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CHAPTER 1
Antonio López de Santa Anna
Napoleon of the West
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"FATE HAS DESIRED THAT my history be the history of Mexico since 1821." These words, spoken in the nineteenth century by Antonio López de Santa Anna, accurately describe his role in Mexican history from the 1820s to the 1850s. He was in and out of the office of president numerous times, often exercised command of the Mexican army, and had a major impact on his homeland. Because Texas was so closely tied to Mexico during that era, Santa Anna also helped to shape the fate of the future Lone Star State.
When Mexico declared independence from Spain in 1821, Texas was part of the new nation. Just fifteen years later, Texans successfully fought for their own independence and created a republic that was annexed to the United States in the mid-1840s. Annexation helped trigger a war between the United States and Mexico, which had refused to recognize Texas's independence. In 1848, a defeated Mexico surrendered claims to the Lone Star State, along with significant additional territory. Although Santa Anna spent little time on Texas soil, he played a critical role in all of these events. In the process, he became one of the most despised figures in Texas history.
What did the self-proclaimed "Napoleon of the West," who modeled himself on the French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, do to earn the hatred of so many Anglo and Mexican Texans of his generation? Why in the twenty-first century do so many people on both sides of the border still curse Santa Anna's name? Does he deserve the negative image with which he has been portrayed in books and movies? An examination of Santa Anna's life provides insights into these and other questions about arguably the most important Mexican in the history of nineteenth-century Texas.
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Antonio López de Santa Anna was born to Manuela Pérez de Lebrón in Jalapa, Vera Cruz, Mexico, in 1794, and given his father's name. The family was criollo, Spaniards claiming to be pure blooded but born in the New World, which conferred favored status. Nevertheless, top positions in the Americas were reserved for peninsulares, those of pure blood born in Spain. Criollos not only enjoyed fewer opportunities but also were viewed as less trustworthy by the Spanish Crown. During Antonio's youth, the Spanish empire was the scene of growing unrest with criollos resenting their second-class status, and other groups disaffected by centuries of exploitation by Spaniards, regardless of their birthplace.
Events in the mother country ignited the flames of rebellion in the early 1800s, when Napoleon Bonaparte of France placed his brother Joseph on the Spanish throne. Loyal Spaniards revolted in both the mother country and the American empire to restore the crown to King Ferdinand VII, whom they considered the legitimate monarch. The American rebellions became complicated by internal power struggles, as some criollos began to talk of independence. Coming to manhood during these turbulent times, Santa Anna faced a difficult decision. Should he defend Spanish rule as a royalist or join the insurgents in their resistance? Demonstrating loyalty to the mother country, the young criollo chose a military career. In 1810, the same year that an unsuccessful uprising headed by Father Miguel Hidalgo erupted in Mexico, sixteen-year-old Santa Anna joined the Spanish army at Vera Cruz as a "gentleman cadet" in a prestigious regiment. Wounded in action in 1811, he was commended for his valor. Promotions followed. By age eighteen with eight military encounters to his credit, the young man attained the rank of lieutenant.
In 1812, the Spanish province of Texas was invaded by filibusters (military adventurers) calling themselves the Republican Army of the North. The leaders were an unlikely pair: Mexican liberal Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara and former United States military officer, Augustus Magee. The Republican Army managed to conquer the province, and Gutíerrez de Lara declared its independence in 1813. Commandant General Joaquín de Arredondo, under whom Santa Anna served, assumed the mandate of crushing the invaders and became known as "The Butcher" in the process. On August 18, 1813, Arredondo's royalist forces defeated the invaders at the Battle of Medina River, the bloodiest engagement in Texas history. Thirteen of every fourteen rebels were killed during the fighting or executed after being taken prisoner.
Arredondo faulted Texans for not opposing the filibuster movement. At San Antonio de Béxar he executed forty men as suspected insurgents or collaborators. Women and children fared little better with eight dying as a result of mistreatment and others left homeless. Young Santa Anna considered the Butcher's brutal tactics to be an effective response to insurrection. Given the opportunity, he, too, would show no mercy to his enemies. Santa Anna also emerged from this campaign convinced that "the accursed Americans" were not very capable fighters, a miscalculation that would cost him and Mexico dearly in later years.
Another miscalculation was forging the signatures of his superiors, including General Arredondo, to help cover gambling debts. Although Santa Anna made restitution, his reputation suffered. Nevertheless, the young man was captivated by military life, began to wear his hair in the style of Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte of France, and similarly preferred to ride a white horse. Contemporaries described don Antonio as "impulsive, quarrelsome, courageous, disobedient, energetic, despotic, talented, impetuous, arrogant, and good looking." His ego was fed by honors from the Crown, including "the Shield of Honor and Certificate of the Royal and Distinguished Order of Isabella the Catholic." In 1821, Santa Anna, while still in his twenties, achieved the rank of brevet lieutenant colonel.
That year, another royalist officer, Agustín de Iturbide, betrayed Spain by allying with rebel leader Vicente Guerrero to declare Mexican independence under the Plan of Iguala, which offered something to everyone. The proposed new nation would be governed under a constitutional monarchy; only the Roman Catholic faith would be allowed; and no one "would be discriminated against or persecuted on the grounds that they were Spaniards, castas [mixed race], or Indians." The movement held special appeal for criollos because of turbulent events in Spain that had undermined faith in legitimate authority of the monarch to rule and imposed significant reforms threatening to Mexican conservatives. Iturbide skillfully gained support from Catholic Church leaders, military officers, and large landowners, among others.
Santa Anna cast his lot with the insurrectionists, possibly tempted by the offers of promotion to brigadier general and command at Vera Cruz; however, he later insisted that patriotism motivated his decision. Regardless, his support proved critical to the rebels, "because he was their most effective field commander along the critical route between Vera Cruz and Jalapa." By the early 1820s the young officer was only one of many former royalists who determined that "independence was a viable and desirable option." This would prove the first, but certainly not the last, time that Santa Anna would change allegiance, at least in part to serve his own agenda.
Although initially honored by Iturbide, Santa Anna did not receive the expected promotion and was soon replaced as governor of Vera Cruz. Alienating his subordinate proved a serious miscalculation on Iturbide's part but was only one of many problems plaguing the infant nation. Mexico's economy was in shambles, the political system was unstable, and most people were uneducated and poor. Over time the independence movement splintered into factions with "internal struggles between liberals and conservatives, between republicans and monarchists, between federalists and centralists" that would plague the young nation. Serious divisions existed even within these groups, and their "political ideas — including those of Santa Anna and his supporters — evolved over the years as conditions changed." After three centuries of absolutist rule by Spanish monarchs, Mexicans seemed ill-prepared for self-government.
As individuals and groups vied for power, Iturbide emerged as emperor in 1822, and Santa Anna threatened to resign his commission unless given military and political command at Vera Cruz. The emperor granted those appointments, as well as a promotion to brigadier general. Santa Anna consequently pledged his support to "immortal Iturbide as Emperor." Less than six months later, a distrustful Iturbide removed don Antonio from command. As for the new brigadier general, Santa Anna was increasingly disillusioned by Iturbide's absolutist rule.
Late in 1822, Santa Anna issued the Plan of Vera Cruz, which called for the drafting of a constitution based on the principles of religion, independence, and union. (In this case, religion meant that only the Catholic faith would be tolerated, continuing the practice of the colonial period.) Iturbide threw powerful military forces against the insurgents, and by year's end, the rebel cause was in jeopardy until the Plan of Casa Mata reversed the situation. Issued by others, the new pronouncement received support from Santa Anna, led to the overthrow of the empire, and forced Iturbide to abdicate in March of 1823. Significantly, don Antonio insisted "that he was ... 'the first to proclaim the Republic.'"
This began an unfortunate pattern in which an existing Mexican government would be overthrown through military force. The stage was set for trouble, and trouble was what Mexico experienced for most of nineteenth century. Suffering from civil wars and foreign invasions, the country desperately needed good leadership. For better or worse, what it got was Antonio López de Santa Anna. Only twenty-nine years old in 1823, "he was little more than just another ambitious high-ranking officer at the time." Nevertheless, he would soon gain dominance.
After brief service in Yucatán, Santa Anna returned to Vera Cruz. In 1825, he entered into marriage by proxy with fourteen-year-old Inés García, who came from an affluent Spanish family. "Interested in the financial benefits of the alliance," he used her dowry to acquire a landed estate called Manga de Clavo (Clove Spike) that became "a launching pad for revolutions and a refuge" when needed. She managed the estate during don Antonio's absences, and the couple had several children before doña Inés died in her early thirties. Meanwhile, Santa Anna increased his holdings in Vera Cruz and became a major employer in the region. Gambling and cockfighting were among his preferred distractions, as were having amorous affairs and fathering illegitimate children.
Although based in Vera Cruz, Santa Anna did not lose sight of national affairs. Unhappy with the outcome of a presidential election in the late 1820s, he joined with others to place someone more to their liking in the executive office. As a reward, the new president promoted Santa Anna to General of Division, the highest rank in the Mexican army. The caudillo (strong man) was also restored as acting governor and military commander of Vera Cruz. That command was soon tested. A long-feared Spanish invasion came in July 1829, with the new general demonstrating impressive abilities to organize local forces, acquire necessary funds, and gather needed supplies. Aided by an epidemic that weakened Spanish forces, Santa Anna received their surrender at Tampico, a victory that forced Spain to accept the reality of Mexican independence. Hailed as a hero, he was credited with "saving the honor of the nation." Don Antonio was transformed "into a living legend."
When Conservatives seized control in 1830, Santa Anna recognized the new government. However, when Centralist domination triggered Federalist revolts, he organized an army to support the insurrection. Victory virtually guaranteed that the hero of Tampico would be elected president in 1833, "although he was below the required age for the office." Rules, constitutional or otherwise, meant little to him, as would become evident. Indeed, the traditional view of the Napoleon of the West is that of an "opportunistic turncoat who changed sides according to necessity." He would be in and out of office many times, and his ability to rebound after failure proved truly remarkable. He became the strong man of Mexican politics for decades. Accordingly, some historians have labeled the period of Mexican history from the 1820s to the 1850s as the Age of Santa Anna.
While Santa Anna was on the ascent in Mexico, significant events were occurring on that country's northern frontier. For centuries Spanish Texas had remained sparsely populated with limited appeal for colonists living to the south. Also, the filibuster invasions of the early 1800s, combined with Joaquín de Arredondo's brutal retaliation, had proven particularly devastating. By 1821, the province "had a non-Indian population of less than 3,000 — fewer than the 3,103 reported in the first census of 1777."
During the last decades of the Spanish empire, settlers from the United States had begun illegally infiltrating into East Texas. By adopting a policy allowing for legal immigration, leaders of the newly independent Mexican nation hoped to gain control over the newcomers, while also promoting progress and productivity in the borderlands. Settlers who agreed to become Mexican citizens and Roman Catholics could receive large land grants at low cost with arrangements usually handled by colonization agents, called empresarios. By far, the most effective of these was Stephen F. Austin of the Missouri Territory, who brought hundreds and hundreds of Anglo families into Texas in the 1820s and 1830s.
Indeed, Anglo-American colonization proved too successful from Mexico's perspective. By the late 1820s officials faced the reality that Anglos greatly outnumbered Mexicans in Texas. Most of these immigrants came from the Southern United States, where the economy relied heavily on cotton agriculture and slave labor. Slave owners brought their human property with them, even though black servitude was under attack in Mexico. The new settlers, called Texians, differed from the Tejanos (Mexican Texans) in significant ways. Anglo Americans had a different appearance, language, attitudes, religious beliefs, and historical experience. Significantly, these white colonists considered themselves superior to the darker-skinned inhabitants of Texas whom they viewed as less civilized. Also, Texas's geographical isolation prevented the immigrants from having to assimilate to the degree expected, which alarmed the Mexican government.
Ironically, steps to gain greater control over Texas had the opposite effect. In 1829, President Vicente Guerrero issued an order "declaring immediate emancipation everywhere in the republic." Opposition by Stephen F. Austin and others to the proclamation prevented its enforcement in Texas. However, legislation aimed at stopping further Anglo-American immigration, as well as the introduction of more slaves into Texas, became law on April 6, 1830. Colonists were also upset by increased Mexican military presence in their midst and the government's intent to collect import duties on trade. In 1832, some Texans rebelled against a specific official for allegedly abusing his power, but Mexican officials feared that the revolt was a precursor to independence.
Civil war was consuming the heartland of Mexico, as previously noted. In 1832, Texians declared their support for the Federalists, who advocated a republican form of government under the Mexican Constitution of 1824 — the cause for which Santa Anna was fighting. Following the overthrow of the Centralist government, don Antonio was elected president in March 1833. Optimistic Texans prepared a new petition that addressed critical issues such as their desire for separate statehood. Under Mexico's Constitution of 1824, Texas and Coahuila had been combined as a single state. Frustrated at having minimal representation in a distant capital, the petitioners drafted a proposed state constitution. They also asked for renewed Anglo-American immigration. (See Chapter 2 for more detailed information about the creation of the state of Coahuila-Texas.)
In April 1833, Stephen F. Austin headed to Mexico City with the petition, but Santa Anna was absent when the empresario arrived. Rather than taking the oath of office, the Mexican leader had instructed his extremist Vice-President Valentín Gómez Farías to assume power. The caudillo himself "did not actually serve as president for more than a few months" from 1833–1836. This began a pattern by the Napoleon of the West of being elected or imposed as president but spending little time in office. While desiring power, he seemingly did not enjoy the day-today details of running the country. As a man of action, Santa Anna preferred "to be leading his soldiers into battle rather than waiting idly among the comforts of Mexico City."
(Continues…)
Excerpted from "From Santa Anna To Selena"
by .
Copyright © 2018 Harriett Denise Joseph.
Excerpted by permission of University of North Texas Press.
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