The Age of Reagan brings to life the tumultuous decade and a half that preceded Ronald Reagan’s ascent to the White House. Drawing on scores of interviews and years of research, Steven F. Hayward takes us on an engrossing journey through the most politically divisive years the United States has had to endure since the decade before the Civil War.
Hayward captures an America at war with itself—and an era whose reverberations we feel to this very day. He brings new insight into the profound failure of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society, the oddly liberal nature of Richard Nixon’s administration, the significance of Reagan’s years as California’s governor, the sudden-death drama of his near defeat of Gerald Ford in the 1976 Republican primary, the listlessness of Jimmy Carter’s leadership, and the political earthquake that was Reagan’s victorious presidential campaign in 1980.
Provocative, authoritative, and majestic in scope, The Age of Reagan is an unforgettable account of the rebirth and triumph of the American spirit.
|Publisher:||The Crown Publishing Group|
|Product dimensions:||6.14(w) x 9.26(h) x 1.87(d)|
About the Author
Steven F. Hayward is a recognized authority on both Ronald Reagan and Winston Churchill, having written The Age of Reagan: The Fall of the Old Liberal Order, 1964–1980, and Churchill on Leadership. He has written for the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Chicago Tribune, the Baltimore Sun, the San Francisco Chronicle, National Review, Reason, and Policy Review, among other publications. A Ph.D. in American studies, he is F. K. Weyerhaeuser Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and Senior Fellow at the Pacific Research Institute. Hayward is currently at work on The Age of Reagan: Lion at the Gate, 1980–1989, to be published by Crown Forum in 2006. He divides his time between Washington, D.C., and California.
Read an Excerpt
ONE OF MY TEACHERS in graduate school insisted that “a history must serve its readers with explanations that suit the horizons of their curiosity and with writing that entertains and stirs them.” Heeding this admonition led me to the unusual style of this book, which requires an explanation.
This book is one part biography, one part narrative chronicle, and one part political analysis—an amalgam that does not easily fit into a recognized nonfiction genre. It attempts to explain how and, more importantly, why Ronald Reagan became president in 1980. A capacious narrative seemed the best style to convey this broad theme. Winston Churchill noted the necessity of capturing the wider context of a person in his four-volume account of his ancestor, the Duke of Marlborough: “In a portrait or impression the human figure is best shown by its true relation to the objects and scenes against which it is thrown, and by which it is defined.”
The decade-and-a-half preceding Reagan’s ascent to the White House was arguably the most politically tumultuous for the nation since the decade before the Civil War. The events shaping the political climate of the country seemed to be larger than the personalities who tried to master them. To the extent that Reagan came to express the soul of America, it is necessary to understand the trials of that soul. Reagan, to borrow a metaphor from his first career, was only occasionally at center stage during these years, which is why he enters and leaves this narrative like a supporting actor.
Frederick Maitland wrote that the essential matter of history is not what happened but what men and women thought and said about it. This narrative pays special attention to the contemporaneous perception and evaluation of events. This not only offers frequent moments of irony when seen from the perspective of today, but also foreshadows the shape of a number of controversies that are still very much alive now.
Two special notes. First, although this narrative is hard on liberals and liberalism, it is not intended that “liberal” be taken as a pejorative. The years covered here—1964 to 1980—begin with the apogee of liberalism and end with its nadir, so it cannot be a happy time for liberals to contemplate. Yet it is my hope that liberal-minded readers will engage this narrative in a spirit of self-criticism, and also with an eye toward correcting any errors of fact or interpretation that have led me to an unduly harsh or unfair judgment. There ought to be more thoughtful occasions for political argument between Left and Right than Geraldo and Crossfire. It is my hope that this book can provide such an occasion. There have been many narratives that cover one half or the other of this story, i.e., the trials of liberalism or the rise of conservatism. I have sought here to bring the entire spectrum together into an interactive whole.
Second, one of the omissions of this account is that it slights the place of Nancy Reagan, whose role and influence on her husband is widely perceived, even if many of the details still remain private. I hope to remedy this defect in a second volume of this work, which will be tightly focused on Reagan’s White House years, when the center stage spotlight fell fully on him alone. Liberals take heart: the second volume will reflect on what the Reagan experience teaches about the limitations of conservatism, and how conservatives may be failing to learn from the mistakes of liberals before them.
—Rescue, California, June 2001
Most Helpful Customer Reviews
Both volumes are extremely well written and those that might be put off by the length of the books should know that the information and analysis in the many pages are worth every minute of reading. For some the book might not be critical enough of Reagan while for others the analysis of the period might be too objective. The author succeeded to write a historical and sociological textbook addressed to the informed student of history of every age in a way that it does not make the experience of reading too daunting. The period covered in the book is so close to our time and yet so far in our consciousness that we forget both the struggles of the country and the return to a better America that led to the prosperity of the ’90 and, for all the handwringing and complaints, to the good life we are experiencing today: far less crime, better health, better air, no oil crisis, no social upheavals that threatens to break cities and states. Reading the book one should learn humility when learning of the many struggles that brought a much equal and freer America and hope that tomorrow it is always a better one.