World Poverty and Human Rights: Cosmopolitan Responsibilities and Reforms / Edition 2by Thomas W. Pogge
Pub. Date: 02/28/2008
Some 2.5 billion human beings live in severe poverty, deprived of such essentials as adequate nutrition, safe drinking water, basic sanitation, adequate shelter, literacy, and basic health care. One third of all human deaths are from poverty-related causes: 18 million annually, including over 10 million children under five. However huge in human terms, the… See more details below
Some 2.5 billion human beings live in severe poverty, deprived of such essentials as adequate nutrition, safe drinking water, basic sanitation, adequate shelter, literacy, and basic health care. One third of all human deaths are from poverty-related causes: 18 million annually, including over 10 million children under five. However huge in human terms, the world poverty problem is tiny economically. Just 1 percent of the national incomes of the high-income countries would suffice to end severe poverty worldwide. Yet, these countries, unwilling to bear an opportunity cost of this magnitude, continue to impose a grievously unjust global institutional order that foreseeably and avoidably perpetuates the catastrophe. Most citizens of affluent countries believe that we are doing nothing wrong. Thomas Pogge seeks to explain how this belief is sustained. He analyses how our moral and economic theorizing and our global economic order have adapted to make us appear disconnected from massive poverty abroad. Dispelling the illusion, he also offers a modest, widely sharable standard of global economic justice and makes detailed, realistic proposals toward fulfilling it. Thoroughly updated, the second edition of this classic book incorporates responses to critics and a new chapter introducing Pogge's current work on pharmaceutical patent reform.
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Table of Contents
I Some Cautions About Our Moral Judgements.
II Four Easy Reasons to Ignore World Poverty.
III Sophisticated Defenses of our acquiescence in world poverty.
IV Does Our New Global Economic Order Really Not Harm the Poor?.
V Responsibilities and Reforms.
Chapter 1: Human Flourishing and Universal Justice.
1. 0 Introduction.
1. 1 Social Justice.
1. 2 Paternalism.
1. 3 Justice in First Approximation.
1. 4 Essential Refinements.
1. 5 Human Rights.
1. 6 Specification of Human Rights and Responsibilities for their Realization.
1. 7 Conclusion.
Chapter 2: How Should Human Rights be Conceived?.
2. 0 Introduction.
2. 1 From Natural Law to Rights.
2. 2 From Natural Rights to Human Rights.
2. 3 Official Disrespect.
2. 4 The Libertarian Critique of Social and Economic Rights.
2. 5 The Critique of Social and Economic Rights as 'Manifesto Rights'.
2. 6 Disputes about Kinds of Human Rights.
Chapter 3: Loopholes in Moralities.
3. 0 Introduction.
3. 1 Types of Incentives.
3. 2 Loopholes.
3. 3 Social Arrangements.
3. 4 Case 1: The Converted Apartment Building.
3. 5 Case 2: The Homelands Policy of White South Africa.
3. 6 An Objection.
3. 7 Strengthening.
3. 8 Fictional Histories.
3. 9 Puzzles of Equivalence.
3. 10 Conclusion.
Chapter 4: Moral Universalism and Global Economic Justice.
4. 0 Introduction.
4. 1 Moral Universalism.
4. 2 Our Moral Assessment of National and Global Economic Orders.
4. 3 Some Factual Background about the Global Economic Order.
4. 3. 1 The Extent of World Poverty.
4. 3. 2 The Extent of Global Inequality.
4. 3. 3 Trends in World Poverty and Inequality.
4. 4 Conceptions of National and Global Economic Justice Contrasted.
4. 5 Moral Universalism and David Miller’s Contextualism.
4. 6 Contextualist Moral Universalism and John Rawls’s Moral Conception.
4. 7 Rationalizing Divergent Moral Conceptions Through a Double Standard.
4. 8 Rationalizing Divergent Moral Conceptions Without a Double Standard.
4. 9 The Causal Role of Global Institutions in the Persistence of Severe Poverty.
4. 10 Conclusion.
Chapter 5: The Bounds of Nationalism.
5. 0 Introduction.
5. 1 Common Nationalism – Priority for the Interests of Compatriots.
5. 2 Lofty Nationalism – The Justice-for-Compatriots Priority.
5. 3 Explanatory Nationalism – The Deep Significance of National Borders.
5. 4 Conclusion.
Chapter 6: Achieving Democracy.
6. 0 Introduction.
6. 1 The Structure of the Problem Faced by Fledgling Democracies.
6. 2 Reducing the Expected Rewards of Coups d'Etat.
6. 3 Undermining the Borrowing Privilege of Authoritarian Predators.
6. 3. 1 The Criterial Problem.
6. 3. 2 The Tit-For-Tat Problem.
6. 3. 3 The Establishment Problem.
6. 3. 4 Synthesis.
6. 4 Undermining the Resource Privilege of Authoritarian Predators.
6. 5 Conclusion.
Chapter 7: Cosmopolitanism and Sovereignty.
7. 0 Introduction.
7. 1 Institutional Cosmopolitanism Based on Human Rights.
7. 2 The Idea of State Sovereignty.
7. 3 Some Main Reasons for a Vertical Dispersal of Sovereignty.
7. 3. 1 Peace and Security.
7. 3. 2 Reducing Oppression.
7. 3. 3 Global Economic Justice.
7. 3. 4 Ecology/Democracy.
7. 4 The Shaping and Reshaping of Political Units.
7. 5 Conclusion.
Chapter 8: Eradicating Systemic Poverty: Brief for a Global Resources Dividend.
8. 0 Introduction.
8. 1 Radical Inequality and Our Responsibility.
8. 2 Three Grounds of Injustice.
8. 2. 1 The Effects of Shared Social Institutions.
8. 2. 2 Uncompensated Exclusion from the Use of Natural Resources.
8. 2. 3 The Effects of a Common and Violent History.
8. 3 A Moderate Proposal.
8. 4 The Moral Argument for the Proposed Reform.
8. 5 Is the Reform Proposal Realistic?.
8. 6 Conclusion.
Chapter 9: Pharmaceutical Innovation: Must We Exclude the Poor? .
9.1 The TRIPS Agreement and its aftermath.
9.2 The argument from beneficial consequences.
9.3 Toward a better way of stimulating research and development of essential medicines.
9.4 Differential pricing.
9.5 The public-good strategy for extending access to essential medicines.
9.6 A full-pull plan for the provision of pharmaceuticals.
9.7 Specifying and implementing the basic full-pull idea.
9.8 Justifying the plan to affluent citizens and their representatives.
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In 2004, 2.5 billion people, 40 per cent of humanity, were living in severe poverty. Every year, 18 million people, a third of all who die, die early from poverty-related causes. In this brilliantly original study, Thomas Pogge, Professor of Philosophy and International Affairs at Yale University, shows how the rich countries' governments' policies cause the poverty. The world order they impose 'foreseeably produces an avoidable massive human rights deficit'. One reviewer called this book 'an analysis without villains', but in fact Pogge shows that our governments, corporations and 'those who represent us in WTO negotiations and at the IMF' are true villains. Doing harm foreseeably and avoidably is morally indefensible. The shortfall is just $300 billion a year, less than one per cent of the rich countries' total gross national incomes. The rich countries' subsidies to their richest farmers were $300 billion in 2005. Their tariffs on manufactured imports from poor countries are four times higher than on those from other rich countries. In 2005, just $7.63 billion of the total $106.78 billion of aid went to basic social services - 0.02 per cent of the rich countries' combined GNP. Pogge explains that we cannot excuse ourselves by blaming the poor countries or their rulers because "the national causal factors we most like to highlight - tyranny, corruption, coups d'état, civil wars - are encouraged and sustained by central aspects of the present global economic order." The IMF, the World Bank and the EU demand privatisation, which, as he points out, is a way for rulers to enrich themselves by selling public property: "the sale of public property really is an important causal contributor to the incidence of undemocratic government." We are implicated because we let our rulers do this great harm to the poor. Pogge asks, why don't we find ending this poverty morally compelling? He exposes the self-deceptions that make this glaring injustice possible. We should never endorse injustice, or give our vote to those who practise it. We have to take responsibility, take control, and end the poverty by ending the villainy.