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The Rise of Thomas Cromwell: Power and Politics in the Reign of Henry VIII, 1485-1534

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Overview

How much does the Thomas Cromwell of popular novels and television series resemble the real Cromwell? This meticulous study of Cromwell’s early political career expands and revises what has been understood concerning the life and talents of Henry VIII’s chief minister. Michael Everett provides a new and enlightening account of Cromwell’s rise to power, his influence on the king, his role in the Reformation, and his impact on the future of the nation.

Controversially, Everett depicts Cromwell not as the fervent evangelical, Machiavellian politician, or revolutionary administrator that earlier historians have perceived. Instead he reveals Cromwell as a highly capable and efficient servant of the Crown, rising to power not by masterminding Henry VIII’s split with Rome but rather by dint of exceptional skills as an administrator.

Product Details

ISBN-13:	9780300207422
Publisher:	Yale University Press
Publication date:	06/09/2015
Pages:	376
Product dimensions:	6.30(w) x 9.30(h) x 1.60(d)

About the Author

Michael Everett gained a PhD at the University of Southampton where he is now a visiting fellow. He currently works at the House of Commons, London, and lives in Hampshire, UK.

Read an Excerpt

The Rise of Thomas Cromwell

Power and Politics in the Reign of Henry VIII

By Michael Everett

Yale UNIVERSITY PRESS

CHAPTER 1

LONDON LAWYER AND MERCHANT

Few historians have shown much interest in going beyond establishing a very basic sketch of Thomas Cromwell's life before he entered Henry VIII's service. Admittedly, such reluctance has been partially conditioned by the dearth of surviving sources. For much of Cromwell's youth, little more can be known than that which can be pieced together from the later accounts of several of his contemporaries or near contemporaries. The State Papers are also largely silent on Cromwell until about 1520. But after that date, when Cromwell was established as a lawyer and merchant living in London, the evidence for his activities becomes much more abundant. Overlooking these years misses a whole series of activities that were significant steps in Cromwell's rise to power. Equally important, to neglect this period is to obscure aspects of Cromwell's life that are particularly pertinent if he is to be understood in a more accurate light. It has long been recognised that a background in law was an increasing feature of many Crown servants during this period. Since the mid-fifteenth century, common lawyers had gradually been replacing clerics in the great departments of state, and the impact that this had on the Crown's ability to interpret its rights in law, thereby strengthening royal government, is well known. But just how typical was Cromwell as a lawyer who would carve out a position for himself at the centre of power? And how did his careers in both the legal and mercantile professions shape his outlook and beliefs? Exploring Cromwell's early life and pre-ministerial careers is crucial, not only to explain the trajectory of his rise, but also to place him within a broader context of legally minded Crown servants.

Early Years

A problem faced by any historian or biographer of Thomas Cromwell is that there is very little evidence for his earliest life. It is not even clear, for example, exactly when Cromwell was born, although 1485 is the date usually given. More certain is that he was born in Putney, a parish which then comprised some 1,239 acres, and which formed part of the manor of Wimbledon. Situated on the north-east bank of the River Thames, four miles from Hyde Park Corner, Putney was already something of a 'commuter belt' for London. A ferry had existed there since at least the Norman Conquest, and most travel to and from the capital was by boat. Because of this, Putney had become a notable wool depot, with merchants from London coming up the river to purchase wool for sale aboard. Its proximity to the capital also perhaps explains why several notable sixteenth-century statesmen can be linked to it. Besides Cromwell, the parish was also the birthplace of Nicholas West, bishop of Ely, who until his death in 1533 was prominent under Henry VIII. More significant, perhaps, were the efforts of two royal ministers who both built up considerable land holdings there: Cromwell himself would secure Wimbledon Manor from Henry VIII in 1536 as part of the landed endowment which accompanied his elevation to baron; and William Cecil would later acquire the same manor from the Crown in the 1560s.

Cromwell's family had been settled in Putney since around 1461, and his father, Walter, was a blacksmith, cloth-shearer and 'berebruer' there. Walter Cromwell was evidently something of an unruly man, appearing in the court rolls for the manor of Wimbledon over ninety times, often for various offences. On forty-six occasions he was fined sixpence for breaking the assize of ale, that is, for selling freshly brewed beer before it was tasted and passed fit for drinking by the parish ale-taster. In 1477 Walter had also been fined 20d for assaulting and drawing blood from one William Mitchell, while in 1513 he had also 'falsely and fraudulently erased the evidences and terriers of the lord, in divers particulars, to the disturbance and disinheritance of the lord and his tenants'. Despite such misdemeanours, Walter Cromwell was a man of reasonable prosperity. By 1480 he held two virgates of land in Putney, and to this was added a further six virgates of copyhold land (about 90 acres) granted to him by Archbishop Morton, the lord of Wimbledon Manor, in 1500. In 1495 and 1496 Walter was also elected as constable of Putney.

Much less is known about Cromwell's mother. She was the aunt of a man called Nicholas Glossop, of Wirksworth in Derbyshire, and probably married Walter Cromwell around 1474. Together they would have three surviving children. Katherine, the eldest, would marry a Welshman named Morgan Williams, who was a member of a prominent family in Putney. Their other daughter, Elizabeth, married a sheep farmer by the name of Wellyfed. Thomas was their only surviving son, and he would later tell the Imperial ambassador (somewhat improbably) that his mother had been fifty-two years old when he was born. Two further members of the Cromwell family are also worth mentioning briefly. An uncle of Cromwell would become a cook to the archbishop of Canterbury, William Warham, while Cromwell's cousin, Robert, would become vicar of Battersea, and served for a time as Cardinal Wolsey's head of works.

It seems likely that Cromwell was somewhat troublesome during his earliest life. When describing the minister in 1535, the Imperial ambassador Eustace Chapuys claimed that he had been 'an ill conditioned scapegrace' in his youth, and this is corroborated by Cromwell himself, who would later tell Archbishop Cranmer that he had been a 'ruffine ... in hys young dayes'. The Italian novelist Matteo Bandello suggested that Cromwell had quarrelled with his father, and that it was this that prompted him to leave England. Chapuys, by contrast, claimed instead that Cromwell was 'thrown in prison' for 'some offence' and was 'obliged afterwards to leave the country'.

Irrespective of exactly why Cromwell chose to leave England, it is clear that he did indeed spend time on the Continent during the 1500s. He can be placed in Italy on several occasions. A somewhat dubious claim by Bandello is that Cromwell served as a mercenary with the French at the Battle of Garigliano, carrying a pike. If true, this would place him in Italy as early as December 1503. Following the battle, he allegedly encountered the merchant and banker Francesco Frescobaldi in Florence. Frescobaldi offered Cromwell hospitality, and provided him with sixteen gold ducats to aid his return to England.

Nevertheless, Cromwell was back in Italy in 1514. On 29 May he gave evidence at the papal Rota in a longstanding tithe dispute between the abbot of Stratford Langthorne and William Shragger, the vicar of West Ham. It has been suggested that while doing so Cromwell was part of Cardinal Bainbridge's entourage at Rome. The abbot on whose behalf Cromwell gave evidence was certainly supported by Bainbridge, and in June 1514 'Thomas Cromwell of London diocese' is recorded as having stayed at an English hospice in Rome where several of Bainbridge's men lodged, and which was also under the cardinal's protection. Nonetheless the only study of Bainbridge's familia in Rome fails to list Cromwell; and it seems much more likely that in 1514 he was there merely as a witness.

John Foxe records another visit to Rome, during which Cromwell encountered the pope while on a mission to renew a set of papal indulgences for the town of Boston, Lincolnshire. These indulgences had a long history dating back to 1401, and were renewed vigorously by the guild, who were proud of them and no doubt keen to maintain their lucrative potential. That they employed Cromwell for this purpose suggests that they were confident in his abilities. Evidently, their trust was well placed. According to Foxe, 'hauyng knowledge how the popes holy touth greatly delited in new fangled straunge delicates and dayntie dishes', Cromwell prepared certain 'fine dishes of gelly', and, with the help of three musicians singing pleasant songs, he waited for the pope to return from a hunting expedition. Marvelling at the strange sight and sounds, the pope stopped to sample the dishes that Cromwell had prepared. Liking them 'so well', the pontiff renewed the town's pardons there and then. Foxe suggested that this event occurred in 1510 but the Boston Guild's records, which confirm the overall veracity of the story, reveal that Cromwell was in Italy on its behalf in 1517 and 1518.

In addition to these adventures in Italy, Cromwell also spent time among the English merchants at Antwerp during the 1510s. Foxe claimed that Cromwell worked as a 'Clerke or Secretary' for them for a time, while a Chancery petition refers to Cromwell's presence 'at the towne of Andewarpe' in the company of several merchants 'abought the vth yere' of Henry VIII's reign, i.e. 1513–1514. George Elyot, a Calais mercer, also reminded Cromwell of the 'love & trew hart that [I] have gowtt vnto you sense the syngsson martt at medelborow' in 1512, suggesting that Cromwell had been there. These fragmented details are the only pieces of evidence for Cromwell's early life. It is difficult to know just what to make of them or what inferences can be convincingly drawn. Perhaps all one can say is that Cromwell was plainly well travelled in his younger days, had sharpened his business skills and probably acquired his ability to speak Latin, French and Italian during his time abroad.

At some point during his early life Cromwell returned to England and married Elizabeth Wykys, the daughter of a wealthy fuller. Chapuys suggests that Cromwell may then have spent some time serving his father-in-law. If so, this might explain how Cromwell soon established his own mercantile interests, which he also supplemented with a growing legal practice. In keeping with the elusive nature of Cromwell's earliest life, however, it is unclear exactly when he established these careers. That he was recorded as being 'of London diocese' when he stayed at the English hospice in Rome in 1514 certainly suggests that by that date he had settled in London. On the basis of the approximate age of Cromwell's son, Gregory (1516–1561), it has been suggested that his marriage to Elizabeth must have occurred before 1516. Cromwell's account book, which records various debts owed to him (although, frustratingly, not the business owed for) also begins in 1518, and therefore points to a more settled existence and occupation by that point.

Nevertheless, the first dateable evidence for Cromwell's legal activities is not found until 1520. Earlier examples of his legal work have been given by historians, but these merely indicate the problem in dating much of Cromwell's correspondence. The editors of Letters and Papers, for instance, placed a document relating to the ownership of Whitingham Manor, Buckinghamshire, bearing an endorsement by Cromwell, in 1512, making this both his earliest appearance in the State Papers and the earliest example of his legal work. The problem is that there is no indication when this document was drawn up; nor is it apparent why the editors ascribed it to 1512. It may well be of later date, and can hardly be taken as conclusive proof of Cromwell's legal work in that year. Similarly, a case before the Court of Requests and a Chancery petition corrected by Cromwell have also been taken as evidence of his early legal activities. The matter before the Court of Requests, however, is not connected to Cromwell at all (and in any case dates to 1530), while the Chancery petition, although relating to a crime committed in 1516, offers nothing on when the litigation itself had been commenced. It was not unusual for litigation to be initiated several years after an alleged crime took place. Any proposed date for this petition is therefore conjectural.

It is not until 1520 that a legal dispute involving Cromwell can be dated with any certainty. In that year he can be shown working for the prioress of Cheshunt, Hertfordshire, in a case that initially came before the consistory court of the bishop of London, but which was eventually appealed to Rome. There can be little doubt, however, that Cromwell was present in England and operating in a legal and mercantile capacity before that date. After all, it seems unlikely that he could have learned the peculiarities of English common law while abroad in Rome and Flanders, so he must surely have been present before then to acquire the necessary legal knowledge to enable him to work as a lawyer. On this point it might be significant that a document turned up during the course of the research for this book provides a piece of previously unknown information about Cromwell's early life, with potential implications for his legal career. This is a writ to the sheriffs of London, dated 23 January 1516, instructing them to certify all that they have pertaining to matters sued before them against Thomas Cromwell. The sheriffs, William Bayly and Henry Warley (their names date the document to Henry VIII's reign), then replied that before the arrival of this writ Cromwell had been arrested in the city and imprisoned in their custody by virtue of a certain plea sued against him by Alice Reynold, widow, for a debt of £4. What could be significant is that Cromwell is described as 'gentleman' in these documents. This was a designation which members of the legal profession used very often, although obviously not all gentlemen were lawyers. The attribution of the term 'gentleman' to Cromwell in this context could be taken to imply that by 1516 he was a member of the legal profession, and possibly studying at an Inn of Court or Chancery. Unfortunately, it is by no means convincing proof, and given that these years of Cromwell's life are so poorly documented, all that can be safely said is that by 1520 he was married, settled in England, and had established himself at the heart of London's legal and mercantile communities. It is to his work and activities in both these professions that this chapter must now turn.

London Lawyer

When Cromwell finally entered the king's service in 1530, he belonged to the professional group from which an increasing number of Crown servants had been drawn since the fifteenth century: the common lawyers. Men like Thomas Lovell, Richard Empson, Edmund Dudley, Thomas More and Thomas Audeley, to mention only a few, were all royal servants with a background in this profession. Legal training was a common and useful quality for a royal minister. But just how typical was Cromwell, as a lawyer who would eventually enter the royal service?

Sixteenth-century England was a highly litigious society, and the law influenced or touched virtually every aspect of people's lives. Because of its 'universal relevance', many people practised law in a variety of environments. There were men, usually formally trained, who worked and pleaded in the principal courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, Exchequer and Chancery at Westminster. The common lawyers who populated these institutions had normally studied at one of the Inns of Court or Chancery, where they undertook the study of writs, readings and debating, all of which characterised life in the Inns during the sixteenth century.

But the number of lawyers who practised in the Westminster courts was relatively small, perhaps as low as 400. There were also people throughout the realm who worked and operated in provincial, town, manorial and ecclesiastical courts. Those working in these environments also had some grounding in the law, yet comprised a more diverse group of legal practitioners. They might include stewards, bailiffs, court-holders, town clerks and scriveners, among others. Some of these men, like their senior counterparts at Westminster, might have obtained a formal legal education at an Inn before returning to their localities. Others were instead self-taught, and had never attended an Inn. The Cheshire gentleman Humphrey Newton was one man who possessed no proper legal training but still built up a respectable practice providing counsel and arbitration in Cheshire, as well as holding several manorial courts as steward. Similarly, John Smalbroke of Yardly, Worcestershire, was a weaver, yeoman, 'hostrekeper', 'rentgaderer', under-bailiff and receiver, while John Boleler, gentleman, was town clerk of Coventry, clerk of the peace and clerk of the Crown in Worcestershire. These men were engaged in legal work and offices throughout the country, yet possessed varying degrees of legal expertise.

All this makes defining a 'typical' sixteenth-century lawyer exceedingly difficult. Indeed, some have even questioned whether it is possible to talk of a single legal profession at all during this period, given the diversity of work that was undertaken and the wide range of people who undertook it. More convincing, however, is the suggestion that this heterogeneous group of legal men can be broadly described as working within one profession. At the most basic level, all practitioners were required to operate within the same common law framework. Those who had attended an Inn had also received a structured education that helped to impose the uniformity befitting a profession. But individuals who spent the majority of their time practising and earning a living from the law, irrespective of whether they were Westminster-based attorneys or self-taught men operating in the provinces, also surely warrant the term 'professional lawyer'. As Eric Ives has argued, while there was undoubtedly considerable difference between 'provisional court-keepers and stewards, and the judges and barristers at Westminster ... it is impossible to draw a distinction between the two groups; they differed in degree, not in kind'.

(Continues...)

Excerpted from The Rise of Thomas Cromwell by Michael Everett. Copyright © 2015 Michael Everett. Excerpted by permission of Yale UNIVERSITY PRESS.
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