Zulu Thought-Patterns and Symbolism

by Axel-Ivar Berglund

Overview

"One of the most important statements of the 'inside view' of an African religous system ever made . . . unique in its richness and depth." —Victor Turner

"Zulu Thought-Patterns is a monumental research piece whose writing is admirably clear, and its documentation praiseworthy." —Africa Today

" . . . unique and important . . . " — International Journal of African Historical Studies

This ethnographic classic describes and analyzes the ritual cycle celebrated by Zulu kinship groups as understood and interpreted by the Zulu themselves.

Product Details

ISBN-13:	9780253212054
Publisher:	Indiana University Press
Publication date:	10/22/1989
Pages:	402
Sales rank:	976,646
Product dimensions:	6.30(w) x 9.30(h) x (d)
Age Range:	18 Years

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Zulu Thought-Patterns and Symbolism

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By Axel-Ivar Berglund

Indiana University Press

Copyright © 1976 Axel-Ivar Berglund
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-253-31175-7

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Scope of the Study

Since Professor Evans-Pritchard published Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande in 1937, followed by Nuer Religion in 1956, there has been a growing interest in examinations of thought-patterns and symbols in a specific society. These studies, which analyse rituals and symbols as important parts in the working machinery of the society in which they appear, have, to some extent, replaced general descriptions of societies with interpretations of rituals and symbols suggested by scholars themselves. The examination of ideas and methods of expressing them (through rituals and symbols) have proved useful. For the studies have shown how moral values and qualities express realities, and that symbols and rituals are meaningful to members of the society in which they are found.

Anthropologists of the structural-functional school have convincingly shown that there is a clear relationship between rituals and social realities expressed in the political and economic activities of a society. Within the smaller societies the integrations between the political, economic and ritual aspects of life has been shown to be closer than in larger societies. In the latter, a certain autonomy between the different aspects exists, isolating the one from the other more than in the smaller societies.

Recently, attention has also been drawn to the relationship between symbols and ritual. Symbols and a translation of them from the point of view of the people who use them, prove to be keys to a fuller understanding of the rituals in which they occur: they make a ritual intelligible to the men who are involved in it. This aspect has received attention in this study.

Contributions towards Ndembu symbolic ritual understanding have been made by Professor V. Turner who has produced major studies on the subject. Professor Monica Wilson and Dr T. O. Beidelman have analysed field material in the Tanzanian context, Professor Wilson dealing with Nyakyusa in a series of important books and Beidelman in a number of articles. Professor Mary Douglas has carried out research work among Lele (Congo). Dr G. Leinhardt has written on Dinka concepts and M. Griaule on Dogon. Other contributions are those by Drs Audrey Richards. P. Rigby and C. M. H. White. Professor Marja-Liisa Swantz has discussed changing symbolic ritual expressions and their reflections on developments in a society, particularly among women. Her field of examination has been Zaramo of Tanzania.

Among the Zulu people, as in much of Africa, there are forces which very obviously act and react on men and the society which they constitute. Industrialization and subsequent urbanization, Western cultural influence, Christian missions, new economic values, the presence of whites and Asians (the latter particularly south of the Thugela river) and many other pressures all contribute to the changes of life approach which, of necessity, must take place in a society such as that of Zulu men and women.

The various pressures which put their weight on Zulu give rise to situations of conflict. On the one hand there is, in Zulu society, a national pride which is felt everywhere among people. Based partly on a short but dramatic and impressive historic period of greatness, the national pride is encouraged also by nation-building elsewhere in Africa and, in the South African setting, by local political views. Proud of being just Zulu, people have a strong desire to build on their own traditional culture. There is, partly, a deep sense of love and admiration of the past, partly, a growing appreciation of traditional thought-patterns expressed in rituals and symbols.

On the other hand, pressures of our day force men to face new conditions of living and new approaches to life which sometimes differ considerably from traditional ones. In the situations of conflict which arise, there takes place an adjustment of the old, acceptance of new ideas and even a repudiation of traditional thought-patterns to allow for Christian, medical, agricultural, mechanical and other rational empirical scientific approaches. For these have come also to Zulu society to stay. Some of these new thought-patterns and symbols which arise from cultural cross-influences are described in the study.

The study also shows that much of traditional thinking is not only still found in Zulu society, but, in fact, is receiving increasing attention, especially among people who live in rural areas. This is particularly true in times of crisis in the lives of men and women.

However, the study, in describing and analysing thought-patterns and symbols found in Zulu society, is designed to show how these concepts, in their specific settings, are logical and intelligent. The relationships between men expressed in the rituals and symbols of their society, make living in that society a meaningful experience. In other words, a main concern of the thesis is to show how thought-patterns and symbols are not only a means of communication, but that the rituals and symbols are logical and intelligible to the members of that society.

It may be true to state that symbols to a greater extent express thinking in societies where rational and scientific values have not yet gained a strong foothold. This is a quantitative distinction between symbolic expressions and scientific ones, not a qualitative comparison. It does not follow that a rich symbolic thinking is necessarily pre-scientific or a forerunner to rational expressions. The need to express values in symbolically meaningful formulas is not of necessity a stepping-stone towards a rational science. Nor does this need indicate an inability to reason rationally and/or scientifically. To express concepts by way of symbols is simply another way of expression. The symbols are vehicles whereby it is possible to voice thoughts, experiences and concepts, and to do so intelligibly. When, therefore, the study describes and analyses Zulu thought-patterns and symbols, it does not presuppose that these are inferior to rational and scientific approaches to life. The point of departure is that there is more than one way of expressing life and its circumstances of living.

There are numerous limitations to the study. First, in writing, I have constantly asked myself: "How do Zulu themselves understand this their particular expression? How do they themselves explain it?" The emphasis has continually been on the Zulu interpretation of expressions found in their society. This accounts for the sometimes lengthy quotations of discussions with informants and the comparatively small attention paid to interpretations given in ethnographic records. However, ethnographic records have been referred to from time to time, and where similar thought-patterns and symbols have been noted among other Bantu people, particularly Nguni, these have been indicated.

The study addresses itself to a description of thought-patterns and symbols relevant mainly to commoners. Should material descriptive of chiefs, kings and authority have been included, the study would have become unduly large and the handling of the material difficult. There are other limitations also. For only those thought-patterns and symbols which are in the minds of people daily and those which play a significant role in a man's thinking at a crisis in life have been elaborated on. Much could have been added about concepts of the moon, rites of passage, agriculture, fertility and husbandry, but these ideas will have to be dealt with at a later stage.

A third limitation is the temporal aspect. Appreciating the fact that no society is static in the sense that it remains what it has been previously, I have attempted to describe Zulu as they are today. I do not try to account for concepts and thought-patterns which were found previously. But ideas which are relevant today and which were found in Zulu society earlier are taken up, and the historic ethnographic sources noted. It follows that I have not gone out of my way to trace Zulu who still cling keenly to traditional patterns of thought for the purpose of tracing them. Rather, the experts who know and have an overall view of Zulu thinking have been approached to gain information. These informants have included conservative thinkers, e.g. two diviners who had a systematized thinking, and others who had not consciously adopted either Christian modes of life or otherwise become westernized.

Because the study is one which describes Zulu and because emphasis lies on Zulu understanding of their own thought-patterns and symbols, no attempt has been made to relate findings to the wider African context. Judging from earlier records on Zulu it appears that the Lord-of-the-Sky did not play that significant role in Zulu thinking previously that it does today. Similar developments have been noted from elsewhere in Africa and have been elaborated on in various studies. These latter studies have not been taken into account in the present thesis.

Field Work

I was born at Ceza and grew up at Ekuthuleni, at which places my parents were missionaries. So I spoke Zulu from early childhood. Language, when communicating with Zulu-speaking people, has, therefore, not been a problem.

Before attending school my play-mates were Zulu children. With them I was introduced into Zulu society in a very real and natural way. I recollect a great many occasions and incidents which not only fascinated me and remained in my memory, but also have proven to be useful points of departure when, at a later stage in life, I collected material towards a study on Zulu thinking. Ekuthuleni, where my parents were stationed from 1931 to 1947, is situated in the very close vicinity of the royal homesteads of eNthembeni and kwaMabovula, and living there gave me access to knowledge of behaviour towards Zulu royalty and communication with royals. Partly because of close ties with many friends and partly because I am a missionary, a great number of contacts have been made without great effort.

Fieldwork for a thesis was commenced in the Vryheid — Louwsburg — Mahlabathini (including Ceza) area early in 1959 and was concluded in the Mapumulo district in late 1970. While stationed at Rorkes Drift (January 1960October 1962) many contacts were made with the local population. The presence of Sotho-speaking people in the Nqutu district proved a useful field of observation where Zulu concepts could be studied in contrast with Sotho influence. Frequent visits were made to the eMthonjaneni district, particularly Ekuthuleni and Biyela parishes and their outstations. Working here was like being at home. Much valuable information submitted in the thesis has been collected in the Mapumulo district (October 1962-November 1970, except for ten months absence 1963/1964). The complete Mapumulo district is inhabited by Zulu with the exception of some whites in the Mapumulo village, the Umpumulo parish and hospital, and occasional shopkeepers who are either whites or of Asian background. The present tense used in the study refers to the time when fieldwork was carried out, i.e. January 1959November 1970.

Recording conversations with people, once trustworthy and cordial relations had been built up, proved to be the best method of obtaining accurate information. In the beginning of collecting material notes were made mainly in notebooks, while, towards the end of the time, when I had acquired a tape-recorder, this was used extensively. Often discussions arose from incidents that I had witnessed. It goes without saying that gaining access to many of these occasions was a time-consuming encounter. Also getting informants to speak freely was not always an easily reached goal, particularly if informants did not feel free to talk because of accompanying friends, or visiting neighbours, or when sentimentally bound information was sought. But personal field-work proved most fruitful, although sometimes tiring and slow in producing results. Recordings were made in Zulu and only very seldom in a European language.

As far as possible, any information concerning rituals gained through accounts given by informants was checked by attending such rituals. It was not that informants were doubted, but their accounts were sometimes idealized. Often they gave very useful points of departure which, when followed up by personal observation, opened wide avenues to underlying thought-patterns.

The use of questionnaires was discarded at an early stage, partly because people were suspicious of them, partly because many who had valuable information found giving a full answer too laborious a task, partly because many questions which arose while conversing with informants never would have appeared on the questionnaire.

Experience soon underlined the need to check and recheck information again and again, thereby testing both accuracy and representativeness of material collected. Information referred to in the study has been sifted in this way. When material has been obtained but not verified, or doubtfully verified, this has been stated. Any material which may be the product of a lively imagination rather than accurate knowledge has not been used, unless it has cast light on other information.

It would be unrealistic to assume that any single person is versed in all knowledge pertaining to rituals, concepts and symbols. Zulu themselves admit this from time to time, saying that they do not know. Diviners sometimes refused to express themselves about medicines and the attached symbols, claiming that herbalists were the ones who knew, and very few people knew much of the doings of the heaven-herds beyond what they saw these men doing when they practiced in the various homesteads or treated people with medicines. But few diviners would confess lack of knowledge about the shades. Again and again I found myself discussing with the specialists in various fields in order to gather as much information from them as possible. Verification of material thus collected would, of necessity, be limited to other specialists within the similar field.

Sometimes informants themselves became assistants in finding the reasons why things were done in a particular manner, why certain words were used, etc. For evidence soon revealed that although a man was acquainted with procedure in the rituals, i.e. the hows were known, and often conservatively adhered to, the underlying dogmas and interpretations of happenings, words and things involved in the happenings, i.e. the whys, were not equally well known. I owe much gratitude to many such friends who went out of their way to find out the underlying meanings.

For obvious reasons informants are anonymous, only three allowing me to quote their names. Laduma Madela in fact insisted that he be quoted! Qedizwe Ngema, a traditionalist in the best sense of the word and a very knowledgable informant, most unfortunately is no longer alive.

Some Informants

To give an exhaustive account of informants and people who have been of assistance when collecting material, would become a thesis on people. During the course of the years a great many people have been helpful in many ways, some in connection with some incident which I followed up, their contributions being limited to that particular happening only. Others have proven valuable sources of information during a definite period of time while another group who have had knowledge of a particular area, have been of assistance while working in that area. Others, again, have been excellent informants because of their positions in society, while some, the experts in specific fields, have been people to whom I have returned again and again. It is particularly from among the latter that I would like to introduce a limited number of informants.

a. Laduma Madela has attracted the attention of several scholars, some of whom have given us their findings in writing. It is possible that more will be forthcoming.

Madela is, no doubt, a philosopher who, when one meets him, immediately brings to one's mind the writings of Paul Radin. Madela lives in his own individual and creative world of thoughts, fascinating because they bear witness to vision, imagination and a systemizing of thinking in a remarkable way. Very self-conscious, alert to things happening in his surroundings and equipped with a remarkable memory, Laduma Madela is in one way a traditionalist in a conservative manner, in another a progressive in the sense that nothing new is by-passed as if it were insignificant. He has the ability to absorb various impressions and happenings and relate them to his own particular setting.

It would not be correct to say that Madela's views always are representative of Zulu society. But his thinking and statements are fascinating because they come from a man who is well versed in Zulu history, customs and rituals: a man who at the same time is not only a smith in the traditional sense, but also a heaven-herd and herbalist. He also divines. Madela's views are often coloured by his own creative and imaginative contributions.

(Continues...)

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Excerpted from Zulu Thought-Patterns and Symbolism by Axel-Ivar Berglund. Copyright © 1976 Axel-Ivar Berglund. Excerpted by permission of Indiana University Press.
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Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
PREFACE
LIST OF ILLUSTRAIONS
MAP
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER II
DIVINITES
CHAPTER III
THE SHADES
SHADE NAMES
SHADE MANIFESTATIONS
CHAPTER IV
THE SHADES BROOD OVER MEN
CHAPTER V
DIVINERS-SERVANTS OF THE SHADES
CHAPTER VI
COMMUNION WITH THE SHADES
RITUAL BEER DRINKING
RITUAL KILLING
ANALYSIS OF A RITUAL KILLING
CHAPTER VII
ANGER AND FERTILITY AS EXPRESSIONS OF POWER
CHAPTER VIII
RESISTING EVIL
CHAPTER IX
MEDICINES
CHAPTER X
CHAPTER XI
CONCLUSION
Abbreviations
Bibliography
Index