Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians

Long considered the undisputed authority on the Indians of the southern United States, anthropologist John Swanton published this history as the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology (BAE) Bulletin 103 in 1931. Swanton's descriptions are drawn from earlier records—including those of DuPratz and Romans—and from Choctaw informants. His long association with the Choctaws is evident in the thorough detailing of their customs and way of life and in his sensitivity to the presentation of their native culture.

Included are descriptions of such subjects as clans, division of labor between sexes, games, religion, war customs, and burial rites. The Choctaws were, in general, peaceful farmers living in Mississippi and southwestern Alabama until they were moved to Oklahoma in successive waves beginning in 1830, after the treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek.

This edition includes a new foreword by Kenneth Carleton placing Swanton's work in the context of his times. The continued value of Swanton's original research makes Source Material the most comprehensive book ever published on the Choctaw people.

1003350743
Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians

Long considered the undisputed authority on the Indians of the southern United States, anthropologist John Swanton published this history as the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology (BAE) Bulletin 103 in 1931. Swanton's descriptions are drawn from earlier records—including those of DuPratz and Romans—and from Choctaw informants. His long association with the Choctaws is evident in the thorough detailing of their customs and way of life and in his sensitivity to the presentation of their native culture.

Included are descriptions of such subjects as clans, division of labor between sexes, games, religion, war customs, and burial rites. The Choctaws were, in general, peaceful farmers living in Mississippi and southwestern Alabama until they were moved to Oklahoma in successive waves beginning in 1830, after the treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek.

This edition includes a new foreword by Kenneth Carleton placing Swanton's work in the context of his times. The continued value of Swanton's original research makes Source Material the most comprehensive book ever published on the Choctaw people.

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Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians

Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians

Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians

Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians

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Overview

Long considered the undisputed authority on the Indians of the southern United States, anthropologist John Swanton published this history as the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology (BAE) Bulletin 103 in 1931. Swanton's descriptions are drawn from earlier records—including those of DuPratz and Romans—and from Choctaw informants. His long association with the Choctaws is evident in the thorough detailing of their customs and way of life and in his sensitivity to the presentation of their native culture.

Included are descriptions of such subjects as clans, division of labor between sexes, games, religion, war customs, and burial rites. The Choctaws were, in general, peaceful farmers living in Mississippi and southwestern Alabama until they were moved to Oklahoma in successive waves beginning in 1830, after the treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek.

This edition includes a new foreword by Kenneth Carleton placing Swanton's work in the context of his times. The continued value of Swanton's original research makes Source Material the most comprehensive book ever published on the Choctaw people.


Product Details

ISBN-13: 9780817384364
Publisher: University of Alabama Press
Publication date: 11/01/2009
Series: Contemporary American Indian Studies
Sold by: Barnes & Noble
Format: eBook
Pages: 294
File size: 5 MB

About the Author

John R. Swanton received one of the first Ph.D.'s awarded in the United States, from Harvard University in 1900, and was head of the first DeSoto Commission in 1936. He published more than 40 books from his research, including the monumental Indian Tribes of North America.Kenneth H. Carleton is Tribal Archaeologist for the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians in Philadelphia, Mississippi.

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Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians


By John R. Swanton

The University of Alabama Press

Copyright © 2001 The University of Alabama Press
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-8173-8436-4



CHAPTER 1

HISTORICAL SKETCH


The history of the Choctaw people since they first came to the knowledge of Europeans may be illustrated from many documentary sources and is capable of elaborate treatment. A few salient points are all that the present work calls for.

Halbert has pointed out that the "Apafalaya" chief and river and the "Pafallaya" province mentioned by the De Soto chroniclers Ranjel and Elvas, respectively, evidently refer to the Choctaw, or a part of them, since the Choctaw were known to other tribes as Pansfalaya or "Long Hairs." They were then, it would seem, approximately in the territory in southeastern Mississippi which they occupied when they were again visited by Europeans. There are notices of them in some Spanish documents dating from toward the close of the seventeenth century, and they immediately took a prominent position in the politics of colonizing nations when the French began settling Louisiana in 1699. Like the Creeks and Chickasaw, they were subjected to pressure from the Spaniards, English, and French, especially the two latter nations, each of whom enjoyed the support of a faction. These internal differences eventuated in civil war during which the Sixtowns, Chickasawhay and Coosa Choctaw supported the French interest and were finally successful, peace being made in 1750. The ascendency of the English east of the Mississippi, secured by the peace of 1763, soon tended to allay all remaining internal difficulties. With the passage of the Louisiana Territory into the hands of the United States an end was put to that intriguing by the representatives of rival European governments of which the Choctaw had been victims.

The Choctaw were never at war with the Americans. A few were induced by Tecumseh to ally themselves with the hostile Creeks, but the Nation as a whole was kept out of anti-American alliances by the influence of Apushmataha, greatest of all Choctaw chiefs. (Pl. 1.) However, white settlers began pouring into the region so rapidly that the Mississippi Territory was erected in 1798 and Mississippi became a State in 1817. Friction of course developed between the white colonists and the original occupants of the soil, whose removal to lands farther west was clamorously urged by the settlers and ultimately agreed to by the Choctaw themselves at the treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek, September 27 and 28, 1830. By this treaty they secured a tract of land along Red River, in the southeastern part of the present State of Oklahoma, to which the bulk of the tribe emigrated in 1831, 1832, and 1833. The first emigrants suffered cruelly, but those who went later sowed their fields promptly and experienced fewer hardships than the Indians of most of the other expatriated tribes. A portion held on in their old territories, though bands of them joined their western kindred from time to time, 1,000 in 1846, 1,619 in 1847, 118 in 1848, 547 in 1849, 388 in 1853, and more than 300 in 1854. A considerable body still remained, numbering 1,253 in 1910 and 1,665 in 1930. In 1855 the Chickasaw, who had at first enjoyed the privilege of settling indiscriminately among the Choctaw, were given a separate territory west of the latter, and an independent government. The history of the Choctaw national government in Oklahoma would constitute an interesting contribution to our knowledge of native American capabilities in the handling of their affairs under a frame imported from abroad. Like the governments of the other four red republics of the old Indian Territory, it is now of course a thing of the past, the Choctaw being citizens of Oklahoma and of the United States.

CHAPTER 2

THE ORIGIN LEGEND


There are two forms of the Choctaw origin legend, and both are suggested in the following passage from Du Pratz, which perhaps contains our earliest reference to it:

According to the tradition of the natives this nation passed so rapidly from one land to another and arrived so suddenly in the country which it occupies that, when I asked them from whence the Chat-kas came, to express the suddenness of their appearance they replied that they had come out from under the earth. Their great numbers imposed respect on the nations near which they passed, but their wholly unmartial character did not inspire them with any lust of conquest, so that they entered an uninhabited country the possession of which no one disputed with them. They have not molested their neighbors, and the latter did not dare to test their bravery; this is doubtless why they have grown, and augmented to their present numbers.

Romans (1771) says:

These people are the only nation from whom I could learn any idea of a traditional account of a first origin; and that is their coming out of a hole in the ground, which they shew between their nation and the Chickasaws; they tell us also that their neighbours were surprised at seeing a people rise at once out of the earth.


Adair, a still earlier English writer, does not give a Choctaw migration story distinct from that which he obtained from the Chickasaw. In the latter the Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Chakchiuma are represented as having come from the west "as one people." However, he vouchsafes us our earliest description of the hill of Nanih Waiya, the site of the hole out of which Romans tells us this nation came.

About 12 miles from the upper northern parts of the Choktah country, there stand on a level tract of land, the north-side of a creek, and within arrow-shot of it, two oblong mounds of earth, which were old garrisons, in an equal direction with each other, and about two arrow-shots apart. A broad deep ditch inclosed those two fortresses, and there they raised an high breast-work, to secure their houses from the invading enemy. This was a stupendous piece of work, for so small a number of savages, as could support themselves in it; their working instruments being only of stone and wood. They called those old fortresses Nanne Yah, "the hills, or mounts, of God."


As usual, Adair has allowed himself to be carried away by his theory of a Hebrew origin of the American Indians. The "Nanne Yah" is actually Nanih Waiya, and, although he has translated the first word correctly, the second certainly has no reference to the Hebrew Yahweh. Most recent authorities, including the noted Choctaw student, H. S. Halbert, spell this name Nanih Waiya. Halbert says:

The adjective Waiya signifies "bending," "leaning over," but it is difficult to see the appropriateness of the term as applied to the mound. According to the conjecture of the writer, the term was originally applied to the circular rampart, which the Choctaws may have considered a kind of bending hill. And in process of time the name could have become so extended as to be applied to the mound and rampart conjointly, and ultimately restricted to the mound alone, as is now the case in popular usage.


Schermerhorn (1814) tells us that —

An old Indian gave ... a very rational explication of the [Choctaw] tradition, that they sprung out of the mound between the forks of Pearl River. The banks of these streams are a marsh, and at that time probably formed an impassable ravine. There is an embankment, which served as a fortification from one branch to the other, and which, with the ravines, encloses an area of nearly three miles. He observed to the agent, S. Dinsmore, "that their ancestors, when they arrived in this country, knew not what the inhabitants were; for their own protection, therefore, they cast up this mound, and enclosed and fortified this area, to plant their corn, and as a defence against enemies. This mound served as a place for look-out, to give notice of the approach of invaders. When this was accomplished, they sent out their hunters to see what were the inhabitants of the land. These on their return reported, that they could dwell in safety, that the land was good, and game in abundance. On this they left their encampment as it may be called, and settled in different parts of the country. From this arose the tradition that they sprung or crept out of the mound."


Dr. Gideon Lincecum, another early authority, accepts the same translation of Nanih Waiya as does Halbert, but adds that the hill was so called because "it leaned toward the creek"; Catlin renders the name "the sloping hill"; Alfred Wright, "the stooping or sloping hill"; Cushman, "the leaning mound." That some physical peculiarity gave rise to the name is probable, but with the lapse of time its exact nature has been lost and it is unlikely that it can be recovered. On the other hand, some plausible suggestions may be made regarding the localization of the origin legend at this place. As intimated above, there are two forms of this story, one treating Nanih Waiya as the point of exit to the upper world of the ancestral Choctaw, the other as their center of distribution after they had immigrated from the west. It is probable that the tradition of a western origin was in part correct, but whether it was so or not the prominence of the hill in Choctaw history is easily accounted for, because (1) it is a conspicuous landmark in the midst of one of the most fertile sections of the old Choctaw country, (2) within a mile there is a considerable cave tending to localize the tradition of a subterranean origin which nearly all southeastern tribes entertain, and (3) the word waiya happens to be very similar to another Choctaw word, waya, which signifies "to bear," "to bring forth." Indeed, Nanih Waya may have been the earlier form, but it is less common to find a term of purely mythic significance etymologized over into a physical description than evolution in the opposite direction. However, we must not forget the statement of Schoolcraft's Chickasaw informant to the effect that the Indians of that tribe called the mounds in their country "navels." As Halbert points out, the spelling "Warrior," which appears on some of our maps instead of Waiya, is a barbarism.

The next description of the mound, or rather the mound system, is by Doctor Lincecum:

I visited this celebrated mound in 1843. I found it a rounded off, oblong square, 200 yards in circumference at its base; 80 feet in height, with a flat space on the top 52 yards in length by 25 yards in width. The whole mound was thickly set with forest trees. 200 yards to the north of it is a lake, which I suppose to be the place whence they carried the earth to construct the mound.


Speaking of the earthen rampart, he continues:

I went all around this earth wall. ... It seemed to be a complete circle, and from one and a half to two miles in circumference, the southeastern portion cutting the bluff of Nunih Waya creek. Many places in the wall were still eight feet in height. The two gaps in the wall had never been filled up.


Prof. Calvin S. Brown has published a brief but very interesting account of the Nanih Waiya earthworks, arranged from the manuscript notes of B. L. C. Wailes, who visited them on the 5th of December, 1854.

I visited the Indian mounds and entrenchment in the fork of Nanawaya and Tallahaya, identified by tradition as the place of origin or the birth-place of the Choctaws, who held it in superstitious reverence as their mother. The height of the principal mound is at least 50 feet; it is a parallelogram with corners rounded by plowing; dimensions 180 or 200 feet east and west by perhaps 100 or 105 [150?] feet north and south.

Some 200 yards to the north of the high mound is a cone covering more extent, but only about 10 feet high. Some small mounds nearly obliterated are between the two large ones.

The wall or entrenchment goes around three sides of the mound and in many places in the woods has trees of 4 feet diameter growing upon it. The height in the most elevated places is near 10 feet, the width 30 or 40 feet; in other places it dwindles away to a slight embankment; in the clear land east of the mounds it can scarcely be traced owing to the constant plowing. Many gaps or gate-ways have been left in the wall, some of them 100 feet wide. The enclosure embraces about a section or square mile.


More detailed is the description by Halbert:

Nanih Waiya is situated on the west side of Nanih Waiya Creek, about 50 yards from it, in the southern part of Winston County, and about four hundred yards from the Neshoba County line. The mound is oblong in shape, lying northwest and southeast, and about forty feet in height. Its base covers about an acre. The mound stands on the southeastern edge of a circular rampart, which is about a mile and a half in circumference. In using the word "circular" reference is made to the original form of the rampart, about one-half of which is utterly obliterated by the plow, leaving only a semi-circle. This rampart is not, or rather was not, a continuous circle, so to speak, as it has along at intervals a number of vacant places or gaps, ranging from fifty to one hundred and fifty yards in length. All the sections near the mound have long since been levelled by the plow, and in other places some of the sections have been much reduced. But on the north, where the rampart traverses a primeval forest it is still five feet high and twenty feet broad at the base. The process of obliteration has been very great since 1877, when the writer first saw Nanih Waiya. Some of the sections that could then be clearly traced in the fields on the west have now (1899) utterly disappeared. About two hundred and fifty yards north of Nanih Waiya is a small mound, evidently a burial mound, as can be safely stated from the numerous fragments of human bones that have been exhumed from it by the plow and the hoe. The great number of stone relics, mostly broken, scattered for hundreds of yards around Nanih Waiya, shows that it was the site of prehistoric habitations. In addition to this, the bullets and other relics of European manufacture evidence the continuity of occupancy down within the historic period. The magnitude of these ancient works — the mound and the rampart — together with the legendary traditions connected with them, leads one irresistibly to the conviction that this locality was the great center of Choctaw population during the prehistoric period. It should here be stated that the symmetry of the mound has been somewhat marred by a tunnel which was cut into it in the summer of 1896 by some treasure-seekers, who vainly hoped to unearth some wonderful bonanza from out the deep bosom of Nanih Waiya. ... The ravages of civilization have still spared some traces of two broad, deeply worn roads or highways connected with the mound, in which now stand large oak trees. The remnant of one of these highways, several hundred yards long, can be seen on the east side of the creek, running toward the southeast. The other is on the west side of the creek, the traces nearest the mound being at the northeastern part of the rampart, thence running towards the north. Many years ago this latter road was traced by an old citizen of Winston County full twenty miles to the north until it was lost in Noxubee swamp, in the northeastern part of Winston County.


Correct measurements of the works are contained in Doctor Brown's book.

The famous Nanih Waiya ... stands in Winston County about ten miles south- east of Noxapater. The name signifies in Choctaw "slanting hill." It is a typical rectangular mound, 218 feet long by 140 feet wide at the base, thus covering seven-tenths of an acre. The axis is north-west by south-east. The dimensions of the flat top are 132 feet by 56 feet, the area being one-sixth of an acre. The height is 22 feet, in some places nearly 25 feet. The slopes of the mound are covered with trees; the top seems to have been cultivated. A heavy rain set in during my survey of the site, July 6, 1917, and prevented a completion of my study.

I visited the site again on August 3, 1923, and located one section of the earth- wall or rampart near the residence, more than half a mile from the great mound. This section of the wall is now 2.5 to 4 feet high and about a hundred yards long. The resident on the farm states that four sections of the earth-wall still exist. The low mound about 250 yards to the northeast of the great mound is now about 7 or 8 feet high, and very much spread by cultivation. Artifacts are scarce.

The great Nanih Waiya retains its original height and is still in a state of excellent preservation, tho the small mounds and the wall have been much reduced. This historic mound should be preserved for all time to come.


(Continues...)

Excerpted from Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians by John R. Swanton. Copyright © 2001 The University of Alabama Press. Excerpted by permission of The University of Alabama Press.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
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Table of Contents

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations

Foreword

Introduction

Historical sketch

The origin legend

Material condition

Social organization

Geographical divisions and towns

Moieties

Clans and local groups

Terms of relationship

Government

Property

Crime and punishment

Regulations for women and childbirth

Personal names

Education

Marriage

Division of labor between the sexes

Games

Travel and greetings

War customs

Burial customs

Religion and medicine

Supernatural beings

Cosmology and mythology

Prayer, sacrifice, dreams, etc.

Charms

Pneumatology

Ceremonials and dances

Men having occult powers and doctors

Appendix

Bibliography

Index

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