From Protest to Challenge, Vol. 1: A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1964: Protest and Hope, 1882-1934
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From Protest to Challenge, Vol. 1: A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1964: Protest and Hope, 1882-1934
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| ISBN-13: | 9780817918934 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | Hoover Institution Press |
| Publication date: | 09/01/2013 |
| Sold by: | Barnes & Noble |
| Format: | eBook |
| Pages: | 378 |
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From Protest to Challenge
A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa 1882-1964
By Thomas Karis, Gwendolen M. Carter
Hoover Institution Press
Copyright © 1972 Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior UniversityAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-8179-1893-4
CHAPTER 1
PART ONE
African Politics and the Pre-Union Political Order, 1882 — 1909
Introduction
Under the impact of expanding white power, African society in southern Africa was forcibly and radically reshaped in the course of the nineteenth century and the early years of the twentieth century. White political authorities established hegemony over African tribal groupings and also created political, economic, and social institutions that affected all Africans, rural or urban, illiterate or educated. In the matrix of this imposed system of white-dominated racial coexistence, new patterns of African politics began to emerge which reflected a broad spectrum of viewpoints ranging from rejection of the new system to wholehearted efforts to achieve desired goals through its processes.
In the Cape Colony in the south, the influence of British missionaries and their supporters in Britain and of a few Boers in the Colony spurred the introduction of liberal measures that had far- reaching consequences. In 1828, the Hottentots were assured legal rights equal to those possessed by whites; in 1834, slavery was abolished. In 1852, the grant of representative government, and in 1872, the further move to responsible government opened the possibility of full participation in politics by those Africans and Coloured who could meet nonracial property qualifications and, after 1892, educational tests.
Intermittent warfare with Africans to the east of Cape Colony (the last "Kaffir War" ended in 1878) was succeeded by the gradual extension of mission stations and British control. The Transkei, the largest and most consolidated of contemporary African reserves in South Africa and the first to be granted semiautonomous status as a Bantustan (late 1963), was incorporated into the Cape through a series of annexations stimulated by the settlers' land hunger, desire for frontier security, and trade. These annexations culminated in 1894 with the inclusion of Pondoland.
The strengthening of the mission stations and their growing educational institutions, particularly in the Ciskei and the Transkei, set in motion a powerful process whereby a significant number of Africans were Christianized and given a Western education. They were thus set apart from traditional African society and equipped to take up the promise of common citizenship in the Cape Colony as "civilized British subjects." It was the emergence of this small but visible new social group that brought to the fore new contentious questions about the implementation of the liberal ideal of a nonracial society.
The measures that heartened nonwhites antagonized substantial numbers of whites, especially the Boers, the descendants of the Dutch, Huguenot French, and German settlers who came to the Cape from 1652 onward. By the 1830s, thousands of Boers (later to be called Afrikaners) had begun the Great Trek to the north to escape what they regarded as "oppression" at the hands of the British, particularly British abolition of slavery and alleged failure to protect settlers on the eastern frontier. In the Boers' efforts to establish new states in which their strict white superiority system could be preserved, they came into direct and often bloody contact with African societies that previously had not felt the sustained direct thrust of organized white settlers. Overcoming African opposition and fending off intermittent British efforts at control, the Boer trek communities finally organized themselves into two republics, one in the Transvaal and the other in the Orange Free State. In both states it was clear and explicit that no Africans or other nonwhites could participate in politics. "Liberal" missionaries were not permitted to proselytize in the two republics. In addition, a network of restrictive laws further bound Africans to closely controlled positions of subordination without any of the promises of eventual African emancipation that marked the Cape Colony.
In Natal, the establishment of British control was hastened by fears that the trekking Boers might find an outlet to the sea through Zululand. African society, divided between the consolidated Zulu tribe and those whose unity and spirit had been shattered by the impact of Zulu power, was increasingly influenced by British colonial administration and missionary activity. As Natal, following the Cape, advanced to representative government (in 1856) and then to responsible government (in 1895), it was supposedly in tune with the Cape theory of a nonracial franchise. In practice, however, the Cape ideal was quickly distorted. The whites of Natal were fearful of being overwhelmed by the large African majority in the colony and by the rapidly growing Indian minority that already outnumbered the whites. They used their influence upon and eventual domination of the colonial government to foster edicts and laws that, in effect, barred nonwhites almost completely from any part in the government. Thus, white administrators, by strict insistence that Africans adhere to "Native Law," effectively prevented all but a few Africans from obtaining the vote.
Nonetheless, the intrusion of mission stations, particularly in the parts of Natal outside Zululand (which was not formally annexed until 1887), fostered the growth of a Christian Western-educated group among the Africans. Keenly aware of the greater opportunities open to Africans in the sister British colony of the Cape, this group sharply resented the effects of the restrictive practices of the settler-controlled colonial government of Natal. Thus, in the eyes of its educated Africans, Natal's "Native" policy was aligned to that of the two inland Boer republics of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State.
The discovery of diamonds at Kimberley in 1867 and of gold upon the Witwatersrand in 1886 marked the beginning of modern economic development. These new economic pressures combined with the policies of the white colonial and republican governments and the influence of the missionaries to wrench apart still further the fabric of African life. Simultaneously drawn by the promise of cash earnings and impelled by the necessity to pay new taxes levied by white governments, Africans in areas under white control migrated in increasing numbers out of the crowded African "reserves," the scattered areas left under African communal ownership by the advancing whites. They were joined by a smaller stream of migrants from regions to the north still substantially free from white authority. Some of the newcomers joined the many Africans, particularly in the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, who eked out a subsistence existence as tenants or squatters on white-owned farms. Yet more and more Africans clustered around the new white- dominated urban economic centers, where they became the unskilled core of the emerging South African proletariat or, in the case of a few, the first members of the miniscule and truncated African urban bourgeoisie.
Early African Political Activity
Against this broad backdrop, organized African political activity began to develop in the latter part of the nineteenth century. The new politics centered in the eastern Cape Colony where the well- established activities of various Christian mission churches and schools were furthering the emergence of a class of Africans who were attracted by the hope of full acceptance into a nonracial, Christian, "civilized" society at the same time that they were intimately aware of the hardships and disabilities under which the overwhelming majority of their people lived. Articulate not only in their native Xhosa but also in English, and as property holders or prospective property holders eligible to vote on an equal basis with whites, members of this group began actively to express themselves and to organize for representation of their interests and the interests of their people.
Impressed by white political solidarity, particularly on matters concerning racial issues, and disturbed by divisions along Christian denominational lines, a small group of Africans in the Transkei called on educated Africans in 1882 to form a political organization, Imbumba Yama Afrika. Expressly concerned with maintaining African unity so that African interests could be forcefully articulated, the Imbumba apparently met in periodic conferences to discuss matters affecting the African people and to plan representations to white authorities (Document 1). In 1884, Africans in the eastern Cape Colony formed two additional organizations, the Native Education Association and the Native Electoral Association. Both groups were concerned with electoral politics and larger issues affecting the African population. From the available evidence, however, it seems that the new organizations like the Imbumba led an irregular existence. Nevertheless, their founding marks an important first step in South Africa. Africans had come together in organizations of their own, modeled upon existing white pressure groups, to attempt to work with and through the institutions of the white-dominated colonial political system in order to achieve better representation of African interests.
African political journalism began in 1884 when John Tengo Jabavu, with white financial support, founded Imvo Zabantsundu (Native Opinion) in Kingwilliamstown. Its pages chronicled the range of concerns of the new African elite through the latter years of the nineteenth and into the twentieth century. Although Jabavu's editorial comment often reflected personal prejudices and petty concerns, he maintained a consistently high level of analysis which made his newspaper a forum for African interests in the Cape Colony. Already in 1887 Jabavu led the unsuccessful opposition to the Parliamentary Voters Registration Bill. This measure effectively denied tribal Africans the vote by defining qualifications for the franchise so as to exclude land occupied communally or tribally. Jabavu argued insistently that this restriction was contrary to the principles of proper representative government in the British tradition (Document 3). Thus, at the very start of African political journalism, as throughout the history of subsequent African protests, questions of the franchise were central.
That the concerns of Jabavu and his supporters were shared by some tribal leaders in the eastern Cape can be seen from the text of "The Humble Petition of the Native Inhabitants of the Location of Oxkraal in the District of Queenstown, Colony of the Cape of Good Hope" (Document 4). In most respectful terms, the ten signatories of the petition (only one of whom was able to write his own name) endorsed the benefits that they had received under British rule. Then, expressing their fears that the passage of the Parliamentary Voters Registration Bill of 1887 would give added power to the traditionally anti-African Boer population within the Cape Colony, they urged strongly that the British Crown intervene to prevent the final passage of the bill by the Parliament of the Cape Colony. Their pleas went unheeded; nevertheless, they indicated both the commitments of Africans to the provisions of the Cape system and their faith (regularly reiterated by Jabavu) that ultimately the "Imperial factor" would mitigate, if not thwart, anti-African legislation passed by the white minority governments in southern Africa.
In 1889, both Jabavu and the older tribally oriented Africans opposed new proposals to extend pass regulations, in some instances to registered voters. Jabavu promoted a deputation that traveled to Cape Town where it was politely received by the government. The deputation did not succeed in blocking the passage of the Vagrancy Act of 1889, but its performance evoked a favorable response from older Africans who endorsed the efforts of Jabavu and other educated Africans to represent their interests (Document 5).
Through Imvo, Jabavu also voiced opposition to many other discriminatory measures that subsequently became regular targets for African agitation. In the second issue of the newspaper, he urged a more lenient application of tax regulations to impoverished Africans on the land (Document 2). Subsequently, articles dealt with such issues as liquor laws pertaining exclusively to Africans, the web of regulations spun around urban Africans, and restrictive legislation aimed at Africans alone. Jabavu did not strongly oppose the Franchise and Ballot Act of 1892, however, which raised property qualifications and introduced educational requirements for the franchise (thereby also affecting rural poor whites). Probably his restraint was in deference to his white allies, J. W. Sauer and James Rose-Innes, who apparently worked from their positions in the cabinet to modify the measure slightly.
In 1894, Imvo was in the forefront of opposition to the Glen Grey Act (Document 6), which provided for a labor tax as well as limited individual land tenure and related local district councils. The latter provisions were restricted to the Glen Grey District of the Ciskei and the individual tenure to only a small portion of occupied land. Moreover, the land for which the title was given could not be counted toward the property qualification for the franchise for the Cape legislature. In Jabavu's view, the Glen Grey Act would not only bring hardships upon Africans, but by establishing separate institutions provided a dangerous model for future legislation affecting Africans throughout southern Africa. As a spokesman for African interests in the Cape's pre-Union period, Jabavu was consistent both in his insistence that he and all other qualified Africans possess the same rights as white voters and in his concern for a gradual but, as he hoped, irreversible advance of all Africans to the point where they could share his status as a "civilized British subject."
Jabavu carried his convictions into the sphere of practical politics. As a voter in the Cape Colony and editor of the most prominent African newspaper, at least until Izwi Labantu (Voice of the People) was established in 1898, Jabavu used his position and influence both to prod white politicians to be responsive to African demands and to persuade Africans to support those white politicians who gave promise of advancing African interests. It seems probable that as part of the opposition to the Parliamentary Voters Registration Bill of 1887 he linked up with elements from Imbumba Yama Afrika to create an informal organization of the same name that was periodically activated to send petitions and deputations to Cape Town to present the African position. The focus of Jabavu's activities, however, was on electoral politics in the Cape Colony, which he hoped to influence through the establishment of coordinated African support, either for a political party or for selected white parliamentarians who would work to improve the conditions of the African population. Jabavu's efforts brought him into contact not only with African voters, but also directly and indirectly with the leading white politicians of the Cape Colony. In addition, he maintained strong links through Imvo with the unenfranchised African majority, the source of new voters and the base of support for any potential African politician.
Jabavu's activities were paralleled by those of other members of the new African elite in the Cape Colony. Disagreements over tactics and policies, and often opposition to Jabavu's maneuverings, spurred the politicization of the small African electorate and the many who aspired to become a part of it. African voters not only developed informal organizations among themselves, but also linked with the unenfranchised African masses in their constituencies to whom they explained the issues of the day and from whom they received reactions in regard to candidates and policies. Africans were often divided in their allegiance to white candidates. Thus, on the periphery of the arena of white electoral politics, a significant group of Africans became involved in the political system of the Cape Colony.
Despite the African opposition led by Jabavu to the Glen Grey Act, its passage in 1894 opened new possibilities for limited political participation outside of Cape electoral politics, at first for the four Glen Grey Districts, and then gradually for all other districts in the Ciskei and the Transkei except the white farming district of Mount Currie. Legislation provided for the establishment of a local council in each magisterial district to which the provisions were extended. This council had limited jurisdiction over certain local matters, such as road building, agricultural improvements and other public works. Four of the six members of each council were elected by local African landowners and taxpayers; the other two members were appointed by the local white magistrate, who also acted as chairman of the council. When extended to Pondoland, the provisions were slightly modified in that only two members of the local district council were elected by landowners and taxpayers, and the other four members were appointed, two by the paramount chief and two by the white district magistrate. In practice, the councils concerned themselves not only with local affairs, but also with measures of interest to all Africans, in particular the franchise and representation. Although the council system provided separate institutions for Africans and was thus suspect to Jabavu, others viewed it as a first step to gradually expanding African participation in government.
(Continues...)
Excerpted from From Protest to Challenge by Thomas Karis, Gwendolen M. Carter. Copyright © 1972 Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. Excerpted by permission of Hoover Institution Press.
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Table of Contents
Contents
Preface
The Authors
The Documents
PART ONE
AFRICAN POLITICS AND THE PRE-UNION POLITICAL ORDER, 1882–1909
Introduction
Early African Political Activity
Hopes and Grievances in the Wake of the Anglo-Boer War
African Fears at the Prospect of Union
Documents
Early African Political Activity
1.
Statement by S. N. Mvambo on the purpose of Imbumba, December, 1883 {Extract}
2.
Editorial on taxation, in Imvo Zabantsundu, November 10, 1884 {Extract}
3.
“Muzzling the Natives.” Editorial in Imvo Zabantsundu, March 23, 1887
4.
Petition to Queen Victoria, from “the Native Inhabitants of the Location of Oxkraal,” July, 1887
5.
Article on the pass law deputation in Imvo Zabanstundu, July 25, 1889
6.
“The Future of the Bill.” Editorial in Imvo Zabantsundu, August 15, 1894
Hopes and Grievances in the Wake of the Anglo-Boer War
7.
“Questions Affecting the Natives and Coloured People Resident in British South Africa.” Statement by the Executive of the South African Native Congress, 1903 {?}
8a-8d.
Minutes of Evidence, South African Native Affairs Commission, 1903–1905
8a.
Testimony of Martin Lutuli of the Natal Native Congress, before the South African Native Affairs Commission, May 28, 1904 {Extracts}
8b.
Testimony of the Rev. E. T. Mpela, the Rev. B. Kumalo, J. Twayi, A. Jordaan, J. Mocher, J. Lavers, and Peter Thaslane of the Native Vigilance Association of the Orange River Colony, before the South African Native Affairs Commission, September 23, 1904 {Extracts}
8c.
Testimony of the Rev. Samuel Jacobus Brander, the Rev. Joshua Mphothleng Mphela, and Stephen Nguato of the Ethiopian Catholic Church in Zion, before the South African Native Affairs Commission, October 4, 1904 {Extracts}
8d.
Testimony of James B. Mama and John Makue, Transvaal, before the South African Native Affairs Commission, October 7, 1904 {Extracts}
9.
Petition to King Edward VII, from the Native United Political Associations of the Transvaal Colony, April 25, 1905
10.
Resolutions of the South African Native Congress, April 10, 1906 {Extracts}
11.
Petition to King Edward VII, from the Orange River Colony Native Congress, June, 1906
12.
Petition to the House of Commons, from J. Tengo Jabavu and thirteen other signatories, July 13, 1906
13.
Petition to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, from the Natal Native Congress, October, 1908
African Fears at the Prospect of Union
14.
Petition to the South African National Convention from “aboriginal natives of South Africa, resident in the Transvaal,” October 22, 1908
15.
Resolutions of the South African Native Convention, March 24–26, 1909
16.
Petition to the Governor of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope, from the Traskeian Territories General Council, June 21, 1909
17.
Petition to the House of Commons, from W. P. Schreiner, A. Abdurahman, J. Tengo Jabavu, et al, July, 1909
18.
“Latest Developments.” Editorial in Imvo Zabantsundu, August 31, 1909
PART TWO
THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS COMES INTO BEING: ACCELERATED PROTEST AND APPEALS ABROAD, 1910–1920
Introduction
The Establishment of the South African Native National Congress
The Land Question
Further Grievances
Appeals Abroad
Documents
The Establishment of the South African Native National Congress
19.
“A Talk Upon My Native Land.” Pamphlet by the Rev. John L. Dube, 1892 {Extract}
20.
“The Regeneration of Africa.” Article by Pixley ka Isaka Seme, in The African Abroad, April 5, 1906
21.
“Native Union.” Article by Pixley ka Isaka Seme, in Imvo Zabantsundu, October 24, 1911
22.
“The South African Races Congress.” Inaugural Address by J. Tengo Jabavu, President, South African Races Congress, April 2, 1912
23.
Constitution of the South African Native National Congress, September, 1919 {Extracts}
The Land Question
24.
“The Squatters' Bill.” Article in Imvo Zabantsundu, March 19, 1912
25.
Petition to the Prime Minister, from the Rev. John L. Dube, President, South African Native National Congress, February 14, 1914
26.
“Resolution against the Natives Land Act, 1913 and the Report of the Natives Land Commission,” by the South African Native National Congress, October 2, 1916
27a-27c.
Minutes of Evidence, Eastern Transvaal Natives Land Committee, October 1917–January 1918
27a.
Testimony of Saul Msane, Sprinkhaan, and Jonas Mapope before the Eastern Transvaal Natives Land Committee, October 23, 1917 {Extracts}
27b.
Testimony of the Delegation of the South African Native National Congress, Ermelo, before the Eastern Transvaal Land Committee, January 8, 1918
27c.
Letter to the Sub-Native Commissioner, Pietersburg, from Filipus Bopape, November 23, 1917
Further Grievances
28.
Testimony of Chief Stephen Mini, J. T. Gumede, and the Rev. Abner Mtimkulu of the Natal Native Congress, before the Select Committee on Native Affairs, June 15 and 18, 1917 {Extracts}
29.
“To the Native Conference at Queenstown.” Address by Meshach Pelem, President, Bantu Union, February 26, 1919 {Extracts}
30.
Address on disturbances in Bloemfontein location, by I. J. Nthatisi, March 4, 1919
31.
“Pass Law Resisters, Native Case Stated.” Report on interview with I. Bud Mbelle, J. W. Dunjwa, and P. J. Motsoakae of the South African Native National Congress, April 1, 1919
32.
“Presidental Address” by S. M. Makgatho, South African Native National Congress, May 6, 1919
33a-33c.
Minutes of Evidence, Select Committee on Native Affairs, June, 1920
33a.
Testimony of J. Tengo Jabavu, before the Select Committee on Native Affairs, June 15, 1920
33b.
Testimony of Meshach Pelem, President, Bantu Union, before the Select Committee on Native Affairs, June 11, 1920 {Extract}
33c.
Testimony of the Rev. Z. R. Mahabane, President, Cape Province Native Congress, before the Select Committee on Native Affairs, June 15, 1920
34.
“Native Unrest.” Paper by Professor D. D. T. Jabavu read before the Natal Missionary Conference, July, 1920
Appeals Abroad
35.
Petition to King George V, from the South African Native National Congress, July 20, 1914
36.
“An Appeal to the Members of the Imperial Parliament and Public of Great Britain.” Petition from the South African Native National Congress, 1914
37.
Native Life in South Africa, by Solomon Plaatje, 1916 {Extracts}
38.
Petition to King George V, from the South African Native National Congress, December 16, 1918
PART THREE
NEW GROPINGS FOR EFFECTIVE ORGANIZATION AND REPRESENTATION, 1921–1934
Introduction
Africans “Respectfully Submit”
Africans and Whites in Dialogue
Non-Europeans Meet Together
Africans Acting Alone
Documents
Africans “Respectfully Submit”
39a-39d.
The Governor-General's Native Conferences
39a.
Proceedings and Resolutions of the Governor-General's Native Conference, 1923 {Extracts}
39b.
Proceedings and Resolutions of the Governor-General's Native Conference, 1924 {Extracts}
39c.
Proceedings and Resolutions of the Governor-General's Native Conference, 1925 {Extracts}
39d.
Proceedings and Resolutions of the Governor-General's Native Conference, 1926 {Extracts}
40a-40b.
Minutes of Evidence, Select Committee on Subject of Native Bills, May, 1927
40a.
Testimony of Charles Sakwe, Elijah Qamata, and William Mlandu of the Transkeian Native General Council, before the Select Committee on Subject of Native Bills, May 6, 1927 {Extracts}
40b.
Testimony of Professor D. D. T. Jabavu, Walter Rubusana, and the Rev. Abner Mtimkulu of the Cape Native Voters' Convention and Meshach Pelem of the Bantu Union, before the Select Committee on Subject of Native Bills, May 30, 1927 {Extracts}
Africans and Whites in Dialogue
41a-41d.
Views of Africans
41a.
“The Race Problem.” Article in The Guardian by R. V. Selope Thema, September, 1922
41b.
“Christianity, Basis of Native Policy?” Article in The Workers' Herald by James S. Thaele, December 21, 1923
41c.
“The Native Problem.” Article in The Cape Times by the Rev. Abner Mtimkulu, May 30, 1924
41d.
“Bridging the Gap Between White and Black in South Africa.” Address by Dr. A. B. Xuma at the Conference of European and Bantu Christian Student Associations at Fort Hare, June 27-July 3, 1930 {Extracts}
42a-42b.
Dutch Reformed Church Conferences
42a.
Proceedings and Resolutions of the Dutch Reformed Church Conference, September, 1923 {Extracts}
42b.
Report on proceedings and resolutions of the Dutch Reformed Church Conference, February 3, 1927 {Extracts}
43a-43b.
National European-Bantu Conferences
43a.
Proceedings and Resolutions of the National European-Bantu Conference, February, 1929 {Extracts}
43b.
Proceedings and Resolutions of the National European-Bantu Conference, July, 1933 {Extracts}
Non-Europeans Meet Together
44.
Proceedings and Resolutions of the Non-European Conference, June, 1927 {Extracts}
45.
Report on proceedings and resolutions of the Non-European Conference, in The Cape Times, January 4 and 6, 1930 {Extracts}
46.
Proceedings and Resolutions of the Non-European Conference, January, 1931 {Extracts}
47.
“Native Disabilities in South Africa.” Pamphlet by Professor D. D. T. Jabavu, July, 1932
Africans Acting Alone
48a-48m.
The African National Congress Strives for Unity
48a.
“The Exclusion of the Bantu.” Address by the Rev. Z. R. Mahabane, President, Cape Province National Congress, 1921
48b.
Resolutions of the Annual Conference of the African National Congress, May 28–29, 1923
48c.
Resolutions of the Annual Conference of the African National Congress, May 31, 1924
48d.
Report on proceedings and resolutions of the Annual Conference of the African National Congress, January 4–5, 1926 {Extracts}
48e.
Resolutions of the Convention of Bantu Chiefs, Held under the auspices of the African National Congress, April 15, 1927
48f.
“To All Leaders of the African People.” Statement by J. T. Gumede, President, ANC, September 7, 1927
48g.
“What Do the People Say?” Editorial in Abantu-Batho, January 26, 1928
48h.
Report of T. D. Mweli Skota, Secretary-General of the African National Congress, January, 1930 {?}
48i.
Report on the proceedings of the Annual Conference of the African National Congress, in Umteteli wa Bantu, May 3, 1930
48j.
“ANC Calls for Passive Resistance.” Statement in Umteteli wa Bantu, June 27, 1931
48k.
Report on the proceedings of the Special Emergency Convention of the African National Congress in Umteteli wa Bantu, June 23, 1932
48l.
“The African National Congress — Is It Dead?” Pamphlet by Pixley wa Isaka Seme, 1932 {Extract}
48m.
“I Appeal to the African Nation.” Article by Pixley ka Isaka Seme, in Umteteli wa Bantu, November 10, 1934
49a-49c.
The Voice of Labor
49a-l-49a-3.
Predecessors of the I.C.U.
49a-1.
Address by Selby Msimang, President, Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union of South Africa, July 23, 1921
49a-2.
Memorandum from the Transvaal Native Mine Clerks' Association to the Mining Industry Board, 1922
49a-3.
Petition to the Prince of Wales, from the Transvaal Native Mine Clerks' Association, June 23, 1925
49b-l-49b-6.
Kadalie's I.C.U.
49b-l.
“African Labour Congress.” Article by Clements Kadalie, National Secretary, I.C.U., in The Workers' Herald, December 21,1923
49b-2.
Revised Constitution of the I.C.U., 1925 {Extracts}
49b-3.
Resolutions of demonstration against the Prime Minister's Native Bills, 1926
49b-4.
Letter to the Prime Minister, from A. W. G. Champion, Acting National Secretary, I.C.U., May 23, 1927 {Extracts}
49b-5.
“Open Letter to Blackpool.” Article by Clements Kadalie, in The New Leader, September 30, 1927
49b-6.
“Economic and Political Program for 1928.” Statement by Clemente Kadalie, 1928
49c-l-49c-2.
Successors of the I.C.U.: I.C.U. Yase Natal
49c-l.
Constitution, Rules and Bye-Laws, I.C.U. Yase Natal, 1929 {Extracts}
49c-2.
“Blood and Tears.” Pamphlet by A. W. G. Champion, 1929 {Extracts}
50a-50b.
Cape Voters
50a.
Petition to the South African Parliament, from the Cape Native Voters Convention, January 3, 1928
50b.
Report on the proceedings of the Annual Conference of the Cape Native Voters' Convention, in Imvo Zabantsundu, January 8, 1929
51a-51c.
Urban Africans Organize
51a.
“Urban Native Legislation.” Address by R. H. Godlo, President, Location Advisory Boards' Congress of South Africa, December 19, 1929
51b.
“Urban Native Legislation.” Memorandum to the Minister for Native Affairs from the Location Advisory Boards' Congress of South Africa, September 8, 1930
51c.
“Social Conditions Among Bantu Women and Girls.” Address by Charlotte Maxeke at the Conference of European and Bantu Christian Student Associations at Fort Hare, June 27-July 3, 1930 {Extract}
Chronology of Chief Events, 1882-1934
Bibliographical Notes
Contents for Volume II
Contents for Volume III
Index of Selected Organizations
Index of Selected Names