Agreement Beyond Phi

Agreement Beyond Phi

by Shigeru Miyagawa
Agreement Beyond Phi

Agreement Beyond Phi

by Shigeru Miyagawa

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Overview

An argument that agreement and agreementless languages are unified under an expanded view of grammatical features including both phi-features and certain discourse configurational features.

Much attention in theoretical linguistics in the generative and Minimalist traditions is concerned with issues directly or indirectly related to movement. The EPP (extended projection principle), introduced by Chomsky in 1981, appeared to coincide with morphological agreement, and agreement came to play a central role as the driver of movement and other narrow-syntax operations. In this book, Shigeru Miyagawa continues his investigation into a computational equivalent for agreement in agreementless languages such as Japanese.

Miyagawa extends his theory of Strong Uniformity, introduced in his earlier book, Why Agree? Why Move? Unifying Agreement-Based and Discourse-Configurational Languages (MIT Press). He argues that agreement and agreementless languages are unified under an expanded view of grammatical features including both phi-features and discourse configurational features of topic and focus. He looks at various combinations of these two grammatical features across a number of languages and phenomena, including allocutive agreement, root phenomena, topicalization, “why” questions, and case alternation.


Product Details

ISBN-13: 9780262533324
Publisher: MIT Press
Publication date: 03/24/2017
Series: Linguistic Inquiry Monographs , #75
Pages: 246
Product dimensions: 5.90(w) x 8.90(h) x 0.60(d)
Age Range: 18 Years

About the Author

Shigeru Miyagawa is Professor of Linguistics and Kochi-Manjiro Professor of Japanese Language and Culture at MIT. He is the author of Why Agree? Why Move? Unifying Agreement-Based and Discourse-Configurational Languages (MIT Press).

Table of Contents

Series Foreword xi

Preface xiii

1 Introduction: Strong Uniformity 1

1.1 Introduction 1

1.2 Strong Uniformity: An Instantiation of the Uniformity Principle 2

1.2.1 Examples of Typology Based on Strong Uniformity 3

1.2.1.1 δ-Feature al T 5

1.2.1.2 Agreement at C: Dinka 9

1.3 Outline of the Monograph 10

2.1 Agreement at C: Japanese 19

2.2 Allocutive Agreement 22

2.2.1 Politeness Marking in Japanese as Allocutive Agreement 26

2.2.2 Further Evidence for the Speech Act Projection: Jingpo and Newari 30

2.2.2.1 Jingpo 30

2.2.2.2 Newari 32

2.3 Two Counterexamples 34

2.4 Root Phenomena 36

2.4.1 Attitudinal and Style Adverbs in English 42

2.4.2 The Relative Clause: Another Root 44

2.5 Types of Topicalization 45

2.6 Topicalization and Relative Clauses 53

2.7 Conclusion 55

3 Pro-Drop, E-Type Pronouns, and Agreement 57

3.1 Introduction 57

3.2 Agreement in Chinese 61

3.2.1 Anaphor Binding and Blocking 64

3.2.2 Subject pro in Chinese 68

3.2.3 Chinese Subject pro as a Weak Pronoun 73

3.2.4 On J. Huang's (1984) Generalized Control Rule 75

3.3 Malayalam 77

3.3.1 Binding of Taan 'Self/You' 77

3.3.2 Blocking 78

3.4 Toward a Unified Analysis 80

3.4.1 Unified Account Based on pro 81

3.4.2 Evidence That the Sloppy Interpretation Cannot Be Due to Argument Ellipsis 83

3.4.3 On Hoji (1998) 85

3.5 E-Type Pronouns and Agreement 86

3.6 Large-Scale Survey of Chinese and Japanese Speakers for Sloppy Interpretation 91

3.6.1 Japanese Study 92

3.6.2 Chinese Study 95

3.7 Anaphoric Binding in Japanese and POV 98

3.8 Conclusion 102

4 On the Distribution and Structure of 'Why' 105

4.1 Introduction 105

4.2 'Why' as a Base-Generated Wh-Adjunct 107

4.2.1 A Gap in the Paradigm 107

4.3 Three Observations about Naze 'Why' 111

4.4 'Why' Moves (Shlonsky and Soare 2011) 114

4.4.1 Problem for the External-Merge Hypothesis: 'Why' Apparently Always Moves 115

4.4.2 Evidence from Chinese for 'Why' Movement 118

4.5 The Structure of 'Why' 119

4.6 Anti-Superiority and the Structure of 'Why' 121

4.7 Evidence That Naze Can Occur Low in the Structure 124

4.8 The Two-Tier Movement Analysis of 'Why' 127

4.8.1 Why Chinese Does Not Have the Two-Tier Movement of 'Why' 132

4.9 Use of 'What' for 'Why' 134

4.9.1 'What' Adjunct Questions in Japanese 135

4.10 On the Double-0 Constraint and the Nani-o 'What' Construction 140

4.10.1 Double-0 Constraint 142

4.10.2 Surface DOC, Deep DOC 144

4.10.3 Nani-o and the DOC 146

4.11 Conclusion 148

5 Ga/No Conversion, Strong Uniformity, and Focus 149

5.1 Introduction 149

5.2 Miyagawa (2013) 150

5.3 D-Licensing of the Genitive Case 151

5.4 A Different Kind of Genitive: Genitive of Dependent Tense 154

5.4.1 Dependent Tense and the Genitive 156

5.5 Strong Uniformity and Scrambling 160

5.6 Focus and Genitive 163

5.6.1 Focus at ν 165

5.7 Activation of the δ-Feature 166

5.7.1 Focus and Case (Miyagawa, Nishioka, and Zeijlstra 2016) 168

5.7.2 Ga/No Conversion, Focus, and Case Agreement 174

5.7.3 Ga/No Conversion and Focus on Internal Arguments 175

5.8 Ga/No Conversion and Interpretation 177

5.9 Conclusion 179

6 Concluding Remarks 181

Notes 183

References 193

Name Index 213

Subject Index 217

What People are Saying About This

Liliane Haegeman

This book is an enrichment of formal syntax: the author widens the empirical domain under examination by including not only data from lesser-known languages but also phenomena that have often been set aside as being outside of the domain of syntax. Among other things, as part of a tradition initiated by Ann Banfield and J. R. Ross and recently updated by Virginia Hill, Miyagawa opens up formal syntax to include discourse-related phenomena and thus contributes to the building of a new research agenda.

Johan Rooryck

This book provides an impressive extension of Strong Uniformity: in 'agreementless' languages, principles of agreement apply to discourse configurational δ-features as they do to Φ-features in agreement languages. Analyzing languages as varied as Basque, Chinese, Japanese, Jingpo, and Newari, Shigeru Miyagawa makes an elegant and compelling case for this exciting perspective.

Endorsement

This book provides an impressive extension of Strong Uniformity: in 'agreementless' languages, principles of agreement apply to discourse configurational d-features as they do to F-features in agreement languages. Analyzing languages as varied as Basque, Chinese, Japanese, Jingpo, and Newari, Shigeru Miyagawa makes an elegant and compelling case for this exciting perspective.

Johan Rooryck, Professor of French Linguistics, Leiden University; coauthor of Dissolving Binding Theory

From the Publisher

This book is an enrichment of formal syntax: the author widens the empirical domain under examination by including not only data from lesser-known languages but also phenomena that have often been set aside as being outside of the domain of syntax. Among other things, as part of a tradition initiated by Ann Banfield and J. R. Ross and recently updated by Virginia Hill, Miyagawa opens up formal syntax to include discourse-related phenomena and thus contributes to the building of a new research agenda.

Liliane Haegeman, Full Professor, Department of Linguistics, Ghent University; author of Adverbial Clauses, Main Clause Phenomena, and the Composition of the Left Periphery

This book provides an impressive extension of Strong Uniformity: in 'agreementless' languages, principles of agreement apply to discourse configurational d-features as they do to F-features in agreement languages. Analyzing languages as varied as Basque, Chinese, Japanese, Jingpo, and Newari, Shigeru Miyagawa makes an elegant and compelling case for this exciting perspective.

Johan Rooryck, Professor of French Linguistics, Leiden University; coauthor of Dissolving Binding Theory

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