Mao's China and the Cold War / Edition 1 available in Paperback, eBook
- ISBN-10:
- 0807849324
- ISBN-13:
- 9780807849323
- Pub. Date:
- 06/25/2001
- Publisher:
- The University of North Carolina Press
- ISBN-10:
- 0807849324
- ISBN-13:
- 9780807849323
- Pub. Date:
- 06/25/2001
- Publisher:
- The University of North Carolina Press
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Overview
Product Details
ISBN-13: | 9780807849323 |
---|---|
Publisher: | The University of North Carolina Press |
Publication date: | 06/25/2001 |
Series: | New Cold War History |
Edition description: | 1 |
Pages: | 416 |
Product dimensions: | 6.12(w) x 9.25(h) x 0.93(d) |
About the Author
Read an Excerpt
Introduction
The last decade of the twentieth century witnessed sensational developments in the study of the international history of the Cold War one of the century's most important events. With the collapse of the former Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, for the first time scholars have been able to study the entire duration of the Cold War from the post-Cold War vantage point. In the meantime, new opportunities to access previously unavailable documents, especially from the Cold War's "other side," have allowed scholars to develop new theses and perspectives supported by multiarchival/multisource research. As a result, a "new" Cold War history to borrow a term from historian John Lewis Gaddis came into being.[1]
The study of China's Cold War history has made significant progress since the late 1980s. There was a time when China scholars in the West had to travel to Hong Kong or Taiwan, relying upon contemporary newspapers and Western intelligence information, to study Beijing's policies. Since the mid-1980s, the flowering of the "reform and opening" era in China has resulted in a more flexible political and academic environment compared with Mao's times, leading to a relaxation of the extremely rigid criteria for releasing party documents. Consequently, a large quantity of fresh and meaningful historical materials, including party documents, former leaders' works and memoirs, and oral histories, have been made available to Cold War historians. To be sure, with a Communist regime remaining in Beijing (no matter how quasi it actually is today), China still has a long way to go before "free academic inquiry" becomes a reality, but the contribution of China's documentary opening to the study of the Chinese Cold War experience cannot be underestimated.[2]
Since the early 1990s, I have traveled to China more than a dozen times to do research, conduct interviews, and attend scholarly conferences. This volume is the product of these trips. In writing this book, I have been directed by two primary purposes. The first is to make new inquiries about China's Cold War experience using the new documentation. Indeed, this is an everlasting process. If readers compare the five previously published chapters in this volume with their earlier versions, they will find that all have been substantially revised with the support of insights gained from documentation now available. While each chapter in this volume represents an independent case study, together they form a comprehensive narrative history about China and the Cold War.
My second purpose is to reinterpret a series of fundamental issues crucial to understanding the global Cold War in general and China's Cold War history in particular. My main objectives, concerning three interlocking themes, are to comprehend China's position in the Cold War; to (re)interpret the role ideology played during the period; and to assess Mao's revolution and to analyze Mao's China's patterns of external behavior. I outline these themes below and have tried to integrate them into the narrative of the chapters that follow.
China's Position in the Cold War
The Cold War was characterized by the tension between the two contending superpowers the United States and the Soviet Union. Yet the position of Mao's China in the Cold War, in many key respects, was not peripheral but central. The observation made by political scientists Andrew J. Nathan and Robert S. Ross certainly makes good sense: "During the Cold War, China was the only major country that stood at the intersection of the two superpower camps, a target of influence and enmity for both."[3]
China's leverage in the Cold War was primarily determined by its enormous size. With the largest population and occupying the third largest territory in the world, China was a factor that neither superpower could ignore. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, when Mao's China entered a strategic alliance with the Soviet Union, the United States immediately felt seriously threatened. Facing offensives by Communist states and revolutionary/radical nationalist forces in East Asia, Washington, with the creation and implementation of the NSC-68, responded with the most extensive peacetime mobilization of national resources in American history.[4] In its efforts to "roll back" the Soviet/Communist threat, the United States became involved in the Korean War and the Vietnam War, overextending itself in a global confrontation with the Soviet/Communist camp. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the situation reversed completely following China's split with the Soviet Union and rapprochement with the United States. As a result of having to confront the West and China simultaneously, the Soviet Union overextended its strength, which contributed significantly to the final collapse of the Soviet empire in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
China's leverage in the Cold War, though, went far beyond changing the balance of power between the two superpowers. The emergence of Mao's China as a unique revolutionary country in the late 1940s (discussed more extensively below) also altered the orientation of the Cold War by shifting its actual focal point from Europe to East Asia. This shift, as it turned out, would make East Asia the main battlefield of the Cold War, while, at the same time, would help the Cold War to remain "cold."
When the Chinese Communist revolution achieved nationwide victory in 1949, the global Cold War was at a crucial juncture. Two important events the 1948-49 Berlin blockade and the Soviet Union's first successful test of an atomic bomb in August 1949 combined to pose a serious challenge to the two superpowers. If either tried to gain a strategic upper hand against the other and if a showdown were to occur in Europe, where the dividing line between the two contending camps already had been drawn in a definitive manner the Cold War could have evolved into a global catastrophe, one that might have involved the use of nuclear weapons. Against this backdrop, Moscow's vision turned to East Asia.[5]
In June-August 1949, on the eve of the victory of the Chinese Communist revolution, the number two leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Liu Shaoqi, secretly visited Moscow to meet with Joseph Stalin. The two leaders concluded that a "revolutionary situation" now existed in East Asia. In an agreement on "division of labor" between the Chinese and Soviet Communists for waging the world revolution, they decided that while the Soviet Union would remain the center of international proletarian revolution, China's primary duty would be the promotion of the "Eastern revolution."[6]
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments | ix | |
Abbreviations | xi | |
Introduction | 1 | |
Chapter 1 | The Chinese Civil War and the Rise of the Cold War in East Asia, 1945-1946 | 17 |
Chapter 2 | The Myth of America's Lost Chance in China | 38 |
Chapter 3 | Mao's Continuous Revolution and the Rise and Demise of the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1963 | 49 |
Chapter 4 | China's Strategies to End the Korean War, 1950-1953 | 85 |
Chapter 5 | China and the First Indochina War, 1950-1954 | 118 |
Chapter 6 | Beijing and the Polish and Hungarian Crises of 1956 | 145 |
Chapter 7 | Beijing and the Taiwan Strait Crisis of 1958 | 163 |
Chapter 8 | China's Involvement in the Vietnam War, 1964-1969 | 205 |
Chapter 9 | The Sino-American Rapprochement, 1969-1972 | 238 |
Epilogue: The Legacies of China's Cold War Experience | 277 | |
Notes | 285 | |
Bibliographic Essay | 373 | |
Index | 387 |
What People are Saying About This
A major contribution to our understanding of Chinese Cold War history. Chen Jian's unrivaled control of the new and plentiful Chinese source materials is evident throughout, as an inspiration to other scholars in the field."—Odd Arne Westad, London School of Economics