Essays on Civil Disobedience: Henry David Thoreau, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., Bertrand Russell, Aung San Suu Kyi & Nadezhda Tolokonnikova
192
Essays on Civil Disobedience: Henry David Thoreau, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., Bertrand Russell, Aung San Suu Kyi & Nadezhda Tolokonnikova
192Paperback(First Edition, First)
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Overview
Additional selections include Leo Tolstoy's denouncement of capital punishment, "I Cannot Be Silent"; Bertrand Russell's "Civil Disobedience and the Threat of Nuclear Warfare"; and "Love, Law, and Civil Disobedience" and "Letter from Birmingham City Jail" by Martin Luther King, Jr. Other contributors include William Lloyd Garrison, Albert Einstein, and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Editor Bob Blaisdell provides an informative Introduction.
Product Details
| ISBN-13: | 9780486793818 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | Dover Publications |
| Publication date: | 05/18/2016 |
| Series: | Dover Thrift Editions: Literary Collections |
| Edition description: | First Edition, First |
| Pages: | 192 |
| Product dimensions: | 4.90(w) x 7.80(h) x 0.70(d) |
About the Author
Read an Excerpt
Essays on Civil Disobedience
By Bob Blaisdell
Dover Publications, Inc.
Copyright © 2016 Dover Publications, Inc.All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-486-81203-8
CHAPTER 1
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON
The Declaration of Sentiments Adopted by the Peace Convention (1838)
The Liberator, Vol. VIII. No. 39 (September 28, 1838)
Best known for his brave and relentless campaign for the abolition of slavery in the United States, William Lloyd Garrison (1805–1879) also distinguished himself for his commitment to civil disobedience, or, in his terms, "nonresistance." Not only as an author but as a speaker, noted one of his contemporaries, he delivered "a rain of fire." The Peace Convention was a national political group committed to pacifism and based in Boston; "The Declaration of Sentiments Adopted by the Peace Convention" was published in Garrison's abolitionist newspaper, The Liberator, on September 28, 1838. The Russian novelist and peace activist Leo Tolstoy was inspired by Garrison's life and writings and remarked, "Garrison understood that which the most advanced among the fighters against slavery did not understand: that the only irrefutable argument against slavery is the denial of the right of any man over the liberty of another under any conditions whatsoever." Tolstoy concluded, "Therefore Garrison will forever remain one of the greatest reformers and promoters of true human progress."
Assembled in convention, from various sections of the American Union, for the promotion of peace on earth and good-will among men, we, the undersigned, regard it as due to ourselves, to the cause which we love, to the country in which we live, and to the world, to publish a declaration, expressive of the principles we cherish, the purposes we aim to accomplish, and the measures we shall adopt to carry forward the work of peaceful, universal reformation.
We cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human government; neither can we oppose any such government by a resort to physical force. We recognize but one King and Lawgiver, one Judge and Ruler of mankind. We are bound by the laws of a kingdom which is not of this world; the subjects of which are forbidden to fight; in which Mercy and Truth are met together, and Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other; which has no state lines, no national partitions, no geographical boundaries; in which there is no distinction of rank, or division of caste, or inequality of sex; the officers of which are Peace, its extractors Righteousness, its walls Salvation, and its gates Praise ; and which is destined to break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms.
Our country is the world, our countrymen are all mankind. We love the land of our nativity only as we love all other lands. The interests, rights, liberties of American citizens are no more dear to us than are those of the whole human race. Hence, we can allow no appeal to patriotism, to revenge any national insult or injury. The Prince of Peace, under whose stainless banner we rally, came not to destroy, but to save, even the worst of enemies. He has left us an example, that we should follow his steps. God commandeth his love toward us, in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us.
We conceive, that if a nation has no right to defend itself against foreign enemies, or to punish its invaders, no individual possesses that right in his own case. The unit cannot be of greater importance than the aggregate. If one man may take life, to obtain or defend his rights, the same license must necessarily be granted to communities, states, and nations. If he may use a dagger or a pistol, they may employ cannon, bomb-shells, land and naval forces. The means of self-preservation must be in proportion to the magnitude of interests at stake and the number of lives exposed to destruction. But if a rapacious and bloodthirsty soldiery, thronging these shores from abroad, with intent to commit rapine and destroy life, may not be resisted by the people or magistracy, then ought no resistance to be offered to domestic troublers of the public peace or of private security. No obligation can rest upon Americans to regard foreigners as more sacred in their persons than themselves, or to give them a monopoly of wrong-doing with impunity.
The dogma, that all the governments of the world are approvingly ordained of God, and that the powers that be in the United States, in Russia, in Turkey, are in accordance with his will, is not less absurd than impious. It makes the impartial Author of human freedom and equality, unequal and tyrannical. It cannot be affirmed that the powers that be, in any nation, are actuated by the spirit or guided by the example of Christ, in the treatment of enemies; therefore, they cannot be agreeable to the will of God, and therefore, their overthrow, by a spiritual regeneration of their subjects, is inevitable.
We register our testimony, not only against all wars, whether offensive or defensive, but all prepations for war; against every naval ship, every arsenal, every fortification; against the militia system and a standing army; against all military chieftains and soldiers; against all monuments commemorative of victory over a fallen foe, all trophies won in battle, all celebrations in honor of military or naval exploits; against all appropriations for the defence of a nation by force and arms, on the part of any legislative body; against every edict of government requiring of its subjects military service. Hence, we deem it unlawful to bear arms, or to hold a military office.
As every human government is upheld by physical strength, and its laws are enforced virtually at the point of the bayonet, we cannot hold any office which imposes upon its incumbent the obligation to compel men to do right, on pain of imprisonent or death. We therefore voluntarily exclude ourselves from every legislative and judicial body, and repudiate all human politics, worldly honors, and stations of authority. If we cannot occupy a seat in the legislature or on the bench, neither can we elect others to act as our substitutes in any such capacity.
It follows, that we cannot sue any man at law, to compel him by force to restore anything which he may have wrongfully taken from us or others; but if he has seized our coat, we shall surrender up our cloak, rather than subject him to punishment.
We believe that the penal code of the old covenant, An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, has been abrogated by Jesus Christ; and that, under the new covenant, the forgiveness instead of the punishment of enemies has been enjoined upon all his disciples, in all cases whatsoever. To extort money from his enemies, or set them upon a pillory, or cast them into prison, or hang them upon a gallows, is obviously not to forgive, but to take retribution. Vengeance is mine — I will repay, saith the Lord.
The history of mankind is crowded with evidence proving that physical coercion is not adapted to moral regeneration; that the sinful disposition of men can be subdued only by love; that evil can be exterminated from earth only by goodness; that it is not safe to rely on an arm of flesh, upon a man whose breath is in his nostrils, to preserve us from harm; that there is great security in being gentle, harmless, long-suffering, and abundant in mercy; that it is only the meek who shall inherit the earth, for the violent who resort to the sword are destined to perish with the sword. Hence, as a measure of sound policy — of safety to property, life, and liberty — of public quietude and private enjoyment — as well as on the ground of allegiance to Him who is King of kings and Lord of lords, we cordially adopt the non-resistance principle; being confident that it provides for all possible consequences, will ensure all things needful to us, is armed with omnipotent power, and must ultimately triumph over every assailing force.
We advocate no jacobinical doctrine. The spirit of jacobinism is the spirit of retaliation, violence, and murder. It neither fears God nor regards man. We would be filled with the spirit of Christ. If we abide by our principles, it is impossible for us to be disorderly or plot treason, or participate in any evil work; we shall submit to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake; obey all the requirements of Government, except such as we deem contrary to the commands of the gospel; and in no case resist the operation of the law, except by meekly submitting to the penalty of disobedience.
But, while we shall adhere to the doctrine of non-resistance and passive submission to enemies, we purpose, in a moral and spiritual sense, to speak and act boldly in the cause of God; to assail iniquity, in high places and in low places; to apply our principles to all existing civil, political, legal, and ecclesiastical institutions; and to hasten the time when the kingdoms of this world will have become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ, and he shall reign for ever.
It appears to us a self-evident truth, that, whatever the gospel is designed to destroy at any period of the world, being contrary to it, ought now to be abandoned. If, then, the time is predicted when swords shall be beaten into ploughshares, and spears into pruning-hooks, and men shall not learn the art of war any more, it follows that all who manufacture, sell or wield these deadly weapons, do thus array themselves against the peaceful dominion of the Son of God on earth.
Having thus briefly, but frankly, stated our principles and purposes, we proceed to specify the measures we propose to adopt, in carrying our object into effect.
We expect to prevail through the foolishness of preaching — striving to commend ourselves unto every man's conscience, in the sight of God. From the press, we shall promulgate our sentiments as widely as practicable. We shall endeavour to secure the cooperation of all persons, of whatever name or sect. The triumphant progress of the cause of Temperance and Abolition in our land, through the instrumentality of benevolent and voluntary associations, encourages us to combine our own means and efforts for the promotion of a still greater cause. Hence, we shall employ lecturers, circulate tracts and publications, form societies, and petition our State and national governments, in relation to the subject of Universal Peace. It will be our leading object to devise ways and means for effecting a radical change in the views, feelings, and practices of society, respecting the sinfulness of war and the treatment of enemies.
In entering upon the great work before us, we are not unmindful that, in its prosecution, we may be called to test our sincerity, even as in a fiery ordeal. It may subject us to insult, outrage, suffering, yea, even death itself. We anticipate no small amount of misconception, misrepresentation, calumny. Tumults may arise against us. The ongodly and violent, the pround and pharisaical, the ambitious and tyrannical, principalities and powers, and spiritual wickedness in high places, may combine to crush us. So they treated the Messiah, whose example we are humbly striving to imitate. If we suffer with him, we know that we shall reign with him. We shall not be so afraid of their terror, neither be troubled. Our confidence is in the Lord Almighty, not in man. Having withdrawn from human protection, what can sustain us but that faith which overcomes the world? We shall not think it strange concerning the fiery trial which is to try us, as though some strange thing had happened unto us; but rejoice, inasmuch as we are partakers of Christ's sufferings. Wherefore, we commit the keeping of our souls to God, in well-doing, as unto the faithful Creator. For every one that forsakes houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for Christ's sake, shall receive a hundred fold, and shall inherit everlasting life.
Firmly relying upon the certain and universal triumph of the sentiments contained in this declaration, however formidable may be the opposition arrayed against them — in solemn testimony of our faith in their divine origin — we hereby affix our signatures to it; commending it to the reason and conscience of mankind, giving ourselves no anxiety as to what may befall us, and resolving in the strength of the Lord God calmly and meekly to abide the issue.
CHAPTER 2ADIN BALLOU
Non-Resistance in Relation to Human Governments (1839)
First Annual Meeting, Non-Resistance Society, Boston (September 25, 1839)
Adin Ballou (1803–1890) was a reverend who founded the utopian community at Hopedale in Massachusetts. There is less fierceness in Ballou's passionate writing than in Garrison's; he was equally insistent, however, in declaring his commitment to non-resistance and that its first and vital practitioner was Jesus Christ: "Hence he made himself the great Exemplar of non-resistants; and 'when he was reviled, reviled not again; when he suffered, he threatened not; but committed himself to Him that judgeth righteously'; enduring every insult, reproach, cruelty, and torture of his enemies with unprovokable patience and unconquerable love; forgiving his most deadly persecutors, and expiring with a prayer upon his lips for their salvation. Thus he overcame evil with good and, leaving behind him the Alexanders and Caesars of this world in their base murderous glory, earned for himself a name which is above every name, whether in this world or that to come ..." In advocating the conscientious use of civil disobedience (not so-called by him) Ballou reflects: "The conclusion is therefore unavoidable, that the will of man (human government) — whether in one, a thousand, or many millions — has no intrinsic authority, no moral supremacy, and no rightful claim to the allegiance of man. It has no original, inherent authority whatsoever over the conscience."
Friend President — "Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." I feel that the Spirit of the Lord is in this meeting, and that all who participate in its discussions are at liberty to express their convictions and peculiar views in their own way, without fear of offending each other. We are of various religious connections, and have not only different opinions on many points, but different modes of thought and expression. Be it so, since we come together in love, for the consideration and promotion of that grand virtue of Christianity without which all others become practically unfruitful.
For my own part, I am not only not offended at hearing opinions and ideas expressed here contrary in some respects to my own, but I am happy to hear them delivered with that freedom and independence which evinces the absence of even a suspicion that anyone can take offence. This is a sure presage of the triumph of truth over all our errors, whatever they may be, or whoever may hold them.
My views of the subject presented in the resolution just submitted may not entirely coincide with those of my friends; but I offer them frankly, expecting that they will be accepted or rejected, as each individual may judge that they deserve.
I perceive with joy that a divine instinct, if so I may term it, actuates my brethren and sisters of this convention in favor of non-resistance. This instinct is as strong and true as the needle to the pole, while at the same time few of us clearly understand how a non-resistant should carry out his principles, especially with respect to human government. The heart is right, though the head may err. "We love the blessed principle of non-resistance, though perhaps we are not sufficiently acute and discriminating, either to state or defend it always correctly. Hence we are not to be argued down by polemic ingenuity and eloquence; which, however confounding, are yet unconvincing that on the whole we are not right. If I can contribute anything towards a better understanding of this important subject, so as to obviate any of its seeming difficulties, I shall deem myself happy in the privilege of being for a few moments a speaker.
(Continues...)
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Table of Contents
Contents
William Lloyd Garrison,The Declaration of Sentiments Adopted by the Peace Convention (1838), 1,
Adin Ballou,
Non-Resistance in Relation to Human Governments (1839), 6,
Henry David Thoreau,
Civil Disobedience (1849), 22,
Slavery in Massachusetts (1854), 43,
Leo Tolstoy,
"Repent Ye, for the Kingdom of Heaven Is at Hand" (1893), 57,
Two Wars (1898), 66,
"Notes for Officers" (1901), 71,
"I Cannot Be Silent" (1908), 78,
Mahatma Gandhi,
The Theory and Practice of Satyagraha (1914), 92,
Ahmedabad (1919), 95,
Satyagraha (Noncooperation) (1920), 99,
Limitations of Satyagraha (1927), 110,
On the Eve of the March (1930), 112,
Message to the Nation (1930), 115,
Albert Einstein,
The "Two Percent" Speech (1930), 117,
Martin Luther King, Jr.,
Love, Law, and Civil Disobedience (1961), 120,
Letter from Birmingham City Jail (1963), 132,
Bertrand Russell,
Civil Disobedience and the Threat of Nuclear Warfare (1963), 149,
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn,
Live Not By Lies (1974), 156,
Aung San Suu Kyi,
Freedom from Fear (1991), 162,
Nadezhda Tolokonnikova (Pussy Riot),
"Words Will Break Cement" (2012), 167,