No Apology: Believe in America

No Apology: Believe in America

by Mitt Romney

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Product Details

ISBN-13: 9780312671730
Publisher: St. Martin's Press
Publication date: 02/01/2011
Edition description: First Edition
Pages: 352
Sales rank: 681,373
Product dimensions: 5.54(w) x 8.23(h) x 0.95(d)

About the Author

Mitt Romney is an American businessman and former governor of Massachusetts. Romney was a candidate for the Republican nomination in the 2008 United States presidential election.

Read an Excerpt


The Pursuit of the Difficult

I hate to weed. I’ve hated it ever since my father put me to work weeding the garden at our home in Bloomfield Hills, Michigan. It was planted with zinnias, snapdragons, and petunias, none of which seemed to grow as heartily as the weeds. After what seemed like hours of work, I never could see much progress, and I’d complain to my dad. "Mitt," he would reply, "the pursuit of the difficult makes men strong." It seems now like an awfully grandiose response for such a pedestrian task. I complained about the weeding often enough that I heard his homily regularly. I’m sure that’s why it sticks with me to this day.

My father knew what it meant to pursue the difficult. He was born in Mexico, where his Mormon grandparents had moved to escape religious persecution. At five years old, Dad and his family were finally living pretty well. They had a nice home and a small farm, and Dad even had his own pony, called Monty. But in 1911, Mexican revolutionaries threatened the expatriate community, so Dad’s parents bundled up their five kids, got on a train, and headed back to the United States. Their furniture, their china, his mother’s sewing machine—everything they had worked hard to accumulate—had to be left behind. Once back in the States, they struggled. They moved time and again, and work was always hard to find. My grandfather established a construction business, but he went bankrupt more than once. Dad used to regale us kids with claims that one year in Idaho his family lived on nothing but potatoes—for breakfast, lunch, and dinner.

Dad began to contribute to the family’s income early on. During his high-school years he worked long hours as a lath-and-plaster man, finishing the interior walls of new houses. He never was able to put together enough time and money to graduate from college.

Three decades later, by the time I was weeding that Bloomfield Hills garden, my father had become a successful businessman. I know he worried that because my brother, sisters, and I had grown up in a prosperous family, we wouldn’t understand the lessons of hard work. That’s why he put us to work shoveling snow, raking leaves, mowing the lawn, planting the garden, and of course, weeding—always reminding us that work would make us strong.

About this time, Dad faced a difficult pursuit of his own. In 1955, only five months after he became vice president of the newly created American Motors Corporation (AMC), the company’s president, George Mason, died and the board of directors selected my father to succeed him. With news of Mason’s death and mounting losses, the company’s stock collapsed from $14.50 a share to $5.25. The banks didn’t have much more confidence in the company at that moment than its stockholders did. I remember hearing my parents discussing with certainty that if the banks pulled out, the company wouldn’t survive.

My parents had sold our home; we were living in a rented house while they prepared to build a new one. With my mother’s blessing, Dad took the money they had put aside from the sale of their house and used it to buy AMC stock. He even used the savings he had given me for Christmases and birthdays to buy stock. He believed in himself, and he believed in hard work and what it could achieve.

Dad spent long days at the office, and when he was home, the work continued. He met with the company’s bankers, shareholders, and employees, explaining his vision for the company’s future: dropping the venerable Nash and Hudson brands and focusing instead on the Rambler compact car. He would eventually close the company’s Michigan plant to consolidate production in Wisconsin. He agonized over that decision, but concluded in the end that "to save a patient this sick, surgery is necessary."

In 1959, AMC’s stock was selling for more than $95 a share. Dad made the covers of Time and Newsweek. He and Mom built their dream home, and we kids, now even more prosperous, were given still more chores.

What Dad accomplished at American Motors prepared him for the challenges that would follow. He served as leader of Michigan’s Constitutional Convention, as three-term governor of Michigan, as secretary of housing and urban development in the Nixon administration, and as founder of the National Center for Voluntary Action. And I have to admit that the weeding and chores probably didn’t hurt me, either—something I understood well by the time I took the reins of the 2002 Winter Olympics.

Over the years, I’ve come to believe that the value of "pursuing the difficult" applies much more broadly than only to individuals. When I met Tom Stemberg in 1985, he had come up with an idea for a new business, one he believed would revolutionize the retail industry, and in particular the business of selling and distributing office supplies. Tom’s vision was to create the world’s first big-box office products chain, one with hundreds of stores, tens of thousands of employees, and billions in revenues. Most people I spoke with thought it would never work, believing that businesspeople wouldn’t leave their workplace to shop for office supplies, no matter how great the savings. But they were wrong, and today Staples is what Tom dreamed it would be.

Reaching Tom’s goal was difficult. At first the manufacturers of supplies didn’t want to sell to him because his idea threatened their traditional distributors. Stores were hard to locate in real-estate-cramped New En gland where he began. A ware house with multistore capacity had to be built and financed, even though at first there were only a handful of stores to serve. Copycat competitors sprung up everywhere; at one point, we counted more than a dozen. And money was tight. In the end, because Tom and his team achieved success in the face of so many challenges, Staples and its management team became very strong indeed, and now lead the industry.

Today the United States faces daunting challenges, and I am similarly convinced that if we confront them and overcome them, we will remain a strong and leading nation. Just like individuals, companies, and human enterprises of every kind, nations that are undaunted by the challenges they face become stronger. Those that shrink from difficult tasks become weaker.

Consider our nation’s history and the strength we developed as we faced our greatest threats. George Washington’s army was in no way comparable to the British forces he faced: his troops were untrained, unpaid, and out-manned. The British navy boasted 270 vessels, while the Continental navy had only twenty-seven. In April 1775, British warships laid siege on Boston Harbor and successfully took command of the city. But under General Washington’s direction, during the following winter, Colonel Henry Knox and his men hauled fifty-nine heavy cannons on ox-drawn sleds three hundred miles from Fort Ticonderoga, New York, where they recently had been captured. Finally positioned on Dorchester Heights, a hill overlooking the harbor, the cannons threatened the annihilation of the British armada. The British navy withdrew and Boston remained in American hands. The victory was emblematic of the entire conflict: American ingenuity, derring-do, and faith in providence helped win our improbable independence from the world’s superpower.

I was born after the Second World War and can only imagine the confusion, incredulity, and fear that must have overwhelmed the nation when the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor. Yet once again, the United States rose to the occasion. In Detroit, where my father was already working in the auto industry, factories that once made cars were quickly turned into assembly lines for military aircraft. Cars and planes aren’t very similar, but in only a year, Detroit was making bombers and fighters. We ultimately lost 418,000 men and women in World War II. The financial costs were great as well. But we also became far stronger. Women joined the workforce—a trend that would wane, then wax again to our economic advantage. Our factories became the most productive in the world. Returning GIs went to college in what was the greatest expansion of higher education in history. And Americans recognized that while we constitute much of a continent, we are not an island—alone and isolated from the rest of the world.

I was in grade school when Sputnik was launched by the Soviet Union in 1957. Mr. Garlick, my high-school science teacher, hung a model of the small satellite from the ceiling of our classroom as a reminder, he said, that America had fallen behind the Russians in science and technology. The future was up to us, he’d say, sounding a lot like my dad.

Three months after the Soviets’ first successful satellite launch, we attempted to enter space. Our Vanguard rocket failed to develop enough power to lift off the launch pad. It toppled over on its side and exploded into flames. Over the next three years, NASA tried and failed to launch eleven more satellites. Despite our dismal record, President John F. Kennedy called for us to put a man on the moon. Young people all over the country grew enthusiastic about studying physics, engineering, and the space sciences. We became a more technically proficient people. And we became the first nation on earth to put a man on the moon.

Facing Our Challenges Head-on

I can remember only one time during my life when most Americans presumed that we didn’t really have any great challenges. It was during the period that largely coincided with the Bill Clinton presidency. George H. W. Bush and Ronald Reagan had pushed the Soviet Union to the wall and won. The Berlin Wall had come down, the Soviet Union had dissolved, and here at home, there was talk of a "new economy" that sent the bulls running on Wall Street. Columnist Charles Krauthammer has called it our "holiday from history." We believed that peace and prosperity were here to stay—without threat, without sacrifice.

In some ways, we advanced as a nation during these years. The Internet boomed, and the pockets of millions of average Americans grew deeper. But did these years of ease make us a stronger, more free or secure nation? We shrunk our military by 400,000 troops during the 1990s, retired over one hundred ships from the navy, and decreased the size of our air force by more than a quarter. More ominously, we gutted our human intelligence capabilities, and never took any real steps to infiltrate the violent jihadist groups like al Qaeda that had declared war on America. At home, births to teenage mothers rose to their highest levels in decades, teenage drug use climbed, and pornography became the Internet’s biggest business. Our dependence on foreign oil rose from 42 percent of our total consumption in 1990 to 58 percent today.

I don’t wish challenges and hard times on this nation, even though I believe they have made us the country and people we are today. But neither do I fear them. My sole concern is that Americans will choose not to act, not to face our challenges head-on, not to overcome them.

In the first decade of the twenty-first century, our economy has suffered its worst crisis since the Great Depression. We have amassed an unprecedented amount of debt and liabilities, and added to that, the Obama administration plans trillion-dollar deficits every year. Russian belligerence is on the rise. China holds over $750 billion of U.S. obligations. Iran and North Korea threaten the world with unbridled nuclear ambition. Violent jihadists like those who attacked us on 9/11 plot our destruction. The consequence of failure to act in response to these perils is unthinkable.

America will remain the leading nation in the world only if we overcome our challenges. We will be strong, free, prosperous, and safe. But if we do not face them, I suspect the United States will become the France of the twenty-first century—still a great country, but no longer the world’s leading nation. What’s chilling to consider is that if America is not the super-power, others will take our place. What nation or nations would rise, and what would be the consequences for our safety, freedom, and prosperity?

The world is a safer place when America is strong. Ronald Reagan remarked that "of the four wars in my lifetime, none came about because the U.S. was too strong." America’s strength destroyed Hitler’s fascism. It stopped the North Koreans and Chinese at the 38th parallel and allowed South Koreans to claim their freedom and reach prosperity. American strength kicked Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait, and later pulled him out of his spider hole.

There are a number of thoughtful people around the world who don’t welcome America’s strength. In 2007, several reputable polls asked Europe an citizens which nation they perceived as the greatest threat to international peace. Their answer was the United States. I was incredulous when I first read this, and presumed the respondents must have had the Iraq War on their minds when they answered. Surely they hadn’t considered what Russia would do in Eastern Europe if America was weak; what China would do in Taiwan; what the Taliban would do in Afghanistan; what Fidel Castro, Hugo Chávez, Kim Jong-il, or Mahmoud Ahmadinejad would have in mind for their neighbors. The very existence of American power helps to hold tyrants in check and reduces the risk of precipitous war.

Does America make mistakes? Absolutely. We never fully understood the enormously complex political, economic, and military issues we faced in Vietnam, and we were wrong in our assessment of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction programs. But in every case throughout modern history in which America has exercised military power, we have acted with good intention—not to colonize, not to subjugate, never to oppress.

During my tenure as governor of Massachusetts, I had the opportunity to join a small group of people in meeting Shimon Peres, Israel’s former prime minister and current president. In casual conversation, someone asked him what he thought about the ongoing conflict in Iraq. Given his American audience, I expected him to respond diplomatically but with a degree of criticism. But what he said caught me very much by surprise.

"First, I must put something in context," he began. "America is unique in the history of the world. In the history of the world, whenever there has been war, the nation that is victorious has taken land from the nation that has been defeated—land has always been the basis of wealth on our planet. Only one nation in history, and this during the last century, was willing to lay down hundreds of thousands of lives and take no land in its victory—no land from Germany, no land from Japan. America. America is unique in the history of the world for its willingness to sacrifice so many lives of its precious sons and daughters for liberty, not solely for itself but also for its friends."

Everyone in the room was silent for a moment, and no one pressed him further on his opinion about Iraq. I was deeply moved. And I was reminded of former secretary of state Colin Powell’s observation that the only land America took after World War II was what was needed to bury our dead.

Some argue that the world would be safer if America’s strength were balanced by another superpower, or perhaps by two or three. And others believe that we should simply accept the notion that our power is limited. British Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm in his book, On Empire, asserts, "It is also troubling that there is no historical precedent for the global superiority that the American government has been trying to establish and it is quite clear to any good historian and to all rational observers of the world scene that this project will almost certainly fail."

I take a different view. The United States is unique. American strength does not threaten world peace. American strength helps preserve world peace.

It is true that the emergence of other great powers is not entirely up to us—several other nations are building economic and military power and we will not stop them from doing so. But we can determine, entirely on our own, that we will not fall behind them. And the only way I know to stay even is to aim unabashedly at staying ahead.

Four Strategies to Achieve World Power

A number of nations and groups are intent on replacing America as the world’s political, economic, and military leader. In fact, there are four major strategies that are currently being pursued to achieve world leadership. I use the word "strategy" advisedly. For nearly ten years, I worked as a management "strategy consultant," first with the Boston Consulting Group (BCG) and then with Bain & Company. BCG’s founder, Bruce Henderson, observed that in order to become a success, a business doesn’t just have to do well, it also has to do better than its competitors. Being number one isn’t just about bragging rights. Often it means the difference between prospering and merely hanging on. Accordingly, a few hundred of us were hired to help companies develop strategies that would allow them to outperform their competition.

Most people can recognize strategy as it plays out in the world of business. Facing Microsoft’s PCs, Apple’s strategy was to appeal to a different segment of customers and win among those buyers. It focused on educational and creative users rather than typical business users. It targeted the young and the hip. From creating products like the iPod, the iPhone, and the Mac, to their design, advertising, and image, Apple tailored every dimension of its offering to its brand of customer. The strategy appears to be working: in 2008, it generated $9 billion in cash.

Countries, like businesses, need strategies to survive and prosper. A nation’s strategy should be designed to propel it beyond its competitors and to increase the security and prosperity of its citizens. While there are as many national strategies as there are countries on the global map, there are four specific approaches to geopolitics that have been embraced by various major players on the world stage. We must recognize and understand these if we are to be fully aware of the challenges ahead.

Each of the four approaches is being pursued to achieve world leadership status—superpower status—and perhaps dominion of the global order. Their adherents are fully convinced that they have chosen the strategy that will propel them beyond their geopolitical rivals.

The first of these strategies is represented by the United States. Ours is a strategy based on two fundamental principles: economic freedom and political freedom. The two are not only harmonious, they actually empower one another. Individual freedom stimulates a spirit of entrepreneurship that in turn leads to innovation and enterprise. And the freedom to walk away from a job and create one’s own enterprise breeds a sense of independence in a culture that prizes individual freedoms. It’s a strategy that has led America to become the most powerful nation in the history of the earth. It has also created power houses like Japan, Germany, and South Korea, nations that had been devastated by war. And it has helped the twenty-seven-member nations of the European Union create economies whose combined gross domestic product (GDP) is 30 percent of the world’s total, roughly the same as the combined GDP of the United States and Canada.

While the nations that pursue this "American" strategy are collectively referred to as the West, not all of them do so in a uniform manner. Sweden and several other European nations, for example, place a far heavier governmental hand on free enterprise and on economic freedom than does the United States. Citizens are highly taxed to provide not only a very substantial social safety net but also a relatively comfortable lifestyle. Businesses and employment are highly regulated. Despite the differences among Western nations, economic freedom and political freedom are at the core.

A second strategy is pursued by China. As with the West, theirs is based on free enterprise. Unlike the West, it is also based on authoritarian rule. On its face, the strategy is contradictory: the oppression of an authoritarian regime that severely limits individual freedoms must surely stifle entrepreneurship and enterprise. The conflict is so apparent that many Western observers have predicted that as China’s economy and trade develop, the country will trend toward democracy and freedom.

China’s leaders see things quite differently. They believe that the economic vitality produced by free enterprise, combined with the stability and vision of wise leaders, unaffected by popular whim, creates the winning strategy. Autocracies of the twentieth century were often wedded to socialism; its abject economic failure doomed these governments. But China is banking that having embraced a form of free enterprise, their autocratic future will be very different than their past failures.

I had expected to find the Chinese people frustrated with Communist rule and to encounter many who were agitating for the basic freedoms enjoyed in the West. But when I met with Chinese students at Tsinghua University in Beijing in 2006, they seemed much more interested in pursuing the lessons of American-style free enterprise than they were in promoting American-style freedom. The Chinese I met during the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games likewise had little apparent discontent with Communist rule. Perhaps they were on their best behavior when I spoke with them, out of fear of government reprisal. But there was another, more open expression of support for the government during the Games. The Opening Ceremonies were attended by over 90,000 people, the vast majority of whom were Chinese. When President Hu Jintao was introduced over the National Stadium’s loudspeakers, the audience erupted in cheers. I did not hear a single "boo." From months on the presidential campaign trail, I’ve learned that boos stand out, even in the midst of a much larger number of people who are clapping and cheering. I remember popular Massachusetts politicians being drowned out at Boston’s Fenway Park by a small minority of Bronx cheers. But there were no boos for Hu Jintao; instead, there were loud and exuberant cheers.

What has happened in China to the spirit of Tiananmen Square? It may simply be hidden for now, at least from public view. Or it may be that brutal repression and incarceration of dissidents has pushed the democracy movement far below the surface. Every year, there are literally thousands of protests in China, although these are typically directed at the corruption of local bureaucrats and politicians. Perhaps the combination of nationalistic pride and the elixir of newfound economic opportunity have, at least for a time, quieted the clamor for political freedom. In the long term, however, I am convinced that as the Chinese study abroad, trade with free nations, build enterprises, and become increasingly exposed to people and cultures from around the world, they will demand freedom and genuine democratic reforms. But what is uncertain is when that pursuit will reach a critical level, and whether the Communist Party will accede to popular demand. For now, and perhaps for a very long time to come, China’s strategy is deeply grounded in authoritarian rule.

Excerpted from No Apology by Mitt Romney.
Copyright © 2010 by Mitt Romney.
Published in 2010 by St. Martin’s Press.
All rights reserved. This work is protected under copyright laws and reproduction is strictly prohibited. Permission to reproduce the material in any manner or medium must be secured from the Publisher.

Table of Contents

Believe in America 1

1 The Pursuit of the Difficult 19

2 Why Nations Decline 49

3 The Pursuit of Power 65

4 Pathways of American Power 88

5 A Free and Productive Economy 115

6 The Worst Generation? 165

7 Healing Health Care 183

8 An American Education 210

9 Running Low 240

10 The Culture of Citizenship 264

11 America the Beautiful 296

Epilogue 317

Acknowledgments 323

Index 327

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No Apology 3.8 out of 5 based on 0 ratings. 124 reviews.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
I got an early edition. This is a really good book, reminds you of the stuff Reagan would have said. More people need to talk/write like this.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
"no apololagy" is gov mitt romneys newest memoir and a blue print and plan for getting america back on on track. it this hard to put down bestseller the republican lawmaker outlines some sound ecanomic principles and plaforms that will get america back on track and bring back a strong and sure econamy and some depenable jobs.this book has some real remarkable leadership lessons worth considering and since gov romney is a 2012 candidate for the white house this book has some great ideas worth considering.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
The book states in facts and figures, not only the mess America's debt to income ratio is, but also how far the "dumbig of America" has progressed. I was shocked to lean how far China, and other nations have advanced in the field of Education, I knew we were behind some but it is more than we can correct in one generation. The lack of sicence, Math, and research students in our public schools, leaves us behind other countries when it comes to defense advances as will as home advancments. Thru the writtings of Mitt Romsey I learned factual information from indepth research from developers across the country on what it will take to gain the respect and leadership to once again be the number one country. America has given so much to the world in assistance. Aid when there is a desaster, money when there is drought, medicine for illness, ect. This book tells about years of America over coming hardships here in our homeland, and lays out a plan to overcome the hardships now. Of course the message must be heard and acted upon by those who head the committees that make this country grow and prosper. I found I needed to read only a short time, then break so I could assimilate the information I had read. So much of the information was like a review of what I felt and believed over the years. It was hard to have those feelings and views put into words, then read them. There has always been the hope that I was wrong, but No Apology took away that thought. If you are a person concerned with the future, and how America is going to survive what lies ahead please read this book and then pass it on.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
In 2008 I had the honor of casting my vote for Mitt Romney as President of the United States during the GOP primary. I cast that vote after hearing Gov. Romney state his ideas and position, knowing he was a man of sound judgement. And now reading this book, I believe that Mitt Romney has stated his case even more eloquently now than during the '08 campaign. If Mitt Romney runs for President in 2012 then I will wholeheartedly cast my vote for this man again; and hopefully for the United States of America, will be successful in being elected.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Mitt Romney's new book makes the case that Americans should draw inspiration from our past, rather than be rueful. Romney shares that Americans have ample reason to be thankful and to look back at our own history with gratitude and reverence. The book is also forward looking! The best is yet to come! I anticipate this book will find an audience with Democrats, independents, and Republicans alike.
BillScribbler More than 1 year ago
John F. Kennedy said he was not the Catholic candidate for president, but the candidate of the Democratic Party. Mitt Romney is often thought of as the Mormon candidate for president, but he is not. He is Republican through and through. He starts out very hawkish (perhaps with good reason) and continues in a businesslike fashion. His facts and figures are thoroughly assembled and persuasively mustered. He makes a lot of sense. He is particularly right on about the need for moral education and incentive in America. He is a very good man and I bet he doesn't smoke, either.
MaxRatio More than 1 year ago
Forget apologizing for being the only true superpower, it's time to take the reins of that responsibility and act as a leader of the free world. Not apologizing for every perceived slight. There is so much more we can accomplish, and we should just go ahead and do it. Romney speaks to it eloquently, and inspirationally. Read it and see!
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Mitt Romney had a job where he studied business to help them become more efficient. This is a process he uses regularly; he does not form an opion based on nothing, he bases it on facts. He has not only studied our culture and others, he has got down with the people and experienced their lives. If you want to know where America and the world has been and where we and them are going, this is the book to read.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Without verbal excess, Governor Romney covers all the points he feels are necessary to make this country great again. His suggestions and solutions on national defense, regulation, abortion, entitlement programs, taxation and energy policy, among others, are explained well. As the title suggests, Romney feels we should make no apology for our history, culture, or heroes. The book reveals how his family, Mormon faith, education and business experiences have shaped his beliefs and values.
Penney4 More than 1 year ago
Great Book it help me learn more about him, and I liked what I learned.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Mitt employs his practiced writing skills to convey,without apology, his belief in the greatness of America and his vision of what it will take to keep her sailing upright and true.
jbdunlap14 More than 1 year ago
I have read a lot of "campaign" books by would be candidates for president, and this was by far the best. I not only learned a lot but Governor Romney has a interesting world view because his life was not and is not politics. He is a businessman who served as a governor of a state. While I do not share his religious preference, it is clear he is a man of deep faith who loves his family. I appreciate that.
z06guy More than 1 year ago
Many interesting and thought provokng chapters in the book. While I enjoyed most of them, one that caught my eye was his thoughts on education. I found the discussion on class size very interesting. Since Mitt could, and probably will, be running for president in 2012, I believe this is a good book to read to understand where he is coming from. Worthwhile read.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
A must read for every American. Very informative.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
A must read for true Americans!
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Great way to get to know Mitt Rommey. Gives you a good look at what he believes and why he believes it. Very insightful and interesting.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
When I started it I simply thought he was the only electable Republican possibility... but after reading this book I am a true Mitt Romney fan. I have nothing but the greatest respect and admiration for him and most all of his views. Oh how I wish all Americans would read this book before the 2012 election. The only other politicians I've felt this strongly about were John Kennedy and Ronald Reagan. Like Mitt Romney they had the ability to inspire the greatest nation on earth.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
I have actually read this book, from cover to cover. It reads surprisingly fast, considering the vast amount of information that is provided. While Romney may not appear as "charismatic" as President Obama, he speaks intelligently about the history of past empires and the fundamental reasons why they failed. Many of those reasons are eerily reminiscent of what our country is experiencing right now. Romney's solutions to our numerous problems are logical, reasoned and well-thought out. This book is extensively researched and footnoted.
RGPA More than 1 year ago
"No Apology" is a well thought out current issues book. I recommend it to any concerned citizen.
emlzcole on LibraryThing 6 months ago
A bit preachy (and too moral) at times but a good read that does a good job of reminding us, in certain areas, of why America is great ... and how it could be greater.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
Speaking as a 2008 obama voter i highly felt mitts goals imbitions in this book. This book is the reason that im back into the conservative spectrum of politics and most importantly the reason i voted for Mitt in 2012, its sad that he lost because he had such a strong and great view for keeping America the greatest nation in the history of the earth.
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
He didnt get elected cause he is lds well i am too and we are both proud of it dont criticise something you dont know about or have not an understanding of your own of what we are. I am zachary brandon Over and out
Anonymous More than 1 year ago
All u people that dislike mitt becuase of womens rights.get a life u sluts.i am Not paying for u to get preg and then get rid of the baby becaus ur a hooker or a kid that couldnt hold it back an got pregnant at 14 years old
taylorbrown7096 More than 1 year ago
This was a very good book. Romney is a true leader and intelligent man: he is strong in his convictions - the kind of leader America needs now.