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  The Jester and the Sages 
 By Mark Twain 
 University of Missouri Press 
 Copyright © 2011   The Curators of the University of Missouri 
All right reserved.
 ISBN: 978-0-8262-1952-7 
    Chapter One 
  Twain and Nietzsche    Gabriel Noah Brahm Jr.  and Forrest G. Robinson  
  
  In early July, 1906, Mark Twain's secretary, Isabel Lyon, was  advised by a friend to read Nietzsche's Thus Spoke Zarathustra. A  week later, on July 13, she exclaimed in her diary, "'Zarathustra'  has arrived!" Lyon was immediately taken with the book. "Here  I am," she reported the next day, "reading 'Thus spoke Zarathustra'  and I do not pretend to be qualified to say how wonderful I  find it." Her enthusiasm seems to have spread through the household.  A month later, on August 8, Lyon records that "the King  [her nickname for Mark Twain] wanted to see my Zarathustra.  It pained me to give him up, but I did it. And after the King had  looked through it he said, 'Oh damn Nietzsche! He couldn't write  a lucid sentence to save his soul.'" Lyon goes on, "Somehow I am  glad he doesn't like Zarathustra. Very, very glad—but I shall be  able to quote some passages to him—some telling passages—for  Nietzsche is too much like himself."  
  Twain's initial response to Nietzsche, it seems clear, was like  Freud's, a retreat from familiarity prompted by the glimpse of a  spirit "too much like himself" for comfort. A kindred ambivalence   surfaced two days later. "The King says, 'Damn Nietzsche'  when I offer a quotation for the King's approval. First he damns—but   then he approves with his head on one side in his quaint listening  attitude." Lyon continued for several months to plumb the  depth of the analogy between the two writers, and by early autumn  fell to praising her employer for his defiance of the "criminal"  Christian God, "the one who made man so that he has to sin  and can't help himself." "Like Nietzsche," she continues, Twain's  "cry was not one of weak pity for the human, but of fierce condemnation  for the creator of the devils that war within the human  breast." Nor, quite evidently—and quite despite his gruff  dismissals—was the humorist unmindful of his kinship with the  infamous German. In an autobiographical dictation on September  4, 1907, he declares that he has not read Nietzsche, but acknowledges  at the same time a certain familiarity and sympathy  with the German's ideas. "Nietzsche published his book," Twain  declares, "and was at once pronounced crazy by the world—by a  world which included tens of thousands of bright, sane men who  believed exactly as Nietzsche believed but concealed the fact and  scoffed at Nietzsche" (MTP).  
  While it is perfectly clear that Mark Twain was aware of Thus  Spoke Zarathustra, there is no evidence that he more than glanced  at the book, or that its author was a direct influence in any of  his writings. Twain's philosophical ideas had pretty much jelled  by the time Isabel Lyon brought Nietzsche to his attention. Her  acute perception of a likeness between the two writers was undoubtedly  triggered by her familiarity with What Is Man? the Socratic  dialogue and "Gospel of Self" that Twain was preparing for  publication in the spring of 1906. What Is Man? gives voice to  ideas that had been smoldering for decades and that Twain felt  compelled to write down and preserve for posterity. But because  the book was relentless in its exposure of human selfishness, he  elected to issue it in a small and anonymous edition for private  circulation. Lyon, who helped with the proofreading, was an enthusiastic  admirer of the subversive sentiments on display in  What Is Man? It is "so absorbingly interesting," she wrote in her  diary, "that once you begin a galley, you can't stop until you've  read all the batch. And Mr. Clemens does like it so much! It is his  pet book." It is a reasonable surmise, then, that Lyon's enthusiasm  for Thus Spoke Zarathustra, which she received just a few  weeks later, was fueled by its perceived intellectual kinship with  her employer's defiant little tract.  
  Others have followed Lyon in glimpsing an affinity between  Twain and Nietzsche. Carl Dolmetsch finds no evidence of direct  influence, but observes nonetheless that Nietzsche's ideas were  "commonplaces" of the "European intellectual milieu" that Twain  entered during his residence in Vienna in 1897–1899, when he  first set to work on What Is Man? Jennifer L. Zaccara is equally  measured in what she describes as Twain's "acceptance of a Nietzschean  worldview." It is a virtual certainty, she argues, that the  American would have become aware of Nietzsche's nihilism during  his stay in Vienna. She is quick to add, however, that "Twain  came to a nihilistic vision on his own ... and that he nurtured  this dark view of the world over the years" before the Austrian sojourn.  We concur entirely with Zaccara that Twain's intellectual  debt to Nietzsche was small, involving little more than confirmation  of an enduring trend. At the same time, however, we have  found that the similarities between the thought of the two writers  are closer and much more numerous than the scholars have  recognized. The link that Isabel Lyon glimpsed in 1906, and that  Dolmetsch and Zaccara briefly elaborate, is one matching element  among many others in the separate but parallel ideas of Nietzsche  and Twain on the human condition. Indeed, we suspect  that had the two writers met and compared views, they would  have experienced a stunning shock of recognition.  
  Though we assign Nietzsche's work to philosophy and Twain's  to literature, both writers were brilliant psychologists with a common  and compelling interest in the submerged wellsprings of  human behavior. Both were maverick moralists given to immoralist  masquerades. Both shared Freud's interest in the unconscious,  his inclination to trace modern discontent to the tyranny  of suppressed or unacknowledged psychic phenomena, and his  generally dark prognosis for civilization at the end of the nineteenth   century. Indeed, both were at times disposed to view the  world as a madhouse. "The earth," Nietzsche exclaims in The Genealogy  of Morals, "has been a lunatic asylum for too long" (GM  227). Twain's Satan takes the same view, writing back to hell that  earth "is a strange place, an extraordinary place, and interesting.  There is nothing resembling it at home. The people are all  insane." But even as they condemned the modern world, both  writers tended to exempt humans from responsibility for their  condition. The belief in free will, they agreed, was as groundless  as the unseen engines of behavior were real. Nietzsche was  persuaded of what he described as "man's complete lack of responsibility  for his behavior and for his nature," while Twain  never wearied of blaming God or temperament or circumstance  for human degradation. "Why do you reproach yourself?" asks  Satan. "You did not make yourself; how then are you to blame?"  (MS 250). The writers were alike, then, in mingling contempt for  humans with a belief in their essential innocence.  
  The madness of the world was most broadly manifest for Nietzsche  and Twain in hegemonic Christian civilization. "I can  think of no development that has had a more pernicious effect  upon the health of the race," the German declares, than the  Christian ascetic ideal. "It may be called, without exaggeration,  the supreme disaster in the history of European man's health"  (GM 280). For his part, Mark Twain took the view that there had  never been "a stupider religion" than Christianity,9 that in time  it would be recognized "that all the competent killers are Christian"  (MS 137), and that modern Christendom might best be  imagined as "a majestic matron, in flowing robes drenched with  blood. On her head, a golden crown of thorns; impaled on spines,  the bleeding heads of patriots who died for their countries—Boers,   Boxers, Filipinos; ... Protruding from [her] pocket,  [a] bottle labeled 'We bring you the Blessings of Civilization.  Necklace—handcuffs and a burglar's jimmy.'" Though his indictment  was broader than Nietzsche's, Twain certainly shared  the philosopher's view that Christian civilization was most lethal  in its infliction of psychological suffering on individual believers.  He returned to this point on numerous occasions, but nowhere  more memorably than in The Mysterious Stranger, where Satan  inveighs against  
  a God who could make good children as easily as bad, yet preferred  to make bad ones; who could have made every one of them  happy, yet never made a single happy one; ... who gave his angels  painless lives, yet cursed his other children with biting miseries  and maladies of mind and body; who mouths justice, and  invented hell—mouths mercy, and invented hell—mouths Golden  Rules, and forgiveness multiplied by seventy times seven, and  invented hell; ... who created man without invitation, then tries  to shuffle the responsibility for man's acts upon man, instead of  honorably placing it where it belongs, upon himself; and finally,  with altogether divine obtuseness, invites this poor abused slave  to worship him! (MS 404–5)  
  
  Nietzsche traces the malaise of modernity back to the ancient  origins of what he describes as "slave morality." "All truly noble  morality," he writes, "grows out of triumphant self-affirmation.  Slave ethics, on the other hand, begins by saying no to an 'outside,'  an 'other,' a non-self, and that no is its creative act" (GM  170–71). Such ressentiment, closely linked for Nietzsche with  Christianity, arose historically out of the hatred of the weak for  the strong, of the slave for the master. But because their survival  necessitated the repression of the craving for power and revenge,  the weak internalized their aggressive instincts. The result  was an intensification of consciousness, and with it the development  of a punishing conscience. Having turned his desire for  outward revenge inward upon himself, the now "guilt-ridden  man seized upon religion in order to exacerbate his self-torment  to the utmost" (GM 226). To the very considerable extent that  slave morality achieved hegemony in the Christian West, revenge  upon the masters, now themselves humbled and disciplined by  the new dispensation, was achieved. But the victory, earned at the  price of surrender to "the most terrible sickness that has wasted  man thus far," was of course no victory at all. Driven by furtive  resentment of all that is noble and free, and inwardly tormented  by remorseless guilt, humankind was in thrall to a parched, punishing  regime. "What a mad, unhappy animal is man!" Nietzsche  declares (GM 226).  
  It is perhaps the most painful irony of all that humans are innocent  of the terrible guilt unleashed upon them by their proud  but utterly groundless morality of good and evil. "My demand  upon the philosopher is known," Nietzsche proclaims, "that he  take his stand beyond good and evil and leave the illusion of moral  judgment beneath himself." Where there is no possibility of  wrong there can be no real guilt, only its crippling illusion. "The  bite of conscience," he insists, "like the bite of a dog into a stone,  is a stupidity." The historical assault on the free outward play  of instinct was for Nietzsche the commencement of all our mortal  woe. "Every naturalism in morality," he argues, "every healthy  morality—is dominated by an instinct of life.... Anti-natural  morality—that is, almost every morality which has so far been  taught, revered, and preached—turns, conversely, against the instincts  of life." More directly and succinctly still: "All that is good  is instinct—and hence easy, necessary, free."  
  Who that has read Mark Twain's most famous novel can fail  to be reminded of Huck's words at the end of chapter 18, when  he has escaped the murderous, moralizing Christian civilization  along the shore and rejoined his friend Jim on the raft in the  middle of wide Mississippi? "We said there warn't no home like a  raft, after all. Other places do seem so cramped up and smothery,  but a raft don't. You feel mighty free and easy and comfortable on  a raft" (HF 155). The fugitive boy's feelings directly reflect those  of his maker, who enjoyed drifting down great rivers precisely  because of the peace of mind—and most especially the freedom  from nagging guilt—brought on by the journey. Ten days of  rafting on the Rhone in 1891, Twain wrote to his friend, Joseph  Twichell, left his "conscience in a state of coma, and lazy comfort,  and solid happiness. In fact there's nothing that's so lovely."  A kindred sentiment surfaces to view in the title of Twain's unpublished  manuscript The Innocents Adrift, a section of which  was posthumously published in Europe and Elsewhere. "To glide  down the stream in an open boat, moved by the current only,"  and thereby to experience "a strange absence of the sense of sin,  and the stranger absence of the desire to commit it," was for  Twain the height of attainable mortal bliss.  
  But of course neither the writer nor his most famous protagonist  were able for very long to avoid the shore, and the inevitable  anguish awaiting them there. Huck's subsequent "adventures"  present constant and baffling challenges to his sense of right and  wrong. At one crucial juncture, when his instinctive loyalty to  Jim draws him into conflict with conventional values, he rounds  toward a Nietzschean perspective on morality. "Well, then, says  I, what's the use you learning to do right, when it's troublesome  to do right and ain't no trouble to do wrong, and the wages is  just the same? I was stuck. I couldn't answer that. So I reckoned I  wouldn't bother no more about it, but after this always do whichever  came handiest at the time" (HF 128). Despite his resolve,  Huck underestimates the subtle and tenacious authority of the  moral scheme in which he is entangled. In time, however, when  complete disenchantment finally sets in, he decides to sever all ties  with Christian civilization. "I reckon I got to light out for the Territory  ahead of the rest," he reflects, "because aunt Sally she's going  to adopt me and sivilize me and I can't stand it. I been there before"  (HF 362).  
  Twain and Huck are closely akin to Nietzsche in their approval  of instinct, of all that is easy, natural, and free, and in their  corresponding impatience with Christian civilization and its irrational  tyranny of conscience. During his long, varied, and often  tumultuous life, guilt was the humorist's special curse. "The  Facts Concerning the Recent Carnival of Crime in Connecticut,"  in which Twain claims to have murdered his odious conscience,  makes comedy of what was in fact a permanent blight on his spirit.  "Remorse was always [his] surest punishment," observes Albert  Bigelow Paine. "To his last days on earth he never outgrew  its pangs." The moral burden was compounded by his perverse  habit of blaming himself on occasions when others were the victims  of suffering for which he had no direct responsibility. Years  after her father's death, Clara Clemens paused to comment on  this dominant strain in his makeup. "If on any occasion," she observed,  "he could manage to trace the cause of someone's mishap  to something he himself had done or said, no one could persuade  him that he was mistaken. Self-condemnation was the natural  turn for his mind to take, yet often he accused himself of having  inflicted pain or trouble when the true cause was far removed  from himself." Twain's moral anguish takes clear if oblique expression  in A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur's Court. "If I had  the remaking of man," muses Hank Morgan, "he wouldn't have  any conscience. It is one of the most disagreeable things connected  with a person; and although it certainly does a great deal of  good, it cannot be said to pay, in the long run; it would be much  better to have less good and more comfort" (CY 219).  
  Like Nietzsche, Twain was increasingly persuaded of both  the groundlessness and the destructiveness of the conventional  Christian distinction between good and evil. During the last decade  or so of his life, his views coalesced in a bitter attack on what  he called "the Moral Sense." Satan, the "hero" of The Mysterious  Stranger, speaks quite clearly and directly for Twain in excoriating  humanity as a  
  paltry race—always lying, always claiming virtues which it  hasn't got.... Inspired by that mongrel Moral Sense of his! A  Sense whose function is to distinguish between right and wrong,  with liberty to choose which of them he will do. Now what advantage  can he get out of that? He is always choosing, and in nine cases  out of ten he prefers the wrong. There shouldn't be any wrong;  and without the Moral Sense there couldn't be any. And yet he is  such an unreasonable creature that he is not able to perceive that  the Moral Sense degrades him to the bottom layer of animated  beings and is a shameful possession. (MS 72–73)  
  (Continues...)  
  
     
 
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