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understanding the threat responding to the challenge
"[Terrorists] need to know that these crimes only hurt their cause." —President George W. Bush, after learning that Islamic terrorists had murdered reporter Daniel Pearl
"The first several hijackings [accomplished more for the Palestinian cause] than twenty years of pleading at the United Nations." —Palestine Liberation Organization's chief observer at the United Nations
Although state-sponsored global terrorism is a relatively new phenomenon, and is in some ways quite different from other evils previously confronted, it is still subject to the basic rules of human nature and experience that teach us how to reduce the frequency and severity of harmful conduct. This chapter sets out some fundamental rules of deterring crime in general and then shows how these rules relate to terrorism in particular. The next chapter shows how the international community, and especially the United Nations and our European allies, have refused to follow these obvious rules since at least 1968, and in fact have deliberatelyviolated them, thereby encouraging increased resort to terrorism, both in frequency and in severity.
How to Stop Harmful Conduct
For thousands of years, human societies have sought to reduce the frequency and severity of such harms as murder, robbery, and rape. Various techniques for dealing with such crimes have evolved over time. Broadly defined, these techniques have had much in common across societies and over time. They may be outlined in the following familiar terms.
The first technique is to ensure that the potential criminal understands that he has far more to lose than to gain from committing the crime. This serves to disincentivize the act, or deter the actor, by sending a clear and unequivocal message: not only will you not benefit from the act, but if you are caught doing it you will be severely disadvantaged. (A disincentive seeks to eliminate the benefit seen as an incentive by the offenders. A deterrent seeks to impose a negative cost on them and their cause.) A useful example of this mechanism is the treble or punitive damage remedy, which disgorges all gains from the person who secured them improperly and imposes a punitive fine.
The second technique is to incapacitate those who would carry out the actions by imprisoning them, killing them, keeping them away from the places they wish to target, or otherwise making it impossible for them to be in a position to undertake the undesirable actions. A useful metaphor for incapacitation is the zoo, where wild animals are kept behind bars. We are not seeking to change the animal's propensities but are simply erecting an impermeable barrier between it and us.
A third technique is to persuade the actor not to undertake the action, by rehabilitating, reeducating, or shaming him, convincing him that the action is wrong. A good example of this mechanism is requiring drunken drivers to attend classes or enter programs designed to influence behavior.
Another traditional technique is proactive prevention. The word "prevention" carries broad implications, including eliminating or reducing the causes of crime, such as poverty. I am using "prevention" in the more specific sense of gathering intelligence about plans or impending crimes. Secret service agencies throughout the world plant spies in terrorist organizations to gather such information. They also bribe or extort actual members of these organizations to serve as double agents. Sometimes they engage in scams or stings calculated to get the criminals to commit the crimes under controlled situations (such as selling drugs to an undercover agent, or hiring a hit man who turns out to be a government agent). Intelligence agencies also gather information by means of high technology, such as satellite photography, electronic intercepts, and the like. A useful metaphor for this mechanism is building a trap for a wolf that is eating a farmer's sheep and baiting it with a dead animal.
There are clearly overlaps among these methods. The death penalty, for example, incapacitates and punishes the specific offender (this is called "specific deterrence") while also, it is hoped, deterring other potential offenders (this is called "general deterrence"). The age-old rule disallowing a murderer to inherit money from his victim disincentivizes killing for those who would do it in order to inherit more quickly. Imprisonment incapacitates (at least during the period of confinement, and at least against those on the other side of the bars) while also deterring both the offender and others. Even the mandatory class or program deters as well as rehabilitates (and may even incapacitate at least during time the person is in the program). Sometimes these mechanisms conflict with one another. Although imprisonment incapacitates during the period of confinement, it may increase the likelihood of recidivism among some inmates by exposing them to a criminal culture, even as it decreases that likelihood among others by demonstrating the horrors of prison. Paying double agents may help prevent some crime, but it may also promote others at the same time.
The goal of removing all positive incentives (disincentivizing) while also imposing negative consequences (deterring) is to send the following powerful message to any person or group contemplating the commission of a harmful act: you, your group, your family, and everything you hold dear will be considerably worse off if you commit the prohibited act than if you forbear from committing it. That was the intent of the following statement made by President Bush on April 4, 2002: "I call on the Palestinian people, the Palestinian Authority and our friends in the Arab world to join us in delivering a clear message to terrorists. Blowing yourself up does not help the Palestinian cause. To the contrary, suicide bombing missions could well blow up the best and only hope for a Palestinian state." Anything that mutes this message, or undercuts it, diminishes the impact of this age-old technique for reducing the frequency and severity of harmful conduct. For example, if a bank robber's family (or the cause he was robbing for) were allowed to keep the proceeds of the robbery, the deterrent message would be decidedly mixed, even if the robber himself is caught and imprisoned.
The major difference between the disincentive-deterrent approach, on the one hand, and the incapacitation approach on the other is that deterrence relies on a rational calculus—a cost-benefit analysis—by those contemplating the harmful act. Incapacitation relies exclusively on the physical impossibility of certain acts being carried out by people who are confined, exiled, or killed. Again, think of a zoo as incapacitating the wild animals, and think of an animal trainer who threatens the whip and promises the food as more akin to the disincentive-deterrent model. Or think of the hospital for the criminally insane as incapacitating a dangerous person who cannot be deterred by the threat of future punishment, while at the same time trying to reduce his propensity toward violence by treating his aggressive mental condition.
In addition to these techniques of harm reduction, all of which focus directly on the behavior in question, there are also some "softer" approaches that tend to be oriented more toward the longer term and have a more subtle impact on the harmful conduct. This kind of approach includes such efforts as education, positive reinforcement, negative reinforcement, religious indoctrination, and so on.
In the next chapter I will focus on how the international community not only failed to disincentivize terrorism but went so far as to incentivize it, by rewarding it rather than punishing it. In subsequent chapters, I will discuss the other techniques.
Can Terrorism Be Deterred?
The theory of deterrence—reducing the frequency of an undesirable action by threatening and inflicting pain on those contemplating the action—operates along a continuum. At one end of the continuum is the calculating state. The conventional theory of nuclear deterrence, for example, hypothesizes a state, whose actions are rationally determined by self-interest, acting so as to maximize this self-interest and to minimize negative consequences. The theory depends largely upon actors making calculations and counter-calculations based on each other's contemplated actions and reactions. Near the other end of the continuum are largely futile attempts to deter impulsive actions by irrational actors. These actions may be caused by such factors as passion, impulse, and mental illness. For the most part even the most passionate, impulsive, and mentally ill actors are capable of being deterred from taking some actions, under some circumstances, at some points in time, but the impact of long-delayed punishment is likely to be minimal. At a point even farther along this continuum are suicidal actors, although whether they can ever be deterred is a question that is rarely considered in deterrence theory. We shall return to this complex matter later.
Between the extremes of this continuum lies a wide range of actors and actions that are more or less subject to deterrence, based on a wide variety of factors. In the context of the kind of terrorism I am focusing on in this book, there is also a long continuum whose terminal points parallel those on the more conventional continuum. Some terrorists are exquisite calculators and will engage in terrorism only if the benefits (as defined by them) outweigh the costs (also as defined by them). As George Habash, the leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, told a reporter:
The main point is to select targets where success is 100% assured. To harass, to upset, to work on the nerves through unexpected small damages.... This is a thinking man's game. Especially when one is as poor as the Popular Front is. It would be silly for us to even think of waging a regular war; imperialism is too powerful and Israel is too strong. The only way to destroy them is to give a little blow here, a little blow there; to advance step by step, inch by inch, for years, for decades, with determination, doggedness, patience. And we will continue our present strategy. It's a smart one, you see.
To the extent that terrorism is "an entirely rational choice" and "a calculated move in a political game"—as some have concluded—it should be subject to the usual rules of deterrence theory. As I will show later, however, not all terrorism is the same, and some may be subject to somewhat different calculations. The benefits contemplated by some terrorists may vary, both in kind and in degree, from those contemplated by the more conventional criminal or by other terrorists. Moreover, the costs may also be defined and calibrated differently. The 1972 terrorist attacks against the Israeli Olympic team in Munich, for example, might be considered an absolute failure according to conventional standards of success. The demands of the terrorists were rejected, and nearly all of the terrorists were killed, either on the spot or thereafter. In the short term, world opinion quickly turned against the terrorists and those who sponsored them. But, as I will show, in the intermediate and long term, the world's reaction to the Munich massacre served the interests of the terrorists to such an extraordinary degree that it encouraged many future acts of terrorism, both by Palestinians and by other aggrieved groups incentivized by the success of this apparent "failure."
Terrorism Is Different—But Not That Different
The kind of terrorism we are talking about is different in many respects from other crimes such as murder, rape, and robbery. The difference is that terrorism is generally more calculated, more premeditated, and more goal-oriented than impulsive crimes or crimes of passion. Criminal justice expert Philip Heymann has observed:
As a crime, terrorism is different. Most crimes are the product of greed, anger, jealousy, or the desire for domination, respect, or position in a group, and not of any desire to "improve" the state of the world or of a particular nation. Most crimes do not involve—as part of the plan for accomplishing their objectives—trying to change the occupants of government positions, their actions, or the basic structures and ideology of a nation. Some would argue that violence carried out for political purposes is more altruistic; others would vigorously deny that. But all would agree that political violence is different from ordinary crime, in that it is planned to force changes in government actions, people, structure, or even ideology as a means to whatever ends the perpetrators are seeking with whatever motivations drive them towards those ends. It is in that sense that the U.S. State Department definition says that the violence is usually "perpetrated for political reasons."
Terrorism—at least of the kind described by Heymann—is thus more, not less, subject to disincentive and deterrence techniques than most ordinary crimes. To be sure, some acts of terrorism are revenge-driven and impulsive, but most are carefully calculated to achieve a goal. Sometimes the goal will be specific and immediate, while other times it may be more general, long term, and apocalyptic. But whatever the object, if it becomes clear that it will be disserved by terrorism—that the cause will be worse off—then it will be only a matter of time until co-supporters of the cause turn against those who resort to terrorism. Without widespread support from within the cause they are seeking to promote, terrorists cannot long thrive. Certainly if there is widespread opposition to terrorism within the cause, it will soon dry up.
When we look at terrorism simply as a technique whose frequency and ferocity we seek to diminish—without necessarily making any moral judgments about particular terrorists or causes—certain conclusions seem beyond dispute. The first is that those who employ terrorism should always be worse off—by their own criteria—for having employed it than if they had not employed it. President Bush's rhetoric, that terrorist crimes "only hurt their cause," must become reality.
Not only must terrorism never be rewarded, the cause of those who employ it must be made—and must be seen to be made—worse off as a result of the terrorism than it would have been without it. The way calculating terrorists define and calibrate the cost and benefits may be different from the way common criminals decide whether to rob, cheat, or bully, but society's response must be based on similar considerations. Those who employ terrorism have their own criteria for evaluating success and failure, and in implementing the immutable principle that those who employ terrorism must be worse off for having resorted to this tactic, we must make them worse off by their own criteria. It will not always be possible to do this. If the terrorists' criteria for success is massive publicity, for example, it will be difficult for a democracy to control the amount of publicity a terrorist act generates. (Totalitarian regimes, such as China and the former Soviet Union, have enforced a blanket policy of disallowing media reports of terrorist acts, precisely to deny the terrorists what they want.) But publicity is generally not an end in itself. It is a means toward furthering the terrorists' cause. (Garnering publicity is generally part of the initial phase in a multiphased process for achieving substantive goals.) The end of achieving these ultimate goals can be controlled, at least to some degree, by those determined to disincentivize or deter terrorism.
The Root Causes of Terrorism
The current mantra of those opposed to a military response to terrorism is a plea to try to understand and eliminate the root causes of terrorism. There are several reasons why this is exactly the wrong approach.
Excerpted from Why Terrorism Works by Alan M. Dershowitz. Copyright © 2002 by Alan M. Dershowitz. Excerpted by permission. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
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|Should the ticking bomb terrorist be tortured? : a case study in how a democracy should make tragic choices|
|Striking the right balance|
|Are we overreacting?|
Posted September 29, 2003
Mr. Dershowitz, renowned Harvard Professor in the school of law gets a rating of - 10 on this book because of his dastardly proposal that the U.S. should use torture to fight terrorism. Professor Dershowitz has written eloquently in another book, Shout Fire about the significance of the Bill of Rights. He devotes a chapter to the Eighth Amendment where he cites Supreme Court opinions stating that torture is what is meant by cruel and unusual punishment. Yet Mr. Dershowitz finds reason to resort to torture without mentioning that it would take a repeal of the eighth amendment for such a proposal to take effect. What is most disturbing about Mr. Dershowitz proposal is that he attempts to smuggle in an understanding of torture which ignores the reality of this heinous practice. According to Mr. Dershowitz, a public official with the approval of a judge could inflict pain on a suspected 'ticking bomb' terrorist without doing any lasting damage. He suggests a surgical needle under the fingernails or toenails or an a drilling to a tooth without benefit of anesthesia. Mr. Dershowitz claim that this form of torture is little more than a bad day at the dentist office flies in the face of the testimony of countless torture survivors, medical experts and therapists who work with torture survivors. According to Mr. Dershowitz, anyone shocked by these suggestions is suffering from an 'aesthetic reaction.' Mr. Dershowitz argues torture is not as bad as Capital Punishment which is legal in the majority of States in the U.S. In Mr. Dershowitz words: 'pain is overrated death is underrated.' As for mental suffering accompanying torture, Mr. Dershowitz says that the Eighth Amendment does not protect against it. Mr. Dershowitz intends to torture those who have not been tried or found guilty of anything. The victims are only suspected of having knowledge of or planting a bomb somewhere. And what of this ticking bomb scenario ? Mr. Dershowitz reports that the Supreme Court of Israel has rejected the use of torture in the ticking bomb case. Approving torture in a ticking bomb case offers high drama but little or no real protection to victims. The ticking bomb scenario is not a plot to be fleshed out in a Hollywood studio with every contingency worked out in advance with the climatic ending preordained. What are some of the contingencies that make the issue Mr. Dershowitz raises highly problematical. In a ticking bomb case, time is of the essence. What if there is no time to reach a judge to obtain a warrant to precede with torture? What if a judge finds the evidence insufficient and requires more evidence. How many lives must be at stake in order to justify torture. Would it be justified to torture a friend or relative of the real terrorist if it is believed the person had knowledge of the whereabouts of the bomb even though the individual had no active participation in the crime? In the post 9/11 world, why should torture be limited to this one case? Why not extend the practice to include torturing whole groups of captured terrorists for information they may possess about planned attacks in the uncertain future? The lone terrorist like Timothy McVeigh acts out of the blue. There was no reason to suspect that the Federal Building in Oklahoma would become the target of a truck bomb killing 163 people. A law to allow the of torture a suspected terrorist would not have prevented McVeigh¿s heinous crime. Terrorists who belong to a groups such as Al Qaeda, divided into independent cells, could not be prevented from a terrorist attack unless every single Al Qaeda member was rounded up. The World Trade Center was bombed in 1993 and was still vulnerable to attack on 2001. Car bombs and suicide bombers may be supported by various groups. There seems to be an endless number of recruits for these actions. Mr. Dershowitz himself alludes to this argument but then raises the stakes by asking about ¿mega-terrorism.¿ Mr. Dershowitz poiWas this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted December 2, 2002
This study on modern day terrorism appropriately bears the smiling portraits of Yasser Arafat and Osama bin Laden on it's cover. Amongst the chilling conclusions illustrated in this extremely interesting research is that perhaps the gravest danger facing the world today emanates from state sponsored, religiously inspired terrorist groups, in possession of weapons of mass destruction. This declaration by the author might seem rather obvious to those who are only too aware of today's political climate, recent atrocities and the `war against terror'. However, the author takes a rather unique approach in that he considers that such organised global terrorism is largely of our own making. This seemingly ludicrous statement takes on a chilling relevance as one listens to the writer's arguments as he proceeds to scrutinize recent acts of terrorism, our reactions to them and the relative consequences/reactions by the terrorists themselves to our attitude of apparent appeasement. The author maintains that by merely suggesting an attempt to `understand' terrorism, instead of overtly facing it head-on, presents a victory to the terrorists in itself. The book attaches considerable blame to the UN and the international community in politicising the phrase "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter" and selectively applying it to causes which serve the purpose of the day. Also demonstrated is how the international community has served as midwife to the birth of international terrorism since the late 1960's, through appeasement and a declared `recognition' of the so-called `root causes' of many terrorist struggles. Thus simultaneously providing the necessary recognition for the terror to continue, whilst refusing to take the steps necessary to actually curtail the terror. The book shows how much of our attitude towards terrorist groups has to some extent rationalised such terrorism as a valid response to certain `root causes' in some parts of the world, where repression or desperation are perhaps recognised by some sympathetic entities. A response that the author shows only serves to reward and encourage the continuation of the terrorism associated with the groups concerned. The Middle East being a prime example. Indeed, much reference is made to the Arab-Israeli issue, with Palestinian and Islamic terrorism being the core issues. The book establishes that in a world where suicide/homicide attacks are now seen by some as a new political weapon/tool & which even attract sympathetic murmurings from some senior political figures & public acclaim from others, action must be taken before the world is swept by a current of violence and terrorism never seen before. The reader is left in no doubt as to the intricacies of fighting terrorism. The book describes the terrorists' intent upon influencing the actions and attitudes of their intended audiences through the media. The difficulties in retaliating against terrorist are also ably dealt with, when the actual attacker now just as likely to be a woman, teenager or child,. We are also left in no doubt as to the difficulties in facing perpetrators who can effectively disappear by blending into a welcoming, surrounding civilian population, and where any retaliation to prevent further attacks can be labelled by some as `collective punishment' and forcibly condemned. The difficulties of rooting out terrorist groups as well as individuals from the midst of civilian populations, amongst whom the terrorists hide & shelter behind is also referred to. The author insists that the terrorists themselves must bear and carry the full moral responsibility for their murderous atrocities. He then delves into an in-depth study of how terrorism should & could be fought, if not constrained by moral, legal and humanitarian considerations. (An interesting, thought provoking approach). Then on another level he devotes a whole section of the book to the anti-terrorism proceWas this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.
Posted September 25, 2002
Harvard don and civil-liberties lawyer extraordinaire Alan Dershowitz turns his keen and combative eye to the war on terrorism, and the results aren¿t pretty. His conclusions about the causes of terrorism and the most effective means of fighting will not sit well with many of Dershowitz¿s historically steadfast supporters. The normally liberal lawyer lambastes European governments for what he characterizes as their cowardly appeasement of terrorists, which he points to as the central driver of growth in the terrorism industry. He also proclaims flatly that the international community should purposefully refrain from addressing the ¿root causes¿ of any group that adopts terrorist means. How this would work in practice is never quite explained, but nevertheless, we from getAbstract recommend this important and damning book as a welcomed addition to the emerging debate on how best to wage the war on terrorism.Was this review helpful? Yes NoThank you for your feedback. Report this reviewThank you, this review has been flagged.