Discover the enhanced e-book edition of Known and Unknown offering an unprecedented reading experience for a memoir by a major public figure. For web-connected readers, it features more than 500 links to never-before-available original documents from Donald Rumsfeld's extensive personal archive. It includes State Department cables, correspondence, and memoranda on topics such as Vietnam, Watergate, the days following 9/11, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and much more. Available in ePub and Adobe Reader.Like Donald Rumsfeld, Known and Unknown pulls no punches.
With the same directness that defined his career in public service, Rumsfeld's memoir is filled with previously undisclosed details and insights about the Bush administration, 9/11, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. It also features Rumsfeld's unique and often surprising observations on eight decades of history: his experiences growing up during the Depression and World War II, his time as a Naval aviator; his service in Congress starting at age 30; his cabinet level positions in the Nixon and Ford White Houses; his assignments in the Reagan administration; and his years as a successful business executive in the private sector.
Rumsfeld addresses the challenges and controversies of his illustrious career, from the unseating of the entrenched House Republican leader in 1965, to helping the Ford administration steer the country away from Watergate and Vietnam, to bruising battles over transforming the military for the 21st century, to the war in Iraq, to confronting abuse at Abu Ghraib and allegations of torture at Guantanamo Bay.
Along the way, he offers his plainspoken, first-hand views and often humorous and surprising anecdotes about some of the world's best known figures, from Margaret Thatcher to Saddam Hussein, from Henry Kissinger to Colin Powell, from Elvis Presley to Dick Cheney, and each American president from Dwight D. Eisenhower to George W. Bush.
Rumsfeld relies not only on his memory but also on previously unreleased and recently declassified documents. Thousands of pages of documents not yet seen by the public will be made available on an accompanying website.
Known and Unknown delivers both a fascinating narrative for today's readers and an unprecedented resource for tomorrow's historians.
Proceeds from the sales of Known and Unknown will go to the veterans charities supported by the Rumsfeld Foundation.
|Publisher:||Penguin Publishing Group|
|Product dimensions:||5.90(w) x 9.00(h) x 2.40(d)|
|Age Range:||18 Years|
About the Author
Read an Excerpt
I was still serving as White House chief of staff on April 29, 1975, when America’s long and vexing involvement in Vietnam came to a close. A few weeks earlier President Ford had implored the Democratic-controlled Congress to authorize aid to our ally, the beleaguered South Vietnamese. He and Kissinger hoped the funds could bolster the South enough so it could arrange some sort of a truce with the North Vietnamese. But the U.S. Congress had had enough of Vietnam.
When Ford heard that Congress had rejected his request, he was furious. “Those bastards,” he snapped. An evacuation of all of our forces was now inevitable.
Vietnam was the first war in our history that the American people were able to watch unfold on television. That fact made a big difference. As such, we were all witnesses to the heartbreaking scene of U.S. forces executing a humiliating exit while our Vietnamese allies of more than a decade of war faced an uncertain future at the hands of the triumphant Viet Cong and North Vietnamese.
Throughout that long, sad day, I was with President Ford at the White House as he monitored the withdrawal. The American ambassador to Vietnam, Graham Martin, updated us on the number of Americans still waiting to evacuate, as well as the number of Vietnamese clamoring to leave. The second number kept growing.
Many of the Vietnamese who had worked with our forces were understandably desperate to flee from the advancing Northern forces, making use of rafts, small boats, whatever they could find to escape. When our Marines temporarily opened the gates to the embassy in Saigon, thousands of local citizens tried to force their way in, only to be physically pushed back. Martin and his team understandably found it difficult to turn our Vietnamese allies away.
As Martin’s wife departed by helicopter, she reportedly abandoned her suitcase so that space could be made for one more South Vietnamese woman to squeeze onboard.
Eventually it was decided that only American citizens could be airlifted in the short time remaining. The indelible image from that day is the heartbreaking photograph of desperate Vietnamese at a building across from the American embassy, trying to crowd aboard a helicopter departing from its roof. Those who had helped America during the war knew what was coming for them. It was an ignominious retreat for the world’s leading superpower.
David Kennerly, the White House photographer who had earned a Pulitzer Prize for his Vietnam War photography and understood the power of images as well as anyone, put it succinctly to those of us gathered in the Oval Office with the President that day. “The good news is the war is over,” he said. “The bad news is we lost.”
Secretary of State Kissinger believed that Ambassador Martin would be the last American to leave the country. After word was received that Martin had been airlifted out of the South Vietnamese capital, Kissinger announced to reporters,“Our ambassador has left, and the evacuation can be said to be completed.”
As it turned out, that wasn’t quite true.
After hearing Kissinger’s statement, Secretary of Defense Schlesinger advised us of the problem. The contingent of U.S. Marines assigned to prevent the panicking Vietnamese from flooding our embassy was still on the ground. Somehow there had been a misunderstanding. Kissinger and Schlesinger each considered the other’s department responsible for the miscommunication. The President felt Schlesinger bore responsibility and said he was “damn mad” about it. The last thing Ford needed was another public disagreement between his two top national security cabinet officials.
I discussed the issue in the Oval Office with Ford, Kissinger, and Ron Nessen, the White House press secretary. A few in the room felt we should not issue a correction because the Marines were expected to be airlifted out soon, at which point Kissinger’s statement would be accurate. I disagreed. What if the Marines were overrun and unable to get out? In any event, what we had told the American people simply was not true. That mattered.
“This war has been marked by so many lies and evasions,” I said, “that it is not right to have the war end with one last lie.”
The President agreed. He sent Nessen down to the press room to issue a statement saying that the evacuation had not been completed after all.
Kissinger was not pleased about the correction and again vented his anger at Schlesinger. He wanted the Defense Department to be blamed publicly for the miscommunication.* So the war in Vietnam ended in much the way it had been carried out—with recriminations and regret.
Since my years in Congress, I had had concerns about our country’s involvement in Vietnam—to the point that both President Nixon and Kissinger viewed me as something of a dove on the subject. I hoped they would find a way to bring the war to an orderly close. It seemed to me that we had lost opportunities to actually win the war. During the Nixon administration, I supported the President’s and Defense Secretary Mel Laird’s policy of Vietnamization, which put the emphasis on enabling the Vietnamese to take charge of their own affairs. Even in the final days of the war, there was at least a possibility that we might have been able to salvage something worthwhile from the effort had Congress approved the resources to support the South Vietnamese government—and particularly to fund its army—for a longer period. But Congress was not ready to go against the strong antiwar sentiment in the country.
With the war’s unfortunate end, a great many in our military and among the American people swore they would never again get involved in the tough, bloody business of counterinsurgency. Many wanted to turn inward, ignoring conflicts waged by the Soviet Union and its proxies. Instead of bringing us peace, I feared the chaotic conclusion of Vietnam could result in an even more deadly escalation of the broader Cold War struggle. The withdrawal from Vietnam became a symbol of American weakness—a weakness our adversaries would highlight for years—and an invitation to further aggression.Even after the pullout from Vietnam, President Ford pleaded with Congress to at least provide military aid to the anticommunists in the region so they could defend themselves. Those pleas, too, were rebuffed. As such, the victory of the Viet Cong was accompanied by the rise of Communist forces in neighboring Laos and Cambodia.
* By the next day Kissinger had cooled down. After a meeting with the President, he said, “Don, I want you to know that I believe you handled the matter last night just right. . . . We would have ended up in a pissing match within the government, and we don’t need that.” He concluded saying, “I owed you that and wanted you to know it.” Kissinger could be a fierce bureaucratic battler, but he also was a man of integrity who would admit when he had erred.
Excerpted from "Known and Unknown"
Copyright © 2011 Donald Rumsfeld.
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Table of Contents
Author's Note xiii
Part I Lessons in Terror 1
Chapter 1 Smiling Death 9
Chapter 2 Into the Swamp 17
Part II An American, Chicago Born 35
Chapter 3 The Last of Spring 40
Chapter 4 The Longest of Long Shots 53
Part III The U.S. Congress: From Camelot to Quagmire 67
Chapter 5 "Here, Sir, the People Govern" 74
Chapter 6 Young Turks 91
Part IV In Nixon's Arena 105
Chapter 7 1968: Year of Turmoil 110
Chapter 8 The Job That Couldn't Be Done 119
Chapter 9 Counsellor 130
Chapter 10 NATO and Nixon's Fall 147
Part V Javelin Catcher: Inside the Ford White House 161
Chapter 11 Restoring Trust 165
Chapter 12 A Rocky Start 176
Chapter 13 An Agonizing Reappraisal 192
Part VI Fighting the Cold War 203
Chapter 14 Unfinished Business 207
Chapter 15 Turning On the Lights 213
Chapter 16 Hold the SALT: Tension over Détente 222
Chapter 17 The 1976 Defeat 233
Part VII Back to Reality 241
Chapter 18 Searle's Sweet Success 245
Chapter 19 From Malaise to Morning in America 258
Chapter 20 Our Rural Period, Interrupted 267
Part VIII Leaning Forward 277
Chapter 21 Here We Go Again 284
Chapter 22 Dogs Don't Bark at Parked Cars 290
Chapter 23 Bears in the Woods 305
Chapter 24 The National Security Council 316
Chapter 25 The Agony of Surprise 331
Chapter 26 War President 349
Part IX Into the Graveyard of Empires 363
Chapter 27 Special Operations 367
Chapter 28 Little Birds in a Nest 379
Chapter 29 Kabul Falls, Karzai Rises 395
Part X Saddam's Miscalculation 411
Chapter 30 Out of the Box 416
Chapter 31 The Case for Regime Change 425
Chapter 32 A Failure of Diplomacy 443
Chapter 33 Exit the Butcher of Baghdad 459
Part XI The Occupation of Iraq 471
Chapter 34 Catastrophic Success 479
Chapter 35 Mission Accomplished? 493
Chapter 36 Too Many Hands on the Steering Wheel 508
Chapter 37 Liberation from the Occupation 524
Part XII Wartime Detention 543
Chapter 38 The Least Worst Place 554
Chapter 39 The Twentieth Hijacker 574
Chapter 40 Law in a Time of War 587
Chapter 41 The Road Not Traveled 601
Part XIII Pulling On Our Boots: Challenges and Controversies Beyond the War Zones 611
Chapter 42 Katrina and the Challenge of New Institutions 616
Chapter 43 Gardening 627
Chapter 44 The Army We Had 645
Part XIV The Long, Hard Slog 657
Chapter 45 Hands Off the Bicycle Seat 661
Chapter 46 The Dead Enders 671
Chapter 47 Eyes on Afghanistan 681
Chapter 48 Iraq's Summer of Violence 692
Chapter 49 Farewells 704
Chapter 50 After Tides and Hurricanes
List of Acronyms 731
List of Illustrations 733
What People are Saying About This
"I would heartily recommend it. I don't think anybody could go buy a book written by anybody who has been more intimately involved, closer to power, for as many years, has been through as much, has known all of the power players as you have. It is amazing." --(Rush Limbaugh (interview transcript)/2/8/2001)
"The battle is joined. After a long silence, Donald Rumsfeld opened both barrels Tuesday, releasing his memoir, Known and Unknown . Early leaks of the book's defiant take on his life, times, and conduct of the Iraq War drew howls from some of the targets of his score-settling…But Rumsfeld battles on, taking his unapologetic account to the public."--( John Barry/Newsweek-The Daily Beast/2/8/2011)
"I would heartily recommend it. I don't think anybody could go buy a book written by anybody who has been more intimately involved, closer to power, for as many years, has been through as much, has known all of the power players as you have. It is amazing."
-Rush Limbaugh (interview transcript)/2/8/2001
"Readers might be appreciative to find themselves in possession of a serious memoir, more in keeping with the older Washington tradition of Dean Acheson or Henry Kissinger. As might the historians."
-Kimberly Strassel/Wall Street Journal/2/8/2011
"The battle is joined. After a long silence, Donald Rumsfeld opened both barrels Tuesday, releasing his memoir, Known and Unknown . Early leaks of the book's defiant take on his life, times, and conduct of the Iraq War drew howls from some of the targets of his score-settling...But Rumsfeld battles on, taking his unapologetic account to the public."
-John Barry/Newsweek-The Daily Beast/2/8/2011
"The book places the reader in Rumsfeld's chair and is a serious stab at telling the history of a consequential period in America through the eyes of one of its most consequential players. It will be an important addition to the history of our time."
-Peter Baker (New York Times White House correspondent)/Foreign Policy/2/9/2011
Rumsfeld "describes the highs and lows of a long and dramatic career and discloses some behind the scenes details that may shock you."
-Sean Hannity (interview transcript)/2/9/2011
"Known and Unknown is a meaty, well-written book that will be a primary source for historians...this power memoir deserves to be read with the care that went into writing it."
"'Dismissive' is a word often used to describe Rumsfeld, but 'dismissive' perfectly describes his critics, who are unwilling or unable to re-examine their own assumptions in the light of new or overlooked information and fresh perspective provided by Rumsfeld, in his exceedingly well-documented work. With its hundreds of annotations and supplementary documents, Known and Unknown is a significant contribution to the historical record. It is, as Rumsfeld once noted about similar memoirs, 'only from one perspective,' but it's a unique and valuable perspective, a serious work that deserves consideration by any serious student of recent history."
-Jamie McIntyre (former CNN Pentagon correspondent)/Line of Departure/2/10/2011
"It is a terrific book...Let me tell you something, it is absolutely fascinating. He's very blunt in talking about people and issues and so forth, you'll really enjoy it, in my humble opinion."
-Mark Levin (interview transcript)/2/10/2011
"It is a terrific book…Let me tell you something, it is absolutely fascinating. He's very blunt in talking about people and issues and so forth, you'll really enjoy it, in my humble opinion." --(Mark Levin (interview transcript)/2/10/2011)
Most Helpful Customer Reviews
Sadly I have no idea if Don Rumsfeld's book is great or garbage. All but one of 21 reviews is a complaint about the eBook price! As a veteran Nook owner, I TOTALLY agree with the other "reviewers" -- when the hard cover of a new release is less expensive than the eBook version, that's just assine. I'll wait for sanity to prevail to buy the electronic version, or I'll sign up on the library waiting list. I'm stopping my annual membership with B&N since no discounts ever apply to ebooks either; what's the point? Come on B&N, wise up. You insult the intelligence of your eCustomers. The unit cost for an eBook is miniscule, quit trying to gore the ox here!
"known and unknown" is very hard to put down gives a great perspective on the war on terror. donald rumsfeld was at george w bushs side during 911 whean america faced its toughest challenges this intresting cabinate member gives intresting insights into some of the most historic figures who have shaped world history and world affairs I have found this to be a very intresting memoir rumsfeld has served with many presidents and world leaders lots of fasinating and intresting details. great gift idea for a friend or family member.
I am sooooo disappointed with the price of nookbooks. I like using my nook but will go back to buying the hard copy at Amazon since they are usually less expensive than nookbooks.
I have complained several times about the NOOK Prices. Too high. They have less expense with Nook yet charge us more. Higher prices, less sales. DonCole
Watch out people! This version is ONLY readable on the color nook!! I just purchased for use on my iPad nook reader and it won't even download. This is unacceptable!
Have been anxious to read this book, but at $20, have no interest - very dissapointed that my Nook is unable to provide the inherent cost savings associated with technology. Since Review requires a Rating, can only give one star as hve not yet read the book.
Very disappointed in the price. I can do better at a wholesale store. A book on Nook saves so much. Where is the user's discount on this one? Sad Sherry
It very hard to put down. It gives a great perspective on the war on terror. Donald Rumsfeld was at President George W Bushs side during 911 when America faced some really tough challenges. He tells us first hand what went on in the White House During these trying times. Great book...
Want to buy - price is too high for Nook edition. No printing, paper, shipping, or profit to brick and mortar store. Why is the price so high? Makes me sorry I bought a Nook.
Those who have a point of view, positive or negative, about the actions and events of which he was a part, owe it to themselves to "hear" Rumsfeld's point of view. He gives enough of who said what to whom to satisfy the voyeur in us or to fuel our righteous instincts about who we thought were the "bad guys" or to generate some screeching about how he has selected memos or events to support his view and memory to the disadvantage of others. Rumsfeld's stated purpose is to contribute to history so that we are not doomed to repeat what we should not and to help with a better understanding of how things really do work in the government -- at least the parts in which he toiled -- so that we can participate in or advocate improvement. Rumsfeld succeeds in these goals; but I would have liked a lot more elucidation of his views and conclusions. For example, as shown here the history of the American media's contribution to understanding our international challenges and involvements is bleak and a dangerous problem for a population as parochial as we are. Similarly, as this books documents, the history of results when Congress has taken it upon itself to direct how and what we should do overseas is pretty discouraging. The Army went through much soul-searching after the Vietnam war demonstrated its terrible inadequacies and rebuilt itself to what may have been one of the best-managed organizations in the world (some of this encapsulated in the book "Hope is Not A Method"). But Rumsfeld, almost despite himself, reveals that it is yet again unable to see the changing nature of the world and the inadequacies and mistakes of structure and weapons which would be completely wrong for tomorrow's conflict. Is there a solution for this or is it a fatal flaw of a military environment? Of course, the big kahuna issue here is how does and should the President get his information, vet his options, and communicate his philosophies and orders. Some will focus on Rumsfeld's fairly specific criticisms of the Nast approach; but he is also critical of the Haldeman-Kissinger model. For this reader the most scathing revelations are the inadequacies of the State Department. Apparently, we were unable to meet our commitments in Afghanistan and Irag in many areas because our State Department employees didn't want to go to nasty, dangerous places and the leadership was unable or unwilling to tell their employees to go where they are needed to get another job. Maybe there is a connection to the fact that, if Rumsfeld is accurate, the State Department (and Congress) has been on the wrong side of about every decision and position in the middle east for the past 20 years or so. This thought-provoking book is a good contribution to understanding what we are asking our public officials to do; to assessing how well they are doing it; and, importantly, to helping us be less susceptible to the growing culture of partisanship and disinformation malcontents and critics of any given approach are taking.
"Known and Unknown" is a FASCINATING and WELL WRITTEN account of Rumsfeld's journey through the political world of the past five decades. His accounts of personal relationships and interactions with players on the world stage are intriguing. I found his viewpoints enlightening, his opinions strong but balanced, and his Realpolitik view of the political realities of the world refreshing and comforting. One of the things I liked best about the book, and I suspect I'd like about the man, is that presidents and others are best served by someone who isn't afraid to tell them the unvarnished truth as he sees it. He comes across as the man one would expect--straightforward, no nonsense, and a man of integrity. This country is fortunate to have had him on the political scene for as long as we did.
Don't be influenced by the number of pages - the last 200+ are reference notes and captioned pictures. This book reflects involvement in public service across numerous administrations. It includes his time as a Congressman from Illinois, US rep to NATO, two stints as Secretary of Defense, chief of staff to President Ford, and several positons. Rumsfeld names names. Much is covered about the tensions between State(Powell & Rice) and Defense, State and the NSC (Rice), and how all that played with our engagements in 2 wars. While lengthy, I found this book a good read for the most part. There are numerous pictures that would have been better viewed in color, and perhaps in a larger format.
Many thanks to Secretary Rumsfeld for giving us outsiders a glimpse into the challenges of the highly-complex position of Secretary of Defense. I can't think of a better man to have had at that position while our country took a stand against radical Islamic fundamentalists. In the closing pages of the book, Secretary Rumsfeld warns our country that we'd better take a much harder stance against the insidious threat that radicalism "rooted in Islam" poses to the freedoms that we so cherish.
first of all this book is 800 pages long so for you cheap skates complaining about the price, well thats why it costs more...... its the length of 4 books!!!!!! grow up! this is not the place to complain about prices for gods sake!. having said that you will love this book and not be able to put it down. you will have a better understanding of the things he grappled with during his tenure.
The book comes to life with the addition of many sections of pictures which help the reader to put faces/names/events together. This book encompasses a myriad of administrations and provides some provocative thought on the actions of our elected.
And while I don't like the idea of a criminal profitting from his crimes, I did find the book interesting and well-written. I should have borrowed, rather than buy it. But like it or not Rummy is a part of US History. And thus his observations and words are important.
Overpriced. By A LOT! Unfortunately this is becoming a trend I hear from NC owners all over the web. Barnes and Noble has a truly impressive offering and yet it's most definitely going to fail in the long run if they keep doing things the way they have been. People expect a certain amount of savings when purchasing digital versions of normally printed products.
All memoirs are self serving to some extent, and this memoir is no different, but it is no worse than most. Rumsfeld's descriptions of his early experiences are set in black and white with little or shallow analysis. But he does portray himself as a liberal Republican in the beginning, and certainly many conservatives agree with that portrayal. Although there is a lot to take issue with in this memoir, there are a lot of good points that are made, especially those points that relate to the structure of the government, how decisions are made, and how the lack of certain systems and organization hampers the ability of the United States to carry out military missions in a timely, and professional manner. His criticisms of President Bush and others in the administrations that he served in are muted, but they are underlying. I am reminded of Secretary of State Robert McNamara when I read Rumsfeld, and it seems as if Rumsfeld fell into the same traps. I struggled to get though this book at times, but I am still recommending it.
Given the unmitigated disaster that was the Bush administration, it is a difficult task for those in positions of responsibility to write a memoir. Condi Rice took the Wittgenstein approach of not writing about her years in office. George W. Bush followed the Peter Pan strategy of having authored a work of fiction. Donald Rumsfeld chose the "Communist revolution can only be failed" model of the good Republican foot soldier: Mistakes were made, if one can call them mistakes - and the US Democrats would have made them too and anyone who disagrees with me wants the terrorists to win. The most curious aspect is Rumsfeld positioning himself as a (passive) bystander ( known as the "only his horse was in the SA" defense in the case of Austrian Nazi and UN secretary general Waldheim). Time and again, in contrast to the corroborated narrative Rumsfeld says to have had only a marginal input in the decision-making such as the troop level for the Iraq invasion. He assumes that his readers won't have the knowledge to see through the deliberate misrepresentations in this memoir. Some people can be fooled again and again.Rumsfeld banks heavily on the truth about Mill's famous quip about conservatives and stupidity.I found Rumsfeld's message of his memoir best summed up in the following phrase of his: "President Obama¿s latter-day support of these decisions is evidence that on most of the big questions regarding our enemies, George W. Bush and his administration got it right." This a very dangerous message. Firstly, the Bush administration did not get it right. In a reality-based world, it got it outrageously wrong in practically all fields of government and the world will suffer from their hidden time bombs for years to come. Pelosi's and Obama's refusal to investigate these crimes and scandals as well as to prosecute the perpetrators does in no way diminish the fact that crimes were committed. Secondly, the policy of the Obama administration of continuing these failed policies not only makes them junior partners in crime, it perpetuates and normalizes illegal behavior. As the Bradley Manning case shows, a bit of torture is the new modus operandi of the Corporate States of America.In contrast to George W. Bush, who has no compunction to lie, Donald Rumsfeld uses an indirect strategy to present a dishonest picture of his actions. Most of the time, he fails to include relevant and pertinent information. A typical example. Rumsfeld writes "In 2010, Iraq had the twelfth fastest growing economy in the world." His source for that statement is a forecast of a website called economywatch.com, in whose own table of sources the growth rate of Iraq is conspicuously missing while its blog post still stands.The CIA World Factbook, not exactly known for deviating from the Washington consensus, lists Iraq at the 44th position (The truth is that 2010 was a miserable year for most market economies. As in the quest for WMD, cherry-picking data to dress up a rotten case is still Rumsfeld's game. Perhaps Nixon's request to Rumsfeld to run CREEP was not so far off the mark.Rumsfeld also likes to call on erroneous witnesses, rat on co-defendants ("Powell/Rice/Clinton did/believed it too") and to present false dichotomies. There are a vast number of very ugly sentences in this book, in which Rumsfeld accuses people who disagree with him to root for the terrorists. Rumsfeld displays a penchant for dictators and strongmen who share his goals and a distaste for the discussion that is normal in vibrant democracies. Unfortunately, only a visit to Den Haag will force Donald Rumsfeld to truly examine and acknowledge the devastation his actions and inactions have caused. It is quite strange that Rumsfeld mentions, for instance, that the US suffered from a shortage of Vietnamese speakers in the Vietnam War but is somehow unable to acknowledge that the lack of Arabic speakers crippled the Iraqi occupation (made worse by the DADT folly of firing countless gay translat
An interesting story of Rumsfeld's years- mostly in politics. He gives the inside story on some of the snakes in the various administrations over the years. I highly recommend