Joseph E. Robsky Jr., 31 Pfc. Marlin T. Rockhold, 23 Spc. Philip G. Rogers, 23 Sgt. First Class Robert E. Rooney, 43 Staff Sgt. Victor A. Rosales-Lomeli, 29 Sgt. Scott C. Rose, 30 Sgt. Randy S. Rosenberg, 23 Sgt. Lawrence A. Roukey, 33 Spc. Brandon J. Rowe, 20 Sgt. Roger D. Rowe, 54 Lt. Jonathan D. Rozier, 25 Sgt. John W. Russell, 26 Chief Warrant Officer Scott A. Saboe, 33 Spc. Rasheed Sahib, 22 First Lt. Edward M. Saltz, 27 Spc. Gregory P. Sanders, 19 Spc. Matthew J. Sandri, 24 Staff Sgt. Barry Sanford Sr., 46 Staff Sgt. Cameron B. Sarno, 43 Spc. Justin B. Schmidt, 23 Pfc. Sean M. Schneider, 22 Maj. Mathew E. Schram, 36 Spc. Christian C. Schulz, 20 Pfc. Kerry D. Scott, 21 Spc. Stephen M. Scott, 21 Spc. Marc S. Seiden, 26 Capt. Christopher Scott Seifert, 27 Sgt. Juan M. Serrano, 31 Staff Sgt. Wentz Jerome Henry Shanaberger III, 33 Spc. Casey Sheehan, 24 Lt. Col. Anthony L. Sherman, 43 Capt. James A. Shull, 32 Pvt. Sean A. Silva, 23 Sgt. Leonard D. Simmons, 33 Pfc. Charles M. Sims, 18 Spc. Uday Singh, 21 Spc. Aaron J. Sissel, 22 Pfc. Christopher A. Sisson, 20 First Lt. Brian D. Slavenas, 30 Pvt. Brandon Ulysses Sloan, 19 Pfc. Corey L. Small, 20 Sgt. Keith L. Smette, 25 Capt. Benedict J. Smith, 29 Chief Warrant Officer Bruce A. Smith, 41 Cpl. Darrell L. Smith, 28 Chief Warrant Officer Eric A. Smith, 41 Pfc. Jeremiah D. Smith, 25 Spc. Orenthial J. Smith, 21 Sgt. First Class Paul R. Smith, 33 Capt.Christopher F. Soelzer, 26 Sgt. Roderic A. Solomon, 32 Pfc. Armando Soriano, 20 Cpl. Tomas Sotelo Jr., 20 Pfc. Kenneth C. Souslin, 21 Maj. Christopher J. Splinter, 43 Pvt. Bryan Nicholas Spry, 19 Sgt. Maj. Michael B. Stack, 48 Staff Sgt. Robert A. Stever, 36 Pfc. William R. Strange, 19 Spc. William R. Sturges Jr., 24 Spc. Paul J. Sturino, 21 Spc. Joseph D. Suell, 24 Spc. John R. Sullivan, 26 Spc. Narson B. Sullivan, 21 Pfc. Ernest Harold Sutphin, 21 Staff Sgt. Michael J. Sut-ter, 28 Chief Warrant Officer Sharon T. Swartworth, 43 Sgt. Thomas J. Sweet II, 23 Staff Sgt. Christopher W. Swisher, 26 Sgt. Patrick S. Tainsh, 33 Spc. Christopher M. Taylor, 25 Maj. Mark D. Taylor, 41 Capt. John R. Teal, 31 Master Sgt. Thomas R. Thigpen Sr., 52 Spc. Kyle G. Thomas, 23 Sgt. Anthony O. Thompson, 26 Spc. Jarrett B. Thompson, 27 Spc. Brandon S. Tobler, 19 Sgt. Lee D. Todacheene, 29 Sgt. Nicholas A. Tomko, 24 Spc. Ramon Reyes Torres, 29 Second Lt. Richard Torres, 25 Sgt. Michael L. Tosto, 24 Spc. Richard K. Trevithick, 20 Staff Sgt. Roger C. Turner Jr., 37 Pvt. Scott M. Tyrrell, 21 Spc. Eugene A. Uhl III, 21 Sgt. Melissa Valles, 26 Spc. Allen J. Vandayburg, 20 Chief Warrant Officer Brian K. Van Dusen, 39 Staff Sgt. Mark D. Vasquez, 35 Spc. Frances M. Vega, 20 First Lt. Michael W Vega, 41 Staff Sgt. Paul A. Velazquez, 29 Staff Sgt. Kimberly A. Voelz, 27 Sgt. Jeffrey C. Walker, 33 Sgt. Donald Ralph Walters, 33 Pvt. Jason M. Ward, 25 Chief Warrant Officer Aaron A. Weaver, 32 Spc. Douglas J. Weismantle, 28 Pfc. Michael Russell Creighton Weldon, 20 Chief Warrant Officer 2 Stephen M. Wells, 29 Spc. Jeffrey M. Wershow, 22 Spc. Christopher J. Rivera Wesley, 26 Spc. Donald L. Wheeler, 22 Sgt. Mason Douglas Whetstone, 30 Pfc. Marquis A. Whitaker, 20 Sgt. Steven W White, 29 Pfc. Joey D. Whitener, 19 Sgt. Eugene Williams, 24 Spc. Michael L. Williams, 46 Sgt. Taft V. Williams, 29 Sgt. First Class Christopher R. Willoughby, 29 Command Sgt. Maj. Jerry L. Wilson, 45 Staff Sgt. Joe N. Wilson, 30 Spc. Trevor A. Win'E, 22 Spc. Robert A. Wise, 21 Spc. Michelle M. Witmer, 20 Spc. James R. Wolf, 21 Second Lt. Jeremy L. Wolfe, 27 Sgt. Elijah Tai Wah Wong, 42 Sgt. Brian M. Wood, 21 Capt. George A.Wood, 33 . Spc. Michael R. Woodliff, 22 Spc. James C. Wright, 27 Pfc. Jason G. Wright, 19 Pfc. Stephen E. Wyatt, 19 Sgt. Michael E. Yashinski, 24 Sgt. Henry Ybarra III, 32 Sgt. Ryan C. Young, 21 NAVY: Lt. Thomas Mullen Adams, 27 Petty Officer Third Class Doyle W. Bollinger Jr., 21 Petty Officer Third Class Christopher M. Dickerson, 33 Petty Officer 2nd Class Jason B. Dwelley, 31 Petty Officer Second Class Michael J. Gray, 32 Petty Officer Third Class Michael Vann Johnson Jr., 25 Lt. Kylan A. Jones-Huffman, 31 Seaman Joshua Mclntosh, 22 Petty Officer Third Class David J. Moreno, 26 Boatswain's Mate First Class (SW) Michael J. Pernaselli, 27 Signalman Second Class (SW) Christopher E. Watts, 28 Lt. Nathan D. White, 30 AIR FORCE: Tech. Sgt. Bruce E. Brown, 32 Capt. Eric B. Das, 30 Staff Sgt. Patrick Lee Griffin Jr., 31 Airman First Class Antoine J. Holt, 20 Master Sgt. Jude C. Mariano, 39 Staff Sgt. Scott D. Sather, 29 Maj. Gregory Stone, 40 Maj. William R. Watkins III, 37 MARINES: Cpl. Daniel R. Amaya, 22 Lance Cpl. Brian E. Anderson, 26 Lance Cpl. Levi T. Angell, 20 Chief Warrant Officer Andrew Todd Arnold, 30 Staff Sgt. Jimmy J. Arroyave, 30 Maj. Jay Thomas Aubin, 36 Lance Cpl. Aaron C. Austin, 21 Lance Cpl. Andrew Julian Aviles, 18 Pfc. Eric A. Ayon, 26 Pfc. Chad E. Bales, 20 Lance Cpl. Aric J. Barr, 22 Capt. Ryan Anthony Beaupre, 30 Sgt. Michael E. Bitz, 31 Lance Cpl. Thomas A. Blair, 24 Gunnery Sgt. Jeffrey E. Bohr Jr., 39 Pvt. Noah L. Boye, 21 Cpl. Travis J. Bradach-Nall, 21 Cpl. Andrew D. Brownfield, 24 Lance Cpl. Cedric E. Bruns, 22 Lance Cpl. Brian Rory Buesing, 20 Lance Cpl. Jeffrey C. Burgess, 20 Pfc. Tamario D. Burkett, 21 Pfc. Benjamin R. Carman, 20 Lance Cpl. James A. Casper, 20 Staff Sgt. James W. Cawley, 41 Cpl. Kemaphoom A. Chanawongse, 22 Chief Warrant Officer Robert William Channell Jr., 36 Lance Cpl. Marcus M. Cherry, 18 Second Lt. Therrel S. Childers, 30 Lance Cpl. Donald J. Cline Jr., 21 Pfc. Christopher R. Cobb, 19 Capt. Aaron J. Contreras, 31 Pfc. Ryan R. Cox, 19 Lance Cpl. Kyle D. Crowley, 18 Lance Cpl. Andrew S. Dang, 20 Cpl. Nicholas J. Dieruf, 21 Cpl. Jason L. Dunham, 22 Cpl. Mark A. Evnin, 21 Cpl. Tyler R. Fey, 22 Capt. Travis A. Ford, 30 Lance Cpl. Phillip E. Frank, 20 Lance Cpl. David K. Fribley, 26 Capt. Richard J. Gannon II, 31 Cpl. Jose A. Garibay, 21 Pfc. Juan Guadalupe Garza Jr., 20 Lance Cpl. Cory Ryan Geurin, 18 Cpl. Christopher A. Gibson, 23 Pvt. Jonathan L. Gifford, 30 Lance Cpl. Shane L. Goldman, 20 Cpl. Armando Ariel Gonzalez, 25 Cpl. Jesus A. Gonzalez, 22 Cpl. Jorge A. Gonzalez, 20 Cpl. Bernard G. Gooden, 22 Lance Cpl. Torrey L. Gray, 19 Pfc. Christian D. Gurtner, 19 Lance Cpl. José Gutierrez, 22 Pfc. Deryk L. Hallal, 24 Sgt. Nicolas M. Hod-son, 22 Pvt. Nolen R. Hutchings, 19 Cpl. Evan T. James, 20 Pfc. Ryan M. Jerabek, 18 First Lt. Oscar Jimenez, 34 Staff Sgt. Phillip A. Jordan, 42 Cpl. Brian Matthew Kennedy, 25 Lance Cpl. Nicholas Brian Kleiboeker, 19 Cpl. Kevin T. Kolm, 23 Sgt. Bradley S. Korthaus, 28 Lance Cpl. Jakub Henryk Kowalik, 21 Sgt. Michael V. Lalush, 23 Lance Cpl. Alan Dinh Lam, 19 Sgt. Jonathan W. Lambert, 28 Capt. Andrew David La Mont, 31 Pfc. Moises A. Langhorst, 19 Lance Cpl. Travis J. Layfield, 19 Pfc. Christopher D. Mabry, 19 Lance Cpl. Gregory E. MacDonald, 29 Lance Cpl. Joseph B. Maglione, 22 Cpl. Douglas José Marenco Reyes, 28 Pfc. Francisco A. Martinez-Flores, 21 Cpl. Matthew E. Matula, 20 Staff Sgt. Donald C. May Jr., 31 Sgt. Brian McGinnis, 23 First Lt. Brian M. McPhillips, 25 Cpl. Jesus Martin Antonio Medellin, 21 Gunnery Sgt. Joseph Menusa, 33 Pfc. Matthew G. Milczark, 18 Cpl. Jason David Mileo, 20 Lance Cpl. Jason William Moore, 21 Capt. Brent L. Morel, 27 Pfc. Geoffery S. Morris, 19 Pfc. Rick A. Morris Jr., 20 Maj. Kevin Nave, 36 Cpl. Patrick R. Nixon, 21 Lance Cpl. Patrick T. O'Day, 20 Lance Cpl. Eric J. Orlowski, 26 Lance Cpl. David Edward Owens Jr., 20 Sgt. Fernando Padilla-Ramirez, 26 First Lt. Joshua M. Palmer, 25 Pfc. Chance R. Phelps, 19 Second Lt. Frederick E. Pokorney Jr., 31 Pfc. Christopher Ramos, 26 Sgt. Brendon C. Reiss, 23 Sgt. Duane R. Rios, 25 Lance Cpl. Anthony P. Roberts, 18 Pfc. José Franci Gonzalez Rodriguez, 19 Cpl. Robert M. Rodriguez, 21 Cpl. Randal Kent Rosacker, 21 First Lt. Timothy Louis Ryan, 30 Capt. Benjamin W. Sammis, 29 Pfc. Leroy Sandoval Jr., 21 Pfc. Dustin M. Sekula, 18 Lance Cpl. Matthew K.Serio, 21 Lance Cpl. Brad S. Shuder, 21 Cpl. Erik H. Silva, 22 Lance Cpl. John T. Sims Jr., 21 Lance Cpl. Thomas J. Slocum, 22 Pfc. Brandon C. Smith, 20 First Sgt. Edward Smith, 38 Lance Cpl. Matthew R. Smith, 20 Lance Cpl. Michael J. Smith Jr., 21 Cpl. Michael R. Speer, 24 Sgt. Kirk Allen Straseskie, 23 Lance Cpl. Jesus A. Suarez del Solar, 20 Staff Sgt. Riayan A. Tejeda, 26 Lance Cpl. Jason Andrew Tetrault, 20 Cpl. Jesse L. Thiry, 23 Master Sgt. Timothy Toney, 37 Pfc. George D. Torres, 23 Lance Cpl. Elias Torrez III, 21 Lance Cpl. Ruben Valdez Jr., 21 Lance Cpl. Gary F. VanLeuven, 20 Cpl. David M. Vicente, 25 Cpl. Scott M. Vincent, 21 Lance Cpl. Michael B. Wafford, 20 Staff Sgt. Allan K. Walker, 28 Lance Cpl. Christopher B Wasser, 21 Staff Sgt. Kendall Damon Waters-Bey, 29 Staff Sgt. Aaron Dean White, 27 Lance Cpl. William W. White, 24 Cpl. Joshua S. Wilfong, 22 Lance Cpl. Michael J. Williams, 31 Lance Cpl. William J. Wiscowiche, 20 Second Lt. John T. Wroblewski, 25 Lance Cpl. Robert P. Zurheide Jr., 20 COAST GUARD: Damage Controlman Third Class Nathan B. Bruckenthal, 24

"One of the hardest parts of my job is to console the family members who have lost their life."

—GEORGE W. BUSH, April 2004

"Victory means exit strategy, and it's important for the President to explain to us what the exit strategy is."

—GEORGE W. BUSH, April 1999

This list of war dead was compiled with the help of U.S. military sources and ArmyTimes.

Copyright © 2004 by Graydon Carter

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Table of Contents

To begin with... 5
1 The president's wars 11
2 The military 47
3 Secrecy 83
4 The economy 103
5 The environment 127
6 Education 186
7 Health care 198
8 The judiciary 214
9 The state of the union 254
10 Our reputation 269
11 The president by the numbers 287
12 And finally... 326
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First Chapter

Excerpt from What We've Lost: How the Bush Administration Has Curtailed Our Freedoms, Mortgaged Our Economy, Ravaged Our Environment, and Damaged Our Standing in the World by Graydon Carter. Copyright © 2004 by Graydon Carter. Published in September, 2004 by Farrar, Straus & Giroux, LLC. All rights reserved.


In making his final decision to launch an invasion of Iraq, President George W. Bush did not seek the advice of his father, a veteran of World War II and a former president who had gone to battle with the same foe a decade earlier. Nor did be seek the overall final recommendation of his secretary of defense, or of his secretary of state, the only man in his cabinet who had been decorated for military service in wartime with the medals befitting a national hero. Instead, as Bob Woodward wrote in his book Plan of Attack, he consulted his God, a God that the president presumes takes sides in disputes between peoples.

That reckless, unnecessary and unforgiving decision to wage a war of choice with a country that was neither an enemy nor a real threat is at the very root of all we've lost during George W. Bush's presidency. We've lost our good reputation and our standing as a great and just superpower. We've lost the sympathy of the world following September 11 and turned it into an alloy of fear and hatred. We've lost lives and allies. We've lost liberties and freedoms. We've lost billions of dollars that could have gone toward a true assault on terrorism. It could fairly be said that in the age of George W. Bush, we have lost our way.

The deceptions that took the United States into Iraq were the work ofan administration without care for logic or truth. The aftermath, a war seemingly without end and one that is costing the country lens of billions of dollars and the lives of about thirteen young American soldiers every week, is the work of an administration without judgment or fore-sight. The United States is a warrior nation with a heart of peace and a history of generally doing the right thing. The cry-wolf invasion of Iraq has not only shaken that opinion of the United States, it will make it difficult for future American leaders to rally nations against an enemy that actually is a credible global threat.

The sideshow in the Middle East proved in the end to be a convenient diversion for the Bush White House: It distracted Americans' attention from the administration's domestic agenda, its ideological war at home. Iraq also served as a shield for the administration, in the sense that the White House defined any opposition to or criticism of what it was up to in those early days as the work of the unpatriotic or the traitorous. With the country looking the other way, Bush and Cheney began dismantling decades' worth of advances in civil liberties, health care, education, the economy, the judiciary, and the environment. It is difficult to point to a single element of American society that comes under Federal jurisdiction that is not worse off than it was an administration ago.

The Bush White House inherited a military greater than any ever assembled and spread it so thin that it ultimately bad to order thousands of troops to stay in war zones months longer than the terms of their service contracts. At a time of war, the administration tried to cut back on benefits for veterans and soldiers still in the field of battle.

The Bush White House inherited a robust economy brimming with jobs and budget surpluses. It may well end its four years with a net loss of jobs during Bush's first term, a feat unsurpassed since the Hoover administration. In its desire to create tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans, it created a horizon of budget deficits, crippling debt, and trade imbalances.

The Bush White House inherited an education system that, while not perfect, was in many ways the envy of the world. Its unreasonable and underfunded No Child Left Behind program bobbled state systems by placing rigid demands on school districts but pledging little money to meet those demands.

The Bush White House inherited an environment that had been all but saved by the Clean Air and Clean Water acts of the 1970s. The administration, many of whose members were plucked from the oil and gas industries, turned its back on more than thirty years of advances in environmental legislation and global treaties to reward its campaign backers from the petrochemical industry.

The Bush White House inherited a health-care system that favored the rich, then made it worse, turning it into a complex apparatus that will produce unprecedented profits for another set of major campaign backers--the health and pharmaceutical industries--all at the expense of regular patients, the elderly, and the poor.

The Bush White House inherited a government of model transparency and purposefully bent it to the will of the most secretive administration in recent American history.

The Bush White House inherited a judicial system that was America's centrist, if not conservative, legal safeguard and turned it into an ideological, right-wing juggernaut.

The Bush White House took the world's warm feelings toward America--remember the days following September 11, when all citizens of the world proclaimed themselves to be New Yorkers?--and turned them into confusion and then rage.

The Bush White House took a nation that was both the cradle and the missionary of democratic Freedoms and civil liberties and reduced rights under both for America's own citizens.

At the heart of all of this loss were two unforgivable deceptions embedded in George W. Bush's 2000 presidential campaign: that he was a "united and not a divider," and that he was a "compassionate conservative." This "uniter" became "the great polarizer," a president who has divided Americans more than at any time since the Civil War. "Compassionate conservative" was a meaningless bit of public relations designed by Karen Hughes to appease the middle ground of the Republican Party and the conservative flank of the Democratic Party. Once in office, the Bush administration pursued not a compassionate course but rather a harsh, far-right-wing effort to roll back decades of liberal legislation. In a May 2004 interview in The New York Times, the billionaire George Soros said, "The government of the most powerful country on earth has fallen into the hands of extremists." It seems as if post-September 11 America has been in a slumber-brought on by an anesthetic of fear and patriotism-and is only now beginning to wake up.

* * *

I am an American by choice rather than by birth. I'm a white, fifty-five-year-old Episcopalian. Born in Canada, I've lived in America for half my life. I've raised four children here, have done reasonably well professionally, and am by most measures a happy man. I've followed polities all my life, but politics has never been my life, if you know what I mean. To be honest, I really never had much truck with politicians of any stripe. But I love this country, its land, its soul, and above all its people.

So what does it say about us that we let a man of such blind conviction and willful ignorance lead us? George W. Bush may be the most incurious American president ever. He reads little and is far and away the least traveled president of the last half century. Indeed, most of his trips outside this country have been aboard Air Force One. When he was on the David Frost show in late 2003 before his official state visit to London, Frost brought up previous trips Bush had made there. "I aura and I went to see Cats," was the president's chief recollection. Former treasury secretary Paul O'Neill describes meetings with the president as short, limited, and without discussion or inquiry. Five, ten minutes tops, then Bush is up and out of the room.

In polls, America is now regularly listed as one of the most dangerous nations on earth, sometimes ahead of even North Korea. The world, simply put, doesn't like Bush-or Americans-very much. And Americans, a great people with high ideals, like to be liked. Well, Americans like to be feared and liked, but liked is an important part of the equation. Electing George W. Bush was seen in many quarters of the world as a mistake, a voters' aberration. His reelection would send those same quarters a message of intent and hostility on the part of the United States that may take decades fully to recover from.

One can only hope that this war, this period, this administration, is not the beginning of a new age. That it is not the true story of our times, a terrible dream from which we will wake up one day only to realize what we've lost.
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