ISBN-10:
0135312949
ISBN-13:
9780135312940
Pub. Date:
11/28/1996
Publisher:
Prentice Hall Professional Technical Reference
Deviant Behavior / Edition 5

Deviant Behavior / Edition 5

by Erich Goode

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Overview

Deviant Behavior / Edition 5

The author seeks to understand deviance from the major sociological perspectives and theories of deviance by providing a comprehensive, balanced examination of the conceptual foundation of the sociology of deviance. An honest and direct approach is constant throughout the text and imparts a practical knowledge towards real world matters that enables the reader to think clearly about them. The book gives the reader interesting material about real life experiences of deviance from which they can learn and understand the different types of deviant individuals that exist in our society. Helps the reader understand the full range of deviance and emphasizes deviance is not always a motivated behavior whose occurrence needs to be explained. For anyone interested in understanding deviant behavior.

Product Details

ISBN-13: 9780135312940
Publisher: Prentice Hall Professional Technical Reference
Publication date: 11/28/1996
Edition description: Older Edition
Pages: 470
Product dimensions: 7.18(w) x 9.49(h) x 1.01(d)

About the Author

Erich Goode is Sociology Professor Emeritus at Stony Brook University; he has taught at half-dozen universities and is the author of eleven books. During his career, he received a Guggenheim Fellowship, the Lady Davis Teaching Fellowship, the President's Award for Excellence in Teaching, and the SUNY-wide Chancellor's Award for Excellence in Teaching. Goode is married and lives in New York City.

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PREFACE:

PREFACE

I have made a substantial number of revisions in this edition of Deviant Behavior. Aside from the usual updating, I have added several entirely new chapters, compressed others, expanded still others, and deleted or added many sections. I agree with Adler and Adler (2000, p. 8): The subject matter of the field is the "ABCs" of deviance. What the concept of the sociology of deviance encompasses is Attitudes (or beliefs), Behavior, and Characteristics (or traits), including those that are strictly physical. I disagree with Polsky (1998, pp. 202-203), who argues that the study of behavior or conditions that are "not an individual's fault" is off-limits, that is, that we are confined to studying behavior that is regarded as immoral and more or less freely chosen, for which the person designated as deviant can be "blamed" for engaging in. As I show, the social consequences of possessing involuntarily acquired characteristics are often very similar to those that flow from "immoral" behavior.

Hence, in this edition, I have added a chapter on physical deviance, or what Goffman (1963, p. 4) referred to as "abominations of the body—the various physical deformities," which includes violations of aesthetic norms and disability. In that chapter, I forcefully argue that we sociologists should regard non-normative physical characteristics as a form of deviance.

In addition (again, taking my cue from the Adlers' "ABCs of deviance"), I have added a chapter on deviant belief systems, including religious, political, and paranormal beliefs. While the line between beliefs and behavior is not alwaysconceptually or theoretically easy to draw, we sociologists should reserve a place for deviant beliefs in our thinking. It is possible that, in the history of the world, more people have been punished for unconventional beliefs than for deviant behavior.

I have also compressed what were the three chapters on crime—violent crime, property crime, and white-collar crime—in the previous edition into one chapter. I have taken seriously the argument of several recent critics (Bader, Becker, and Desmond, 1996; Kunkel, 1999) that courses on deviance spend too much time discussing issues and especially topics that are covered in a criminology course. Insofar as it is possible, I have avoided engaging in such repetition and have kept my discussion of criminal behavior to a minimum. Of course, where concepts and theories overlap, there is no avoiding duplication.

During the months prior to completing this revision, I sent out a request for a copy of a course syllabus on deviance to all the persons listed in the American Sociological Association's Biographical Directory of Members for 1997-1998 who designated themselves as having a specialty in Section 4, Crime, Law, and Deviance. Slightly over 1,000 persons were so listed, although not all, and very possibly a minority, regard deviance as their specialty and/or teach or have taught courses on deviance. I also sent the same request to all authors and editors of books designed to be used in deviance courses and to all instructors of deviance in the sociology department at Stony Brook. I did not expect a substantial response rate; in fact, I received only 100 usable syllabi. (Some responded, but did not enclose—or even have in their possession—syllabi.) I was surprised, however, that most editors and textbook authors did not reply to my request. In any case, clearly, the 100 replies do not represent or reflect the approach or content of all deviance courses taught in American universities. Still, in this edition I tally some of the results of this little inquiry. It gave me a clearer idea of the topics deviance instructors discuss.

I have added a discussion of the use of tobacco as a form of deviance in Chapter 8 on legal drugs. I have simplified the chapter on heterosexual deviances by regarding "sex work" as a conceptual category that encompasses prostitution, pornography, and other sex-for-pay enterprises. I have retained but simplified my distinction between constructionism and positivism, incorporating into Chapter 3 some concepts that are common to each approach. I have retained deviance accounts as a vivid pedagogical device for illuminating key ideas in each chapter. Most of the personal accounts that appear in this edition are new, and at least one account appears at the end of each chapter.

Each time I encounter or simply think about the argument that the sociological study of deviance is "dead," that it was necessary to write "an obituary" for the field (Sumner, 1994), 1 marvel at the sheer stultifying stupidity of the argument. No more alive field has ever existed, in sociology or any other discipline.

I would like to thank all the contributors of the personal accounts that appear at the end of each chapter; the instructors of deviance courses who sent me one or more copies of their syllabi; Gary Marker for helping me with the section on the Old Believers; Mary Ann Chaisson for commenting on the section on AIDS; Nachman Ben-Yehuda for his all-around help; and Gerald Davison, John Neale, Alphonse Sallett, Marvin Scott, William J. Goode, Barbara Weinstein, and Ron Weitzer. I would also like to thank the following reviewers: William R. Faulkner, Western Illinois University; Vickie Jensen, California State University-Northridge; Nick Larsen, Chapman University; and Victor N. Shaw, California State University-Northridge. Most of all, I'd like to thank the researchers who investigate and the authors who write about this lively and fascinating topic of deviance. Take my word for it: This field is not going to expire any time soon.

Erich Goode

Table of Contents


Preface     xi
Introduction     1
Deviance in Everyday Life     3
So, What Is Deviance?     4
Societal and Situational Deviance     6
The ABCs of Deviance     7
Deviant Behavior     7
Deviant Attitudes and Beliefs     9
Physical Characteristics     10
Tribe, Race, Religion, and Nation     11
A Fourth Type of Deviance     11
What Deviance Is Not     12
Relativism     14
Summary     16
Personal Account: A Computer Pirate Tells His Story     18
Questions     21
Approaches to Deviance     22
Positivism: An Introduction     23
Constructionist Approaches to Deviance: An Introduction     27
Deviance and Social Control: An Introduction     31
Formal and Informal Social Control     33
Summary     34
Personal Account: A Stripper Mom Tells Her Story     36
Questions     41
Explaining Deviant Behavior: Positivist Theories     42
Free Will, Rational Calculation, and Routine Activities Theory     43
Social Disorganization and the Chicago School     45
Anomieor Strain Theory     47
Anomie Theory into the 1990s and Beyond     51
Differential Association and Learning Theory     53
Social Control Theory     54
A General Theory of Crime: Self-Control Theory     56
Summary     58
Personal Account: Clinical Depression     60
Questions     64
Constructionist Theories of Deviance     65
Functionalism     67
Labeling or Interactionist Theory     68
Conflict Theory     74
Feminism     77
Controlology or the New Sociology of Social Control     80
How Are Judgments of Deviance Made?     83
The Role of Religion in Judgments of Deviance     83
Religion and Politics     86
Red State, Blue State     89
Retro versus Metro     89
Summary     91
Personal Account: Cody, the Identity-Constructing Homosexual     94
Questions     99
Studying Deviance: Methods in Social Research     100
The Use of Official Data     101
Survey Research     104
Participant Observation     112
Narratives, Autobiographies, Life Histories, and Personal Accounts      116
Ethical Issues in the Study of Deviance: Tearoom Sex, a Case Study     118
Summary     120
Personal Account: Field Experiment: Public Reactions to Normative Violations     121
Field Experiment: Two Guys Holding Hands in Public, Steven M. Clayton     122
Questions     125
Criminal Behavior     126
Deviance and Crime: A Rough Division of Labor     127
Crime and Deviance: A Conceptual Distinction     130
Common Law and Statutory Law     131
What Is Our Mission? Constructionism versus Positivism     133
The Severity of Crime     134
The Uniform Crime Reports     137
Property Crime     138
Shoplifting and Employee Theft     141
Summary     143
Personal Account: Omar's Story     145
Questions     148
Criminal Violence     149
Violence: An Introduction     150
Murder     150
Forcible Rape     157
Robbery     164
Is Robbery a Crime of Passion?     168
Summary     169
Personal Account: Having a Deviant Father     170
Questions     172
Illicit Drug Use      174
Drug Use: The Social Construction of a Social Problem     176
What Is Drug Use?     179
A Classification of Drugs and Their Effects     180
The Extent of Drug Use in the United States     182
Marijuana Use in the United States, 1960-2004     187
Marijuana Use as Deviance and Crime     189
The War on Marijuana? The Great Transformation, 1990-2000s     192
Hallucinogenic Drugs     194
Cocaine and Crack     197
Heroin and the Narcotics     201
Methamphetamine     202
Summary     205
Personal Account: Barbiturate Abuse     207
Personal Account: Smoking Marijuana     209
Questions     211
Deviant Organizational Behavior     272
White-Collar and Corporate Crime     215
Corporate Crime: Correlative Features     217
Four Recent Examples of Corporate Deviance     221
Police Use of Excessive Force     223
The Sexual Abuse of Children by Roman Catholic Priests     228
Summary     234
Personal Account: Employee Pilferage     235
Questions     237
Sexual Deviance     238
What's Deviant About Sexual Behavior?      240
Essentialism versus Constructionism     241
Gendering Sexuality     244
Homosexuality     245
Sex Work     253
Extramarital Sex     257
Summary     259
Personal Account: Bondage and Discipline Sex     261
Questions     265
Personal Account: Being a Homosexual Priest     266
Questions     268
Cognitive Deviance: Holding Unconventional Beliefs     269
The Social Functions of Belief Systems     274
The Intersection of Religion and Deviance     277
Religious Sects and Cults     278
Creationism, Intelligent Design, and Evolution     281
Paranormal Beliefs as Deviant     286
Summary     289
Personal Account: The Belief That Extraterrestrials Are on Earth     291
Questions     293
Mental Disorder     294
What Is Mental Disorder?     295
Models of Mental Disorder     297
Essentialism Approaches Mental Disorder     298
Constructionism     301
Labeling Theory     303
The Modified Labeling Approach     305
Families of the Mentally Disordered: Labeling by Intimates     307
The Epidemiology of Mental Disorder     309
On Being Sane in Insane Places     310
Chemical Treatment of Mental Disorder     315
Deinstitutionalization     317
Deviance and Mental Disorder: An Overview     318
Summary     319
Personal Account: Interview with Anna-Maria, a Manic-Depressive     321
Questions     325
Physical Characteristics as Deviance     326
Abominations of the Body: An Introduction     330
Physical Disability     330
Conformity to and Violations of Esthetic Standards     332
Body Modification as Physical Deviance     335
Obesity     336
Intersexuality     340
Are the Overweight Universally Stigmatized? Black-White Differences     340
Agnes     341
The Two Debates: Essentialism-Constructionism/Nature-Nurture     342
From Bruce to Brenda to David (The Story of "John" and "Joan")     344
Freaks     345
Disability and Tertiary Deviance     346
Summary     347
Personal Account: Jan, the Transitioning Transsexual     349
Questions     353
References      354
Photo Credits     369
Name Index     370
Subject Index     374

Preface

PREFACE:

PREFACE

I have made a substantial number of revisions in this edition of Deviant Behavior. Aside from the usual updating, I have added several entirely new chapters, compressed others, expanded still others, and deleted or added many sections. I agree with Adler and Adler (2000, p. 8): The subject matter of the field is the "ABCs" of deviance. What the concept of the sociology of deviance encompasses is Attitudes (or beliefs), Behavior, and Characteristics (or traits), including those that are strictly physical. I disagree with Polsky (1998, pp. 202-203), who argues that the study of behavior or conditions that are "not an individual's fault" is off-limits, that is, that we are confined to studying behavior that is regarded as immoral and more or less freely chosen, for which the person designated as deviant can be "blamed" for engaging in. As I show, the social consequences of possessing involuntarily acquired characteristics are often very similar to those that flow from "immoral" behavior.

Hence, in this edition, I have added a chapter on physical deviance, or what Goffman (1963, p. 4) referred to as "abominations of the body—the various physical deformities," which includes violations of aesthetic norms and disability. In that chapter, I forcefully argue that we sociologists should regard non-normative physical characteristics as a form of deviance.

In addition (again, taking my cue from the Adlers' "ABCs of deviance"), I have added a chapter on deviant belief systems, including religious, political, and paranormal beliefs. While the line between beliefs and behavior is notalwaysconceptually or theoretically easy to draw, we sociologists should reserve a place for deviant beliefs in our thinking. It is possible that, in the history of the world, more people have been punished for unconventional beliefs than for deviant behavior.

I have also compressed what were the three chapters on crime—violent crime, property crime, and white-collar crime—in the previous edition into one chapter. I have taken seriously the argument of several recent critics (Bader, Becker, and Desmond, 1996; Kunkel, 1999) that courses on deviance spend too much time discussing issues and especially topics that are covered in a criminology course. Insofar as it is possible, I have avoided engaging in such repetition and have kept my discussion of criminal behavior to a minimum. Of course, where concepts and theories overlap, there is no avoiding duplication.

During the months prior to completing this revision, I sent out a request for a copy of a course syllabus on deviance to all the persons listed in the American Sociological Association's Biographical Directory of Members for 1997-1998 who designated themselves as having a specialty in Section 4, Crime, Law, and Deviance. Slightly over 1,000 persons were so listed, although not all, and very possibly a minority, regard deviance as their specialty and/or teach or have taught courses on deviance. I also sent the same request to all authors and editors of books designed to be used in deviance courses and to all instructors of deviance in the sociology department at Stony Brook. I did not expect a substantial response rate; in fact, I received only 100 usable syllabi. (Some responded, but did not enclose—or even have in their possession—syllabi.) I was surprised, however, that most editors and textbook authors did not reply to my request. In any case, clearly, the 100 replies do not represent or reflect the approach or content of all deviance courses taught in American universities. Still, in this edition I tally some of the results of this little inquiry. It gave me a clearer idea of the topics deviance instructors discuss.

I have added a discussion of the use of tobacco as a form of deviance in Chapter 8 on legal drugs. I have simplified the chapter on heterosexual deviances by regarding "sex work" as a conceptual category that encompasses prostitution, pornography, and other sex-for-pay enterprises. I have retained but simplified my distinction between constructionism and positivism, incorporating into Chapter 3 some concepts that are common to each approach. I have retained deviance accounts as a vivid pedagogical device for illuminating key ideas in each chapter. Most of the personal accounts that appear in this edition are new, and at least one account appears at the end of each chapter.

Each time I encounter or simply think about the argument that the sociological study of deviance is "dead," that it was necessary to write "an obituary" for the field (Sumner, 1994), 1 marvel at the sheer stultifying stupidity of the argument. No more alive field has ever existed, in sociology or any other discipline.

I would like to thank all the contributors of the personal accounts that appear at the end of each chapter; the instructors of deviance courses who sent me one or more copies of their syllabi; Gary Marker for helping me with the section on the Old Believers; Mary Ann Chaisson for commenting on the section on AIDS; Nachman Ben-Yehuda for his all-around help; and Gerald Davison, John Neale, Alphonse Sallett, Marvin Scott, William J. Goode, Barbara Weinstein, and Ron Weitzer. I would also like to thank the following reviewers: William R. Faulkner, Western Illinois University; Vickie Jensen, California State University-Northridge; Nick Larsen, Chapman University; and Victor N. Shaw, California State University-Northridge. Most of all, I'd like to thank the researchers who investigate and the authors who write about this lively and fascinating topic of deviance. Take my word for it: This field is not going to expire any time soon.

Erich Goode

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