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When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New Global Order
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When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New Global Order

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by Martin Jacques

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In this prodigiously researched and far-reaching book, Martin Jaques argues that we have only barely begin to understand what life will be like when China rules the world. For



In this prodigiously researched and far-reaching book, Martin Jaques argues that we have only barely begin to understand what life will be like when China rules the world. For centuries now, we have lived in a Western made world where the very notion of being modern has been inextricably bound up with being Western. The twenty-first century will be profoundly different.

According to conservative estimates, by 2027 China will overtake the United States as the world's largest economy, and by 2050 its economy will be twice as large as that of the United States. But, as Jacques reveals, Chinese influence will extend well beyond the economic sphere. The full social, cultural and politcal repercussions of China's ascendancy—for itself and the rest of the globe—have been surprisingly little explained or understood until now.

By drawing extensively on Chinese history, JAcques reveals how the widespread belief that China is becoming more like the West is deeply mistaken—in fact, an increasingly powerful China will seek to shape the world in its own image. The Chinese have a long and rich history as a civilization-state, and 94 percent of the population still believes they are one race—Han Chinese. Under the tributary system, which endured for centuries, outlying states paid tribute to the Middle Kingdom. As China rapidly reassumes its traditional place at the center of East Asia, Jacques argues that the old tributary system will resurface in a modern form, contemporary ideas of racial hierarchy will be redrawn and China's age-old sense of superiority will reassert itself.

In coming decades, the West will be confronted with the fact that its systems, institutions and values are no longer the only ones on offer. The role of economic and cultural relevance will in out lifetimes begin to pass from New York and London to cities such as Beijing and Shanghai. When China Rules the World is the first book to explain how China's meteoric rise will extend far beyond the economic realm, unseating the West and creating an entirely new global order.

Editorial Reviews

From A. C. Grayling's "THE THINKING READ" column on Barnes & Noble Review

Despite the unequivocal title of Martin Jacques' large and detailed tome on China and its impending superpower status, we do not get a definitive statement of what a Sinocentric unipolar future will be like, if such a thing eventuates. Martin Jacques is too alert to the risks of prophesying to offer such a thing, at least in literal terms. But he is quite sure -- and surely right -- that China is rapidly becoming a superpower, and he thinks that its history, culture and unique form of modernity give some indications of what its superpowerdom will mean to the rest of us.

The indications in question are somewhat ambiguous ones, as Jacques himself acknowledges, though he tends towards a more rather than less optimistic reading of them. Perhaps most significantly, he does not think that being the world's biggest state in terms of population and GDP will necessarily prompt China to exercise its dominance in military terms. On the contrary, he quotes the emollient and peaceful asseverations of China's leadership to support the view that their country will follow what he sees as its historic example of being a benign hegemon, accepting the tribute of lesser powers and peoples and once again basking in what it has always believed to be its racial and cultural superiority. This view of China's past and what can be inferred from it for its future -- insofar as anything can -- merits questioning; I return to it below.

Jacques' account is ambitiously comprehensive. He several times rehearses the broad outline of China's history to underwrite his judgements about it, and inparticular to ground his assertion that it is a "civilisation-state" rather than a nation-state, which he takes to be an exceedingly important fact. A key aspect of his analysis is that China is developing in its own distinctive way, contrary to the over-confident expectation of Westerners that every economically developing country must inevitably become democratic and Westernised. "It is clear that Chinese modernity will be very different from Western modernity," Jacques writes, and that therefore "China will transform the world far more fundamentally than any other new global power in the last two centuries." This is because the Chinese model of non-democratic state capitalism is, he says, one that much of the rest of the developing world might come to find more attractive than the Western model; think for example how attractive its combination of dictatorial politics with successful market capitalism is to African countries.

To substantiate this thesis, When China Rules the World provides numerous graphs and diagrams to illustrate China's growth, its massive hunger for energy and raw materials, its consequently significant economic relationships across Asia and Africa, its vast ownership of U.S. debt, its demographics, its out-stripping comparison to performance in the rest of the global economy, its foreign policy interests, and its impact on perceptions elsewhere in the world. The statistics iterate the story we are now all familiar with: that China's economy has undergone in the last thirty years what the universe itself was said to have experienced in its first few seconds -- a vast and ultra-rapid, indeed explosive, expansion.

It is the fact that the sleeping dragon has so dramatically awoken that prompted Jacques to examine what this means for the world. He says that insufficient attention is being paid to this question. That is surely a rhetorical flourish merely; among other examinations of China in which the challenges posed by its rise are flagged up, one can cite Jonathan Fenby's masterly History of Modern China), and I have myself been arguing in print for nearly two decades (starting with a book jointly authored with Xu Youyu, The Long March to the Fourth of June, first published pseudonymously in 1992 under the name Li Xiao Jun) that China's rise requires that the West pay careful attention, not least because a world power which cares nothing whatever about human rights is a profoundly uncomfortable prospect.


Even so, there has not been anything with quite the broad and detailed scope of Jacques' inquisition into China, and without doubt his book will prove a catalyst for wider debate about it, a debate which is more urgently relevant than ever. If I read him right, Jacques appears to think that such a debate is needed so that we can adjust to the inevitable, and perhaps urge everyone to learn Mandarin. I think that the debate is needed to ensure that we do not sleep while the Politburo in the Forbidden City secures the power to dictate terms to too many others.

The account Jacques gives of China's spectacular economic gallop since 1978 is overall a positive one. He tells the story in statistical rather than political or social terms; what we get from his book is an account that leaves out those dimensions of the story that might make one more pessimistic than he is about China (at least as at present politically constituted) coming to rival the U.S. as a superpower.

This alternative and less comfortable story tells us that the ingredients of China's economic success are these: state enablement on a massive scale -- imagine how well a company fares with big tax exemptions, a state-granted monopoly, preferential prices for raw materials, every obstacle levelled and every opportunity levered open by government -- no health and safety standards, no pollution controls, availability of wage-slave and actual slave labour, theft of patented ideas from abroad, limitless unlicensed copying of Western technology, unscrupulous friendship with and aid to delinquent regimes such as Burma, Angola and Sudan in exchange for access to cheap raw materials and oil, an aggressive irredentism and territorial policy which has China claiming parts of India,  the continental shelf almost all the way to Japan's shores (for the oil and gas beneath), and the sea to a line below the Spratley Islands far to the south near Indonesia (again for the oil and gas beneath), "rights" both of which -- as with Taiwan -might one day be enforced militarily.

Then add the following: corruption and nepotism are rampant -- nearly half the members of the present Politburo are the children of former Politburo members. In 2007 China's State Auditor said that $7 billion had been stolen by corrupt officials from public project funds; this is almost certainly a huge underestimate. In 2007 the head of the national food and drug administration was executed for taking bribes to issue licenses for unsafe products. This relates to a well-known problem about the general quality of Chinese manufactures; about three quarters of the world's toys are made in China, and there are frequent scares over their safety.

China's human rights abuses are among the worst in the world, and on a scale that dwarfs the rest of the world. Corneas, kidneys and hearts from executed prisoners are purchasable on the open world market, and the supply is not restricted (there are over sixty capital offences in China's criminal law; since they include embezzlement, corruption and unmarried sex construed as "rape" they give plenty of scope for removing undesirables). The abortion of female foetuses, the resulting imbalance in the number of women available for marriage, and the consequential kidnapping of girls for wife-hungry men, constitute one standing scandal among many others.

Let us dwell a little more on just two of these points, though all of them merit fuller exploration. First, actual slave labour (as opposed to the already familiar wage-slave labour in China's sweatshops). All the great economies of the world took their rise from slave labour: the British and the American are two of the more recent and egregious examples, but no major historical empire has been any different. Today's China follows suit. It is difficult to quantify how many people are subjected to forced labour in China's gulag, the "laogai", situated mainly in the western provinces of Qinghai and Xinjiang; conservative estimates say 20 million. (The authority on the laogai system is Harry Wu, who spent twenty years in it, and whose health was broken by it.) To give a sense of its importance to the Chinese economy, one need only reflect that almost everyone in the West will probably touch something at least once a week made in one of the laogai camps -- a chopstick, a label, a plastic widget of some kind, a toy, a pen. Almost all the slaves in these camps are there on "administrative detention" (which means: without trial) in order to undergo "re-education through labour" (which means: slavery). How membership of the World Trade Organisation was given to a country whose economy benefits from slave labour on such a scale would be a mystery if morality ever played a part in monetary considerations.

Secondly, pollution and the health and safety of workers. As to the latter, let anyone search the Internet for the weekly death toll in China's mines and factories, some reports citing 6000 deaths per annum in China's mines alone -- and on average two new coal mines are opened every week. As to pollution: it is estimated that China has hundreds of billions of dollars worth of clean-up to do of its poisoned rivers, soil, air and cities, caused by the heedless rush to industrialise as fast as possible, without a thought to any human or environmental cost. In 2007 the World Bank nominated Linfen in Shanxi province as the most polluted city in the world; nationally nearly half a million annual deaths are directly attributed to pollution.

A quarter of a century ago, walking across the ice of the Songhua River in Heilongjiang Province to the dachas on the islands in midstream, I turned to look at the city of Harbin on the south shore, and could not see it for the filthy and toxic smog enshrouding it. That, to repeat, was twenty five years ago: imagine what it and all of China's other industrial cities are like now. In 2005 when the Songhua River itself was profoundly poisoned by an explosion (no surprise there) at a petrochemical plant, decanting vast quantities of benzene and nitrobenzene into the water, the Chinese government tried to hide the incident. It failed to; think how often it succeeds.

Jonathan Fenby points out the essential instability of Chinese society. In 2007 there were 70,000 incidents of unrest each involving over 100 people, requiring suppression by the police. A huge and restive population of unemployed migrant workers constitutes a continual headache for the security services. The increasingly rich middle-classes in the lucky and mainly coastal cities of China's economic boom are no longer so uninterested in the political arrangements by which they live, at least when these show any signs of flagging, as in the current recession.

This last point is of great significance. China's staggeringly rapid growth has been and continues to be fuelled by two political imperatives that trump all other considerations for the Communist Party. One, as Jacques frequently reminds us, is the recovery of the national pride which China regards as its due because of the undisputed regional superiority and hegemony it enjoyed for much of its history. But the other more immediately important one is that the Party's hold on power depends on a growth rate of 8% or more so that employment and standard of living can keep pace with population increase. Growth of 6% or lower would undermine the Party's acceptability to the people. The point is, a drop in the growth rate is bound to happen: the current level of growth is unsustainable. Jacques quotes the figures that show that at current rates, China's need for energy and raw materials will, in just a few decades, be greater than the entire world can produce. So a slow-down is inevitable, and with it a crunch for the Party's tenure of the "Mandate of Heaven".

Add further the interesting facts, carefully reported by Jacques, that China's output consists largely of low-tech cheap goods, that 80% of its exports are produced by foreign-owned firms in China, that their presence there is premised on the plentiful cheap labour supply China offers, that wages in the coastal economic zones are rising, and that therefore industry is moving into the hinterlands to exploit the supply of cheap labour there. What of the higher expectations among those in economic zones now pricing themselves out of the employment market?

Jacques rightly says that this imposes a need for China to raise its technological game and to move into higher-value production, following the lead of the developed West. In some respects necessity has already pushed it into such development: its immense energy-hunger has encouraged it to become an innovator in alternative energy, and its automotive industry promises to lead the way in hybrid cars. But the question is a crucial one: a Big Bang expansion of low-end manufacturing is one thing, but can its scientific and technological research and development catch up with a West which is already so far ahead?    

In short, there are plenty of bumps on the road ahead for China and its ruling caste's aspirations to become a world power, still less the world's economic (and even less still its military) hegemon. Too little of this is emphasised by Jacques, though he is careful enough to place the occasional "if" in his prognostications -- only then to forget them and to assert with confidence that China's economic development will transform the future. Yet these remarks about the home-grown bumps on the Chinese road are made in the absence of pointing out that the U.S. and Europe, to say nothing of India, the Middle East and Africa, are scarcely going to sit by placidly while China races ahead.

For, first, it is a little early to be speaking of U.S. decline. Secondly, Europe is only at the beginning of an equally inevitable, though long-term, journey to greater unity, ultimately towards a federation on the U.S. (or German) model, the consequences of which have yet to be thought out. And even closer trans-Atlantic political and economic ties are on the cards too, as one likely response to the emergence of Asian giants. Thirdly, India's economic lift-off will not take long in making it a major competitor, as Japan still is, to China's ambitions to be even so much as a regional hegemon. Fourthly, Africa is already uneasy about the barrier to its own progress represented by being a dependent exporter of raw materials to China and an importer of its finished goods -- a reprise of the old colonial economic imbalance that ultimately works to the detriment of the weaker partner in the exchange.

One could go on, but these points -- again, too little discussed by Jacques -- should by themselves be enough to suggest that although China is soon bound to be a very big fish in crude terms of GDP as it already is in population, there are no inevitabilities about what follows from this fact apart from the mentioned problems it entails. Viewed in this light, Jacques might have reached a different conclusion: instead of saying that China is tomorrow's superpower, wielding a history-changing influence on models of statehood, economies and cultures, he could have described a coming massive problem for the stability and health of the world economy and the balance of international political arrangements, as an autocratic polity with an over-heated economy and a bloated population runs out of control and implodes.

This alternative is suggested even by the description, accurate in all essentials, that Jacques gives of China today. His different and more optimistic (for China) conclusion is based on the supplementary claim that China represents a new form of modernity. Arguably, however, it represents no such thing; arguably it is an essentially nineteenth-century industrial-revolution state with essentially nineteenth-century ideas about power and world status -- among which are ideas about the ultimate utility of "hard power" military capability. Also, Jacques emphasis the length and continuity of Chinese history as a factor in its uniqueness. Arguably again, Western civilisation is as ancient and continuous, its originating civilisational framework having been forged as long ago as China's was -- namely, in classical antiquity, whose language we still use in the conceptual vocabulary we think in today ("politics", "democracy", "ethics" and so on: not just Greek words but ideas). "Christendom" was a more unified domain than he allows; and interestingly, its partial post-Reformation fragmentation resulting in the Westphalian settlement was a precursor to its industrial and technological rise, not a barrier to it.

Moreover, Jacques ignores some striking parallels: in the same period from the sixteenth century CE onwards in which Europe was acquiring empires, so China was doing the same -- conquering vast abutting territories and extending its own empire over neighbouring peoples and lands. The fecundity of the Han gives today's appearance of homogeneity in today's Chinese land empire, but as Jacques himself points out in passing, the cultural and linguistic diversity of that empire is not much different from Europe, though both China and Europe are internally also much more linked than they are different.

These thoughts suggest that China is not as exceptional, in the end, as Jacques wishes to insist. Any casual visitor to today's China of Western-style cities, Western-dressed people, with its Western-style industry and Western-style business, would be a bit puzzled by his insistence on a "different modernity". What is different is the continuation by another name of China's traditional form of governance -- in name a Politburo, in function an Emperor -- and the question is: will a growth rate of less than 8% show that it or indeed any country can, in the end, really do without Western-style political institutions? That is a question When China Rules the World does not ask.

But even if Jacques is right about China as a future world-changing superpower, perhaps even as THE world superpower, the next and final question is: will that be a good thing, if it does not also start caring about human rights, civil liberties such as personal autonomy and free speech, and the rule of law? Since the answer that any rational person must give is No, it follows that if Jacques is right, we had all better sit up and take twice the notice.

Joseph Kahn
…[Jacques's] extrapolations are, if not provable, at least plausible. The strength of his book lies in his exhaustive, incisive exploration of possibilities that many people have barely begun to contemplate about a future dominated by China…[Jacques] has written a work of considerable erudition, with provocative and often counterintuitive speculations about one of the most important questions facing the world today.
—The New York Times Book Review
Seth Faison
…a compelling and thought-provoking analysis of global trends that defies the common Western assumption that, to be fully modern, a nation must become democratic, financially transparent and legally accountable. Jacques argues persuasively that China is on track to take over as the world's dominant power and that, when it does, it will make the rules, on its own terms, with little regard for what came before…Jacques is a superb explainer of history and economics, tracing broad trends with insight and skill…Books about the future never get it right. But this one offers tasty meat to chew on.
—The Washington Post
Michiko Kakutani
In the course of making these provocative arguments Mr. Jacques provides the reader with a fascinating account of how he thinks China's Confucian heritage and its sense of manifest destiny could shape its return to the center of the world stage and how its appetite for turbocharged urban change coexists with a sense of the past, given that half its population still lives in the countryside.
—The New York Times
Publishers Weekly
A convincing economic, political and cultural analysis of waning Western dominance and the rise of China and a new paradigm of modernity. Jacques (The Politics of Thatcherism) takes the pulse of the nation poised to become, by virtue of its scale and staggering rate of growth, the biggest market in the world. Jacques points to the decline of American hegemony and outlines specific elements of China's rising global power and how these are likely to influence international relations in the future. He imagines a world where China's distinct brand of modernity, rooted firmly in its ancient culture and traditions, will have a profound influence on attitudes toward work, family and even politics that will become a counterbalance to and eventually reverse the one-way flow of Westernization. He suggests that while China's economic prosperity may not necessarily translate into democracy, China's increased self-confidence is allowing it to project its political and cultural identity ever more widely as time goes on. As comprehensive as it is compelling, this brilliant book is crucial reading for anyone interested in understanding where the we are and where we are going. (Nov.)
The Guardian (UK)
An extremely impressive book, full of bold but credible predictions. Only time will tell how Jacques's prophecies pan out, but I suspect his book will long be remembered for its foresight and insight.
New Statesman (UK)
By far the best book on China to have been published in many years, and one of the most important inquiries into the nature of modernization . . . Jacques's comprehensive and richly detailed analysis will be an indispensable resource for anyone who wants to understand contemporary China.
The Independent (UK)
A tour de force . . . What Martin Jacques set out to do-and has done in meticulous detail-was to challenge what he regards as a dangerously false premise: that the rise of China will be benign.
Library Journal
Jacques (visiting research fellow, Asia Research Ctr., London Sch. of Economics) writes that "we stand on the eve of a different kind of world, but comprehending it is difficult." Providing both an overview of Chinese history and culture and an analysis of issues from colonialism and American imperialism to globalization and the financial crisis, this extensively researched work attempts to comprehend China's future role. Jacques takes the unusual approach of describing China as a "civilization-state" and argues that its rise will challenge the international status quo in ways not addressed by those who judge progress in terms of Westernization. VERDICT Jacques raises a multitude of thought-provoking questions about China's future role on the world stage. While he provides enough political, cultural, and historical context that even casual readers will be able to engage with his thesis regarding the hypothetical future of a globally dominant China, given its density and scholarly nature this book will be most appealing to readers who already have some understanding of the debate over China's global role and are interested in another perspective.—Madeline Mundt, Univ. of Nevada Lib., Reno
Kirkus Reviews
British scholar and Guardian columnist Jacques (co-editor: New Times, 1989, etc.) delivers a clear-eyed look at how China's recent modernization will leapfrog Western "superiority."For millennia China existed in a state of "splendid isolation," while the West, namely Britain, adapting many Chinese inventions, embarked on the Industrial Revolution funded by coal reserves and colonial contributions. Although China had the wherewithal for modernization, the author asserts, it lacked adequate sustainable resources, which Europe derived from the slave trade and colonization. However, China's recent transformation, in a relatively short time, "has been more home-grown than Western import." Jacques walks the reader through the early establishment of an authoritative, rigidly hierarchical system in China, from emperor to warlord to Mao, encompassing an emphasis on education, family structure, a central bureaucracy and maintaining harmony. He writes that China is not just a nation-state, but a "civilization-state," and is only halfway through its economic takeoff, and not yet prepared to implement a multiparty democratic system. Many will argue that China recognizes it doesn't really need democracy, which would serve as a "distraction from the main task of sustaining the country's economic growth." Jacques discusses at length issues of racism, culture and language, and he examines China's likely future impact on other emerging economic powers like Africa, Iran and the Middle East, Russia, India and South Asia. So what will Chinese global hegemony look like? Not at all like the West. Cultural differences do matter, and Jacques ably demonstrates that China's process of modernization derives fromits own "native sources of dynamism."Agent: Andrew Wylie/The Wylie Agency
From the Publisher
"Provocative...a fascinating account."—Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times

“A very forcefully written, lively book that is full of provocations and predictions.”—Fareed Zakaria, GPS, CNN

“The West hopes that wealth, globalization and political integration will turn China into a gentle giant… But Jacques says that this is a delusion. Time will not make China more Western; it will make the West, and the world, more Chinese.”—The Economist

“[An] exhaustive­, incisive exploration of possibilities that many people have barely begun to contemplate about a future dominated by China. ... [Jacques] has written a work of considerable erudition, with provocative and often counterintuitive speculations about one of the most important questions facing the world today. And he could hardly have known, when he set out to write it, that events would so accelerate the trends he was analyzing.”—The New York Times Book Review

“The rise of China may well prove to be the defining economic and geopolitical change of our time, and few authors have given the subject deeper thought, nor offered a more illuminating analysis, than Martin Jacques.”—Niall Ferguson, author of The Ascent of Money

“[A] compelling and thought-provoking analysis of global trends.... Jacques is a superb explainer of history and economics, tracing broad trends with insight and skill.”—The Washington Post

“This important book, deeply considered, full of historical understanding and realism, is about more than China. It is about a twenty-first-century world no longer modelled on and shaped by North Atlantic power, ideas and assumptions. I suspect it will be highly influential.”—Eric Hobsbawm, author of The Age of Extremes

“This an extremely impressive book, full of bold but credible predictions … [this] book will long be remembered for its foresight and insight.”—The Guardian (UK)

Product Details

Penguin Publishing Group
Publication date:
Product dimensions:
6.10(w) x 9.10(h) x 1.80(d)
Age Range:
18 Years

What People are Saying About This

Yu Yongding
Yu Yongding
"This is, without doubt, one of the best and most serious studies of China I have ever read-a fascinating book."--(Yu Yongding, President of the China Society of World Economics)
Eric Hobsbawm
"This important book, deeply considered, full of historical understanding and realism, is about more than China. It is about a 21st century world no longer modelled on and shaped by North Atlantic power, ideas and assumptions. I suspect it will be highly influential."
From the Publisher
"A clear-eyed look at how China's recent modernization will leapfrog Western 'superiority'." -Kirkus Reviews

"Delivering a tour d'horizon of China's relations with foreign countries, Jacques envisions their future development as comparable to a comeback of imperial China's tributary system. Jacques' views will be discussion starters for trend-spotting students of the world scene." -Booklist

Niall Ferguson
"The rise of China may well prove to be the defining economic and geopolitical change of our time, and few authors have given the subject deeper thought or offered a more illuminating analysis than Martin Jacques."--(Niall Ferguson, author of The Ascent of Money)

Meet the Author

Martin Jacques, a political journalist and scholar, is the coeditor and coauthor of The Forward March or Labour Halted?, The Politics of Thatcherism, and New Times. He lives in London.

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When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New Global Order 3.9 out of 5 based on 0 ratings. 22 reviews.
Yesh_Prabhu More than 1 year ago
There is an ancient saying in Eastern countries in general, and China and India in particular, and in some African countries too, that "A man is rich when other people owe him money". What applies to an individual could very easily apply to a nation as well. And judged from this point of view, China, which owns more than a trillion dollars of America's debt, is a very wealthy nation indeed. In his fascinating, sprawling, and thought provoking book, with a long, ominous and scary title: "When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New Global Order", Martin Jacques, a columnist for The Guardian of London, elucidates that China will not only displace the United States as the preeminent superpower, but also dominate the world stage in economic, social and cultural fields, and change the Western world's concept of what it means to be the preeminent global power. For me, what was even scarier and more ominous than the title was the impression I got as I read the chapters and his well-reasoned and masterfully elucidated points, and the stubborn, indisputable facts and figures that can not simply be brushed away as pure fantasy. And what is truly enigmatic is that America seems to be steadily and willfully marching in the direction of a steep precipice located not too far away. I find it quite fascinating that what he predicted and wrote last year- that the United States will find itself on the eve of a psychological, emotional and existential crisis as it enters a protracted period of economic, political and military trauma - is happening right now. With unemployment hovering around 14% in several states, and a large number of Americans subsisting on food stamps only and no income, and now that President Obama has decided to send 30,000 more troops to Afghanistan, even as civilian deaths caused by drone attacks and night raids have increased dramatically, causing a great deal of trauma, and ever growing anger and resentment and even hatred of America, the author is certainly right regarding "a protracted period of economic, political and military trauma" . Written in lucid prose, this book is quite reader friendly: "The meltdown of some of Wall Street's largest financial institutions in September 2008 underlined the shift in economic power from the West, with some of the fallen giants seeking support from sovereign wealth funds and the US government stepping in to save the mortgage titans Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae partly in order to reassure countries like China, which had invested huge sums of money in them: if they had withdrawn these, it would almost certainly have precipitated a collapse in the value of the dollar." I do not agree with all that the author has written, of course. He states: "At least for the next century, the new world will not be Chinese in the way that the previous one was Western." But at the rate our nation is marching in the wrong direction propelled by misguided notions, and the belief that we can solve many of the world's simmering problems using our military might, I am afraid that the loss of USA's preeminence on the world stage will occur sooner even than the author predicted. Not all readers would be persuaded by this book, however. But this book is worth reading if one reads it with an open mind. I found the book truly gripping, fascinating and thought provoking. Yesh Prabhu, Plainsboro, NJ
ThumbsUp More than 1 year ago
The first chapters are engrossing, eye-opening and well worth the price of admission. You will begin to appreciate the civiliation of China as it exists in the mind of the Chinese. The author admires China but argues China considers itself a superior race / civilization and explains why as its economic strength grows China will likely start trying to dominate other countries. The book also uses clear data to show that the industrialization of China is an absolute requirement to maintain peace inside the country while at the same time, unsustainable since there are not enough world resources. You have to conclude that the world is headed toward a huge struggle over resources and that China is strong enough to get its share - which means hardship for many others. This book deserves applause for its strong analysis, high level of research, clarity of writing and success in communicating the huge sweep of Chinese history which is essential to predicting what will happen next. Once you have read the first few chapters, the rest is simply additional details that are a bit repetitive and therefore less compelling. That is OK though - far better that the author could pack his main points into the first 100 pages and get them across concisely. I wish everyone with a leadership position in America would read the first few chapters of this book.
RolfDobelli More than 1 year ago
Martin Jacques' detailed, scholarly and thorough exploration of Chinese history, culture, business methods and future possibilities proves as paradigm changing as he believes China to be. In one volume, Jacques offers a full menu: An entrée of an overview and subtle insights followed by a main course of historical roots and futurist predictions. Perhaps most valuably, he grounds China's business policy, theory and practices - and their likely future forms - in its history, culture and politics. His Western interpretations of China's motives are poetic when poetry helps readers understand and hard-nosed when plain talk serves best. Jacques' years in China and East Asia, and his life-long reporting about business and policy, make him uniquely suited to illuminate this mammoth subject. getAbstract strongly recommends this book to anyone who is intrigued by China or is doing business in East Asia, and to anyone interested in the cyclical nature of world power throughout history, particularly those who seek to mine that cycle for profit.
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The first half of the book is interesting but not pertinent to the title as the last half. Book could have been 250 pages not 500.
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Mark Malobay More than 1 year ago
Ok book, but for one, China has wealth that depends on our debt, should the US print money with backing from the treasury, not the Fed, China would be busted. Second, for all their people, they cannot concieve any original ideas unless you mean destabilizing your population by killing female babies, all China has is stolen ideas, a country with attitude, but no innovation. Anyone can buy someone's debt , but doesn't make you smarter, especially if the debtor can print new currency making it's current currency toilet paper. China will not resist globilization a destabilized population will leave the 'great han people' with no future generations, and with their humane conditions in the sewer, the US didn't face this type of hurdles in it's conception. If China has a day in the sun it will most likely be eclipsed by stark reality. Cheers.